Ethiopian Women for Peace and Development
Jan 25, 2007

We, members of the Ethiopian Women for Peace and Development (EWPD) are extremely concerned about the current situation in Somalia and Ethiopia’s involvement. We strongly believe that this war was ill-conceived interference and will have dire consequences both for the peoples of Ethiopia and Somalia.

Since its establishment in 1991, EWPD has been consistently struggling to promote peace, respect for human rights, democracy and good governance in Ethiopia. It has been opposing any government policy designed to destabilize the countries in the region. For instance, EWPD strongly opposed to the 1998 war between Ethiopia and Eritrea. It campaigned against the war by organizing candle light vigils in front of the Ethiopian and Eritrean Embassies. It appealed to both Ethiopian and Eritrean governments to stop the war without any conditions and resolve the conflict by peaceful means. Unfortunately, no amicable solution has been reached to date to solve the problem between Ethiopia and Eritrea. During that war, more than seventy thousand people died and several thousands were displaced in both countries.

At present, another cycle of war or violence with dreadful consequences has unfolded. The Ethiopian government interfered in Somalia’s conflict in support of the Transitional Government. It is our strongest conviction that no one will gain from this war. On the contrary, it is creating a situation whereby both countries and the region, as a whole could be destabilized.

The peoples of the two poorest countries in the world, Ethiopia and Somalia, will be pushed into a more devastating poverty that cannot be easily alleviated. The Somalia people are still suffering from a devastating clan war and lawlessness that has denied a stable central government after the fall of the dictator Said Barre, 15 years ago. The suffering of Somalia children and women has increased since the recent upsurge of fighting in the country. Thousands of women, children and the elderly are displaced. With the closure of Kenya’s borders and international aid agencies leaving the war-torn country innocent civilians particularly women and children are trapped with no humanitarian assistance.

The people of Ethiopia have suffered for over 30 years because of internal conflict, famine, and human rights abuses by successive governments. The Ethiopians, the young in particular are paying a heavy sacrifice. Currently, thousands of young Ethiopians and opposition party leaders are in prison because of their opposition to the government’s manipulations of the 2005 elections and its human rights abuses.

We therefore appeal to all peace loving people to demand that:

1) Ethiopia withdraws its forces form Somalia.

2) The people of Somalia must be encouraged and supported to resolve their internal problems through peaceful negotiation;

3) The international community such as the United Nation and African Union must be involved to help the situation in Somalia.

Ethiopian Women for Peace and Development
5505 Connecticut Avenue, # 259, Washington, DC 20015
United States of America
Email: EWPDA @Yahoo.com

Short biographies of Ethiopian Writers (compiled 2005 -2006) in Amharic with photos. Click here – pdf

By Mohamed Diriye Abdullahi
Hargeisa, Somaliland

Many people in Somaliland and especially the leadership have always thought they had a good friend in Meles Zenawi, Ethiopia’s helmsman for life, and that he would assist Somaliland’s quest for recognition when the moment was right.

In public, Meles and his advisors have always maintained that the only thing that was keeping them from extending a formal recognition to Somaliland was the fear that doing so would exacerbate the situation in Somalia proper, as such an act would ostensibly may hurt the feelings of the people of Somalia. Indeed an Ethiopian foreign policy paper heralds that stance.

But by now, it should be plain to all that Meles is a clever Janus [two-faced]. If avoiding angering the people of Somalia was a principle of foreign policy for his regime, that stance has been already rendered pointless by the invasion of Somalia; as we speak Meles’ hordes are roughing, raping, and killing the people of Somalia. This is much more serious than upsetting the nationalist sensitivities of a people. It is subjugating them, and robbing them of the right to determine their future.

So what are Meles’ true intentions on, first, Somalia? By sending his army to Somalia, with the blessing and support of his old paymasters in his guerrilla campaigns against that the other former dictator, Mengistu Haile Marian, Meles has shown that he has no intention of helping to establish a viable and democratic government for Somalia. His real intentions are:

(a) to establish a puppet regime, headed by the reptilian colonel, Abdullahi Yusuf, a man who like Meles has no understanding of what democracy means. Such a regime serves him better than anything else, as it would be weak and at war all the time with Somali resistors;

(b) to send a clear signal to Ethiopian rebel and/or opposition movements (and there is a plethora of them, armed or unarmed) that Meles is still the king of beasts in the jungle that is the Horn of Africa; the message here is: abandon all hope, ye resistors; let the fate of the Islamic Courts of Somalia serve you as an example of what will be happen to movements that
dare try Meles’s hand.

So, what are his intentions on Somaliland?

Somaliland has a record of good governance and trail-blazing democratization that the benefits the whole region. Would Meles at least not recognize the merits of a peaceful and democratic Somaliland in the Horn of Africa? Of course, a sane person would immediately recognize the merits of a peaceful and democratic Somaliland in a war-plagued region. But is Meles actually sane? Likewise, a democrat would at least concede the right of the people of Somaliland to determine their future within the confines of the colonial boundaries of British Somaliland. But Meles is no democrat.

Meles knows the naivety of Somaliland’s leadership, and has no respect for them—not that they do have enough material and human resources to insist on a respectful relationship with him, but because they have neither the experience nor the talents to transform such resources into a powerful projection of sovereignty.

Therefore, for Meles, Somaliland is a minor chip and it is mostly likely that he has already used it as a deal sweetener with the reptilian colonel. Already, it appears that the said reptilian colonel, and his running jackal, Mr. Gedi, have set their eyes on the booby-trapped prize that seceded Somaliland is — the pair is already seeing dollar signs all over Somaliland’s revenue generation resources such as the Port of Berbera. You aint seen nothing yet: this is the beginning of another round of vicious inter-Somali wars, and sly Meles would probably be smiling for decades to come, for has with one stone (the invasion of Somalia) killed two birds (the
Islamic Courts of Mogadishu and his enemies in Ethiopia).

To save tranquil Somaliland from the impending calamity, it is high time that the government of Somaliland, and its ministers, instead of spending their energies on silencing the guardians of our liberty, independent journalists, stood up to the real problems that will make or break Somaliland. This is a turning point in history and instead of sleeping at the helm they should charter a new course for the republic, one that relies on one else but ourselves. Above all, they should send a strong signal to all that that Somaliland’s friendship cannot be taken for granted and that its peaceful existence is not a sign of weakness. As the cliché says, “a country has no permanent friends, but only permanent interests.”

This is the day to say and do that and tomorrow would be too late. If they do not stand up to the task, those who covet this tranquil unrecognized republic would take it by force, and without doubt if that happens it will back to the guerrilla war of the SNM, the very war that led to the collapse of the Siad Barre regime of Somalia, as there is no way that the people of Somaliland will accept to be coerced back into the fateful union with Somalia.

The odds are that there will be much more misery and many more deaths than has so far happened in the warlord wars of Somalia. The reptilian colonel and his running jackal, Mr. Gedi, doubtless do not care whether they unleash another calamity on the fractured Somali communities; as for the naive leadership of Somaliland, instead of sending out unequivocal messages to all, standing firm on sovereignty and preparing the defensives, are sleepwalking us to a disaster foretold; and well, Meles, why the heck should he care if Somalis themselves have not the brains to stop the bloodletting among themselves, especially when it serves him so well.

By Kidane Alemayehu

The Meles regime invasion of Somalia and the ongoing stabilization process presents an opportunity to make a sober assessment of the prospects for future developments in the Horn of Africa. Essentially, current circumstances clearly indicate that the sub-region is, again, at the crossroads of history: either a move towards a positive outcome of a strong collaboration between at least Ethiopia and Somalia will be facilitated or a negative impact will result from a possible mishandling of the situation by the two regimes. While a positive outcome would be a historic and a major turning point in the sorry relationship between the two countries, a negative one would constitute yet another disaster that would only enhance the twin enemies of the two nations: poverty and instability.

With Ethiopia’s population of around 77 million and those of Somalia’s and Eritrea’s 10 and 5 million respectively, perpetrating and winning wars against its neighbours is not something to be particularly proud of or brag about especially taking into account the affinity among the people in the region in terms of culture and history. The term: “neighbourhood bully” would, therefore, be quite apt under these circumstances despite alleged involvements of Ethiopia’s external enemies. A bully, by definition, is a coward who takes a special joy in tormenting someone weaker than him/her. There is no doubt that the conflicts that took place in the Horn of Africa in recent years were a result of poor leadership and not, as some suggest, the prevalence of mutual animosity among the people of the region who, after all, share a common history and destiny.

This is the second occasion that the current regime in Ethiopia has engaged in a conflagration against one of its relatively small neighbours. The first one that took place against Eritrea in 1994 was tragic as well as ironic: tragic because about 100,000 Eritreans and Ethiopians perished in that needless war; and ironic because it was the Ethiopian regime itself that mistakenly facilitated Eritrea’s cessation for the ostensible purpose of fostering peace and development between the two countries. They have, however, achieved neither peace nor development as a result of that unfortunate miscalculation. In fact, they continue to be engaged in a state of tension that could result in another mindless and tragic conflict which, in the opinion of this writer, can only be avoided by redressing the historic mistake of disunity and ethnicism.

As regards Ethiopia’s intervention in Somalia, there are differing perspectives on its justification. On the one hand, it can be stated that it did not comply with the UN Security Council Resolution No: 8887 which had provided for a military force that should have been deployed through IGAD from among countries excluding Ethiopia and Somalia’s other neighbours.

There are also those who emphasize that the main reason for the sudden military action by the Ethiopian regime was to divert attention from the heavy pressures it has been reeling under as a result of its rigging of the 2005 national elections, the subsequent killing of peaceful demonstrators, and its consequent increasing rejection by the Ethiopian people.

On the other hand, it is claimed that Ethiopia was forced to act because the Union of Islamic Courts (akin to a mouse that roared at the sight of a lion) declared a jihad against it. UIC was also on the verge of taking military action against Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government which was supported, at its request, by the Ethiopian government. Ethiopia’s speedy success in routing UIC has created an aura of “real politic” which has virtually quieted any meaningful criticism of its military intervention. However, the presumption is that Ethiopia, if the regime’s words are to be believed, will withdraw once the IGAD peace-keeping force will be deployed in Somalia. The question is whether the African Union and IGAD will have the wherewithal to deploy the force in an expeditious manner and whether Ethiopia will comply with its declared commitment. This will further depend on the extent to which the international community would provide the required resources to facilitate the deployment of the force thereby bringing peace to the region, a pre-requisite to the avoidance of conditions that would otherwise promote international terrorism.

It is important to note here the crucial role played by USA in the unfolding situation in Somalia. It is well known that it supported Ethiopia’s invasion of Somalia and, furthermore, conducted an air attack in the south. Ethiopia should bear in mind that whatever support it receives from anywhere, Somalia is its permanent neighbour and that any action it takes should be on the basis of the long-term mutual interests of the two nations. USA should also be well advised that in order to wage an effective war against international terrorism in the Horn of Africa, it should address the issues of poverty afflicting the sub-region and also influence the TPLF led regime in Ethiopia to respect human rights and democracy in the country. Whatever partnership may exist between USA and the regime would be meaningless if it is based on a relationship that sustains power by negating the people’s choices including the rigging of elections and the incarceration of the elected members of parliament and the media on phony grounds. Basically, USA ought to recognize that its arch enemies in the Horn of Africa and those of the people in the region are: absence of democracy, abuse of human rights, poverty, and pandemic diseases such as malaria, HIV/AIDS, TB, etc. all essential elements for breeding international terrorism. A region that is rich in natural resources including its agriculture, and water that supplies 86% of Egypt’s water needs, is subjected to frequent famine mainly due to poor leadership and the international community’s inadequate and misplaced response.

Ethiopia’s prompt withdrawal from Somalia immediately after the IGAD force settles in could have a great potential for bringing peace and development in the Horn of Africa. Ethiopia would not be seen as an invading force. On the contrary, it is hoped, it would be perceived as a friendly neighbour which contributed to Somalia’s sovereignty, stability and peace. For the first time in the checkered history of the two nations, genuine prospects for a socio-economic and political collaboration could ensue if only the leaders of the two countries would subdue their myopic interests and adopt a far sighted approach of regional integration and harmony for the Horn of Africa including Somalia’s other regions (Somaliland and Punt), Eritrea, and Djibouti.

With the achievement of peace and stability in the area, the available substantial resources including agricultural, water, energy, extensive port facilities, as well as the abundant population could be put to good use for the alleviation of the region’s grinding poverty and diseases. The governments and people of the region as well as the international community could, therefore, be beneficiaries from the extensive economic development activities.

Whether Ethiopia would be seen as a neighbourhood bully or a harbinger of peace would depend on the actions it takes during the coming few months. Based on its actions within Ethiopia and Eritrea so far, the prospects for a judicious use of power for the long-term interests of the poor people in the region appear to be dim. However, it is hoped that in the least, the international community including USA, EU, the UN, the African Union, and IGAD would prevail on the two nations to take advantage of this unique opportunity to move effectively towards peace and development instead of their perennial wasteful conflicts.

By Ali Osman Samater

Soon after the collapse of the dictatorial military regime of Siad Barre in January 1991 the Somali people went through a long, anarchic and painful agony, caused by clan-based warlords mainly in the south of Somalia. This historical phase came to an end in June 2006 when the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC) managed the miracle of re-establishing personal security for the people living in Mogadishu after expelling its warlords. However, a few weeks later the Islamists started a holy war against peaceful towns and villages in the surrounding regions. This Islamist jihad was akin to the disastrous crusade led by Gen. Aideed more than a decade to establish his clan’s hegemony over most of the south of Somalia. While totally ineffective at uniting the country and establishing even a regional administration, that crusade was the main cause of the 1993 famine and mass starvation in the region around Baidoa, the city of death. In a similar fashion, the recent-day Islamists, while bringing security to Mogadishu, brought back only war and instability outside. They only opened the capital’s airport and seaport in order to cover the financial needs for their jihad against the rest of Somalia , but couldn’t even manage to establish a functioning administration in the city, let alone in the surrounding regions.

The major subjects of the Islamists’ propaganda were Ethiopia and its support for the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) rather than our national problems whose solution required sincere dialogue and true internal political reconciliation. The overrated but primitive Islamist groups around Hassan Dahir Aweis (a self declared sheikh) and Indha’ade (another leader common known by his nickname) sought backing from outside radical Islamic ideologists and financiers, thus becoming active part of their international network and project. Their contribution was going to establish a radical and imported brand of Islam over the whole of Somalia. Within a short time, they attacked relatively peaceful regions in Somalia like Lower Juba, Middle Shebelle, Bay, Bakool, Hiiraan, Mudug, and Gelgudud.

While conducting their military campaign and revitalizing the dirty and bloody civil war driven by the horrifying political clan games among warlords and Somali clans like the Darood, Hawieye, and Rahanweyn, the Islamists also introduced draconian rules in the towns and areas under their control. They barred women from the streets, although they are the bread winners for hundreds of thousands of children and unemployed male relatives. They not only prohibited western music and movies but also our beloved Somali music. Socially and culturally, the Islamists put our nation on the fast track to the prehistory of mankind.

Against this background it is easy to understand how the current joint TFG and Ethiopian military operation in the south of Somalia is a logical response to the declaration of a jihad against them by the Islamists. And militarily, one of the main reasons for the swift reversal of fortune is that the Islamists sent almost exclusively teenage boys to the frontline in Baidoa and Buurhakabo against a small but experienced TFG security force backed by the formidable regular Ethiopian armed forces.

Now some Somalis, including some frustrated and opportunistic ones in the Diaspora, argue in postings on the internet, writings, and media interviews that Ethiopia is our historical enemy. Some even more irresponsibly argue that Ethiopia is our “natural” enemy, just like the Mogadishu Islamists used to do during their good old days. Such “natural” enmity, however, is a figment of their imagination. It is mostly a reflection of childhood psychological trauma and undigested and manipulated political and historical half truths, which have their deep roots in the colonial era and in the dictatorial regimes of both Somalia and Ethiopia.

The critical Diaspora Somalis especially do not appreciate the brutality of the civil war experienced by those who stayed behind, who no longer believe and will never again believe that Ethiopia is their natural enemy. Moreover, the Somalis living today in Hargeisa and Bosasso have had relatively good relationships with the Ethiopians for years. A few stories will illustrate my case. Somalis in the Awdal region commonly use the Ethiopian money (Bir) in their business transactions or for savings purposes, like it were a major foreign currency. The Somalis living along the road between Burao and Lassanod routinely provide water and food to the many Ethiopians on their way to attempting the often deadly crossing of the Gulf of Aden to reach Yemen and would not dream of considering them as enemies. And similar stories of close trading and personal ties with Ethiopia could be told for the peoples living in many other Somali regions like Hiiraan, Bay, Bakool, and Gedo.

The strong and successful Ethiopian military intervention requested and guided by the TFG has opened the opportunity to unite the country, rebuild the state, reinvigorate our economy, and give us a new voice in the international community. However, this intervention will only lead to the rebirth of our nation if the clan and Islamic extremists in our midst, especially in Mogadishu, do not mess up again, as they did in the past through the mobilization of women, armed teenagers, hooligans, and occupiers of public and private buildings. Ethiopians cannot and will not occupy Somalia, simply because they know well that such a task is far beyond their capacity.

If we Somalis seize instead the opportunities stemming from their declared and predictably short-term intervention, we have a chance to get out of our home-made tragedy. Ethiopians are our natural neighbor, not our natural enemy. This is the truer and the more realistic vision. This is also the only vision which offers our two nations a better future.

Ali Osman Samater can be reached at [email protected]