By Ali Osman Samater

Soon after the collapse of the dictatorial military regime of Siad Barre in January 1991 the Somali people went through a long, anarchic and painful agony, caused by clan-based warlords mainly in the south of Somalia. This historical phase came to an end in June 2006 when the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC) managed the miracle of re-establishing personal security for the people living in Mogadishu after expelling its warlords. However, a few weeks later the Islamists started a holy war against peaceful towns and villages in the surrounding regions. This Islamist jihad was akin to the disastrous crusade led by Gen. Aideed more than a decade to establish his clan’s hegemony over most of the south of Somalia. While totally ineffective at uniting the country and establishing even a regional administration, that crusade was the main cause of the 1993 famine and mass starvation in the region around Baidoa, the city of death. In a similar fashion, the recent-day Islamists, while bringing security to Mogadishu, brought back only war and instability outside. They only opened the capital’s airport and seaport in order to cover the financial needs for their jihad against the rest of Somalia , but couldn’t even manage to establish a functioning administration in the city, let alone in the surrounding regions.

The major subjects of the Islamists’ propaganda were Ethiopia and its support for the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) rather than our national problems whose solution required sincere dialogue and true internal political reconciliation. The overrated but primitive Islamist groups around Hassan Dahir Aweis (a self declared sheikh) and Indha’ade (another leader common known by his nickname) sought backing from outside radical Islamic ideologists and financiers, thus becoming active part of their international network and project. Their contribution was going to establish a radical and imported brand of Islam over the whole of Somalia. Within a short time, they attacked relatively peaceful regions in Somalia like Lower Juba, Middle Shebelle, Bay, Bakool, Hiiraan, Mudug, and Gelgudud.

While conducting their military campaign and revitalizing the dirty and bloody civil war driven by the horrifying political clan games among warlords and Somali clans like the Darood, Hawieye, and Rahanweyn, the Islamists also introduced draconian rules in the towns and areas under their control. They barred women from the streets, although they are the bread winners for hundreds of thousands of children and unemployed male relatives. They not only prohibited western music and movies but also our beloved Somali music. Socially and culturally, the Islamists put our nation on the fast track to the prehistory of mankind.

Against this background it is easy to understand how the current joint TFG and Ethiopian military operation in the south of Somalia is a logical response to the declaration of a jihad against them by the Islamists. And militarily, one of the main reasons for the swift reversal of fortune is that the Islamists sent almost exclusively teenage boys to the frontline in Baidoa and Buurhakabo against a small but experienced TFG security force backed by the formidable regular Ethiopian armed forces.

Now some Somalis, including some frustrated and opportunistic ones in the Diaspora, argue in postings on the internet, writings, and media interviews that Ethiopia is our historical enemy. Some even more irresponsibly argue that Ethiopia is our “natural” enemy, just like the Mogadishu Islamists used to do during their good old days. Such “natural” enmity, however, is a figment of their imagination. It is mostly a reflection of childhood psychological trauma and undigested and manipulated political and historical half truths, which have their deep roots in the colonial era and in the dictatorial regimes of both Somalia and Ethiopia.

The critical Diaspora Somalis especially do not appreciate the brutality of the civil war experienced by those who stayed behind, who no longer believe and will never again believe that Ethiopia is their natural enemy. Moreover, the Somalis living today in Hargeisa and Bosasso have had relatively good relationships with the Ethiopians for years. A few stories will illustrate my case. Somalis in the Awdal region commonly use the Ethiopian money (Bir) in their business transactions or for savings purposes, like it were a major foreign currency. The Somalis living along the road between Burao and Lassanod routinely provide water and food to the many Ethiopians on their way to attempting the often deadly crossing of the Gulf of Aden to reach Yemen and would not dream of considering them as enemies. And similar stories of close trading and personal ties with Ethiopia could be told for the peoples living in many other Somali regions like Hiiraan, Bay, Bakool, and Gedo.

The strong and successful Ethiopian military intervention requested and guided by the TFG has opened the opportunity to unite the country, rebuild the state, reinvigorate our economy, and give us a new voice in the international community. However, this intervention will only lead to the rebirth of our nation if the clan and Islamic extremists in our midst, especially in Mogadishu, do not mess up again, as they did in the past through the mobilization of women, armed teenagers, hooligans, and occupiers of public and private buildings. Ethiopians cannot and will not occupy Somalia, simply because they know well that such a task is far beyond their capacity.

If we Somalis seize instead the opportunities stemming from their declared and predictably short-term intervention, we have a chance to get out of our home-made tragedy. Ethiopians are our natural neighbor, not our natural enemy. This is the truer and the more realistic vision. This is also the only vision which offers our two nations a better future.

Ali Osman Samater can be reached at [email protected]