By Afura Burtukana

I have wanted to write on this title for a long time but the one thing that made me get through my procrastination is the Tigrigna Song by an artist called Shumiye, about the Prime Minister of Ethiopia (posted on Ethiomedia website). I have had debates with people from that ethnic group and people from other ethnic groups about the ‘lust between Tigres and Woyane’. Leaving aside the details of the debate, the fact that I had it with ‘both sides’ which have at times the same and at times different stances proves my point that there is no lust what so ever, and the only thing that exists is opportunists being what they are.

For those who are up to it; ‘Identity and Violence: The Illusion of Destiny’, is a book worth reading. It is written by the winner of the Nobel Prize and great thinker (adjective mine) Amartya Sen. With due apology to the writer for not presenting his work as expressively as he would have done, what the book is saying is:-

1. A rational human being bases his thinking and there for his decision on the issue
irrespective of the natural and man made factors that ‘define’ his identity.

2. There are too many factors natural and/or man made that a human being can be
categorized in to / or can identify itself as belonging/ that it simply is not possible to
shape its thinking based on them.

One can be male, smoker, middle income, professor, which likes to ‘avoid’ political discussions, a protestant and Tigre. Somebody else could be from that same ethnic group, a Muslim, member of one of the opposition parties, unemployed, non-smoker and a male. It is plausible that they may share some thinking based on the fact that they are both male and from the Tigre ethnic group (both factors taken separately). It is also, again, plausible that they could both be against, let’s say, same sex marriage / or even the very act of having sexual relationship with the same sex/ based on the mere fact that they are both religious. Yet, they may go in their own separate ways on the many other issues. On the other hand it is also plausible that they think different on an issue which they were ‘supposed’ to think the same if it was for the common ‘defining’ factor they share. Being a man as they are, you would think they would both rather do everything else but the laundry, and give every kind of excuse to their wife; but one of them might actually enjoy the ‘art’ of doing laundry. The core of the matter being a rational decision comes from those thinkers who put aside the identity presupposition and decide over and above that.

Scholars have devoted time, energy and resources in trying to understand the reasons behind ethnic tensions, or violence if you will. Some argue that ethnicity is biological so it is natural /reflexive/ to have tensions. Some say it is elemental in the sense that the historically accumulated hatred between different ethnic groups lead to violence. This theory assumes that there is a historical hatred but does not explain why there would or should be. Another argument for ethnic violence is the feeling of being from a high culture /’work hizb’/ as distinctive from the culture of other ethnic groups. A fourth perspective is what can be called the defensive one. Some ethnic group, accordingly, feel threatened by the state / government in power/ or even other ethnic groups. Herein, then, lies the logic for the politicization of group identity or the emergence of “ethnicity” and
“Ethnic conflict”: self-defense. Yet another view for ethnic conflict is what the intellectuals coined to be instrumental. It is different from the above views in that it is not ahistorical. It believes that ethnic violence is the result of projects designed to capture state power and control. The only way for ethnic groups to have national/cultural autonomy, they believe, is by providing power to the groups. But one has to be careful here because stable relationships between ethnic groups does not necessitate for one or the other groups to seize power. The necessity comes when the relationships is not stable. Identity is both egoistic and relational. As much as it looks inward and finds reasons for being distinct from others it must also exist in contrast to one or more other identities. If politics is about the struggle for power and resources, stable identity tend not to be subject to such struggles, in as much as the question of distribution of resources is settled. Where identities are not relatively stable and there is always the possibility of reallocation of resources, ethnic conflict is much likely. What this suggests is that ethnic and sectarian conflict, or cultural conflict, are not about ethnicity and religion or about culture per se, but rather about setting the terms of discourse in conflict over control of resources via state power control.

So why do many assertively think that there is a lust between the Tigre ethnic group and Woyane? Or, why would we think that Woyane will have the majority support of the Tigre’s irrespective of the issue? It is a fact that Woyane has its roots in and so stems from the rocky mountains of the Tigray region. By default the vast majority of its members and fighters / Tegadalay/ are from that region. When this force becomes the government, it should not come as a surprise if other ethnic groups become threatened. And this is so especially when the government machinery is deliberately being filled by members of that group. The government is also deliberately instigating violence and hatred among Tigres and other ethnic gruops. The ruling party, Woyane, portrays an image that it has the back up of the Tigres and is committing all the atrocities depending on that support. It paints the picture that everything in the region is a Bonanza and Tigreans are saying if it wasn’t for Woyane. On the other hand it is creating a fear among the Tigreans that go Woyane, it will be the dooms day for the Tigreans. Who was the Journalist that wrote an article on ‘Communist Tigray’ and paid dearly for it? All in all there is no stable situation in the country, Woyane has created it all. To understand the power of a one sided propaganda, it suffice to do a research on what was the most reason that led Germans to rally behind Hitler massively and turn against the Jews. It is propaganda and only propaganda that ‘made everybody insane’ and take a mass action recorded in History as the most despicable act unparalleled.

So, again it begs the question, why is Woyane creating hatred between Tigreans and the rest of Ethiopia? Why is Woyane, for that matter, creating abhorrence among all other nations in the country? Of course it is a power struggle and the feel that they need to control everything to survive. Power politics for them is a zero sum game in that they will have to have all or none. Still the question is why they need to divide the people in order to have it all.

Revolutionary Democracy is Woyane’s road map to controlling the economic and political state of affairs of the country, and stay in power. The seemingly market oriented capitalist document, has in between the lines Albanian style Marxism-Leninsm written all over it. It is as far to the left as it can get and believes in fundamental concepts like Class Struggle, ‘chikun hizboch’ says it all. It attempts a forced marriage between the thinking of the right and left of the spectrum; and so it is naturally doomed to fail. In the mean time though, the cadres read from this script and base their knowledge on it. When they are out on the field preaching and practicing it, chaos is inevitable. That is exactly what’s happening now. That is why there is a ‘them and us’ feeling. That is why there is a feeling that Tigres are having it all, and are giving their full support to Woyane for that. That’s why; on the other hand, Tigreans feel that their fate politically and economically is intermingled with the Woyane staying in power. That is why there is a growing feeling of abhorrence among the different ethnic groups of the country.

Myth aside, the fact remains there is no lust between Tigreans and Woyane. In fact it is this very ethnic group that fought and is fighting as hard, if not more, to make Woyane sit in a round table discussion with the opposition. It suffice to mention that Kinijit won their sweep vote in Addis Ababa, and little birdie told me that the ranks and files of Woyane had lost big time in Tigray. When Shumiye came out in the open and expressed his opposition in a fashion he knows best, it is an act of a rational person making a rational decision that is not influenced by the factors that ‘define’ his identity.

By Obang Metho
Anuak Justice Council

What lessons have we Ethiopians learned in 2006? Perhaps more than we realize! I will start with myself. As you all know, I, Obang Metho, am not a member of any political party. As I have said it many times, party membership is not my intention, neither is it the intention of our organization, the Anuak Justice Council. However, some people may wonder why the AJC speaks regularly about the political situation in Ethiopia. It is because the reason for our formation resulted from the massacre and other human rights violations directed at the Anuak people by the current TPLF government. We came to the realization that until the system of brutality established by the central government in Addis Ababa changed, the crisis threatening the survival of the Anuak would not be resolved.

As we learned that others across the country were experiencing the same kind of suffering as the Anuak, it became even more apparent that it was not an isolated problem, but one that encompassed most Ethiopians. To bring a halt to such terror would require a joint effort. The suffering could no longer be separated by ethnic groups. The suffering had become a problem of the Ethiopian people, as it was the same government who had brutalized the Anuak who was now openly creating an environment of terror for everyone who opposed them. The widespread injustice became a rallying cry for Ethiopians to come together to solve this shared human rights crisis. As a result, those in the AJC felt it was a moral responsibility to speak up for others who were suffering like the Anuak.

In the past year, we Ethiopians have found each other and discovered a way to work together. It has led us to the realization that we are more alike than different. Together, since this discovery, we have had a fast learning curve. We now know that the suffering we have endured because of our brutal and exploitive leaders, has been felt by millions of other Ethiopians. As we have become more tolerant of each other, we have together, reached our limit of tolerating leaders like Meles.

Ethiopians from all parts of our society are ready to throw away the model—the proto-type of such leaders! His type cannot be trusted even with some recycling of its parts—it must be discarded. In other words, to address our problem, we must address “our problem”—Meles and look-alike Meles’! We need a new type of leadership—leaders who are willing to put the interests of the people first—before their own!

Despite the fact that our Prime Minister has plunged us into a new war and restored some of his tattered image as a “hero” fighting extremism, the people in his country have a different vision for the future. They have new eyes for truth and a new eagerness for unity, peace and for the respect of all people, crossing any lines of differences that previously divided them. We have rediscovered each other and created an environment for change—and with this new environment, we are demanding a “new breed of leader.” Even though Meles has been called such a “new breed of leader,” we, along with the international community, have now discovered he is really the “old breed of leader,”—just more devious in nature.

For our future, we do not want a cardboard look-a-like of such a leader as Meles—one that merely talks the talk. Instead we want leaders who authentically live the life! For those who think you might follow in his footsteps, forget it! The Ethiopian people are ready to eradicate these kinds of leaders—just look at the election turn out for evidence of that. We are ready for a government that represents the people. The public knows that this kind of leadership like that of Meles, will only bring us more misery rather than peace, stability, prosperity, justice, equality and opportunity.
This is not to say we do not have any individual and group responsibility for mending our regrettable history of divisions, intolerances, breaches of trust and acts of serious wrongdoing between us, for we have contributed to this deception and hate-based politics for way too long. We must be accountable for that. However, a quiet revolution has started as we have had the taste of possible freedom. It has created a spirit of discontent that informs us of what we can and should be as a people and as a society, even if we are not yet there! Do not discount how important this is— awareness of a problem always precedes correction of it. Even our difficulties and pain will not be without benefit if we are wiser, kinder and freer in the future. We must persevere through these difficult times until we find durable peace. Yet, we must look at some of the lessons of the last few years so we do not miss what we must learn before moving on. To start with, the Anuak Justice Council would never have begun without the crisis of the Anuak. I was involved in humanitarian work in the Gambella region before the massacre of 2003. It was my own grief and pain—that still exists—that drove me to begin fighting against a system that has sold its soul for lust of power and gain at the expense of the poor and weak of whom they are supposed to protect.

There are several important lessons here. First, we all must guard ourselves against compromising our values. Instead we must let our consciences rule over our actions so that we do not sell our souls in similar ways. We came into this world without anything but our souls and that is our only possession when we leave before meeting our heavenly judge. What we do on this earth matters. Yet, because we cannot always trust even ourselves, we must create laws and transparent systems, which will more easily hold all accountable. Hopefully, the motivation amongst Ethiopians for such a climate of greater accountability is something that has increased during this last year.

Secondly, we must focus on improving the human rights and life conditions for the living and those to be born, not dwelling on the dead. In other words, this fight is not just about holding the guilty accountable or seeking personal revenge, but it is about creating a government and civil society that continues to hold people so accountable for their exploitive, corrupt or abusive behavior towards other human beings, that it significantly reduces further incidences of such behavior in the future. However, because of guilt that could encompass many, we must find a way to bring reconciliation between victims and perpetrators, between ethnic groups and other groups who have been divided, neglected or injured.

Thirdly, we need a new compassion for others who are suffering amongst us. When we Ethiopians came together this past year at the crossroads of each other’s grief, we began to better recognize each other as human beings like ourselves. In the past, this has not happened like it should have as we remained in our protective groups, interested mostly in ourselves, alienated from others and not caring about the suffering of others.

For instance, in the 1980s, the TPLF stood up against the oppression, injustice and marginalization of their own people. Why did others in power not take a stand for them? Understandably, Mengistu terrorized the people making many afraid to take a stand, but this is not enough of a reason. Eventually, other repressed people did stand up for their own freedom along side the TPLF, including the Anuak who had formed the Gambella People’s Liberation Movement (GPLM) and the OLF because the TPLF was talking about democracy and human rights for all. However, when the TPLF came into power, they quickly forgot about how it felt to be terrorized by their own government, becoming the new perpetrators of terror. Mengistu had been recycled into Meles!

When the Anuak were massacred in December of 2003, did other Ethiopians cry out in their behalf? Not really. Just check past records to see how few articles or statements of concern covered this horrific event.

It was not until the killing of protestors in Addis Ababa following the elections and the testimony in front of the U.S. Congress Sub-Committee on Africa that the paths of the Anuak and other Ethiopians converged. We have learned much together since that time, but whom have we left out? There are many more Ethiopians from whom we have not heard—or perhaps listened to!

Fourthly, we should consider who we have identified in 2006 to be the real heroes and enemies? Well, for sure, the real heroes are not the leaders in the Diaspora! The true heroes—those who made a difference—are the people of Ethiopia who rallied by the millions and are continuing to do their best in an increasingly repressive society! Some lost their lives and freedom as a result. Our heroes include the 26 million people who voted, not for people here in the Diaspora, but for people who are now in prison who could have chosen to live in exile, but instead are now locked up. The heroes are also those Commissioners of the Inquiry into the post-election violence who stood up for truth at their own expense.

It is all of these people who inspired others in the Diaspora to take action. Keeping that in mind, we who are outside of Ethiopia can help fight, but the real struggle is being carried out by the people back home. They have not given up. They did not die. They are still there in Ethiopia. We in the Diaspora are support groups and will always be supporters, but not the driving force of change.

Yet, when we have fought for leadership here in the Diaspora, the real enemies to this movement may have become ourselves! In doing so, we may have contributed more to killing the movement than any outside antagonists could have done. The real warriors for freedom are still fighting for it in Ethiopia—they are still there while our energy is being drained by our infighting. But those at home had hoped that with our technology, our education, our resources and our access to strategic people and institutions that we would have been able to contribute much more.

If, as some suspect, there are Woyane amongst us, sabotaging our efforts, let us create new ways to circumvent such undermining conflict. Like in Dr. Berhana Nega’s book, Dawn of Freedom, we need to not prolong the darkness. To do so, we may need to let go of our personal agendas or the agenda’s of our groups. This is not about a struggle for freedom and human rights in Ethiopia that can be carried out by one group, political organization, ethnic group, region, armed group or religion. It is about a common struggle where we must be careful that all are included in the effort and fruits of that fight.

If one carefully looks at the current ruling party, what you will see is a government made up of only a few from a minority group in Ethiopia, the Tigrayans. This small elite group has looked out for its own, heaping power, financial benefits and opportunities to the faithfully loyal TPLF party members or their EPRDF puppets from other ethnic groups. It makes us realize that it is not about Tigrayans because many who disagree with the brutal tactics of this government are not included in sharing the benefits of their power. On the other hand, some Ethiopians from most every ethnic group have joined with the ruling party and have reaped the benefits. For example, in Gambella, where the Anuak have been living in terror for the last three years since the massacre, an Anuak man is the TPLF appointed governor of the region, effectively carrying out the TPLF agenda to the harm of the Anuak and others in the region. The same thing is happening in most other parts of Ethiopia where the regional governors and leaders are not Tigrayan, but of the same ethnicity of the local people. Thus, it is absolutely not a problem of Tigrayans versus all other Ethiopians. Instead, this struggle is between those who value human life and the principles of freedom and justice established by our Creator and those who devalue others to advance their own self-interests. Yet, for those who would never join with Meles and his cadres, there are those who still indirectly support the ruling government by more passive means.

Some of us in the Diaspora are wanting to remain passive in order to be able to return to Ethiopia to do a business with the same government who is terrorizing and killing our people, making such people part of the system that enables this government to continue. Instead, if we look deeply enough into a solution to this crisis, we realize that we are affected by one disease that requires one shot to cure it and that shot is our unity. Such unity must include our fellow Tigrayan brothers and sisters who stand up for freedom and justice. If we exclude them, they may feel that they will have to hang on to the “Woyane” for their survival even though they are in opposition to what the TPLF stands for.

The question becomes, what can we do now? By free election, the EPRDF would never have won. However, ask yourself—how did they gain so much power and control? The answer is—through dividing the rest of us. The biggest fear of this government is speaking out together in unity. Some who have just come from Ethiopia say, even in the rural areas, the mood is that when the next election comes, they will vote against this government. The EPRDF has forced many to join their ranks, but the word is out that their allegiance is only superficial and will change as soon as there is an alternative.

The biggest fear amongst those back home is that there will be no viable political opposition in place for the next election. It is those next five years following an unopposed election of 2010 that would be the biggest blow to them. We must take action so that does not occur. They expect those of us in the Diaspora to create an organization or movement that could launch a viable replacement that could transition them into a valid national election that gave people choices and one that was carried out to meet the highest international standards.

The people are afraid that if anything happened today, tomorrow or next month, which sent the “Woyane” running, that there is no strong and trusted opposition or organization prepared to provide transitional leadership. What we do know is that the Ethiopian people do not want a Meles, a Mengistu or any other recycled version of the two who would pretend to be “a new breed of leadership” before becoming another tyrant!

Unfortunately, when we examine the lessons of 2006, we must also look at our failures, as understanding our failures might provide the best lessons of how to succeed in 2007! In light of this, we must admit that despite the promise of such groups as the Kinijit, the UEDF, the AFD, the OLF, ENUPF, EPRP or others, nothing materialized for many reasons. Yet there is good in each of these and in many other organizations not mentioned. Kinijit divided in two and there is no sign of them coming together or of one of them gaining the overwhelming trust of the people. For a long time, I have not made a public statement because I am not a member of the party and do not know the inside situation, but as their conflict has become more publicly obvious and as I continue to be asked about this, I will comment.

We all know that within the Kinijit, something was done wrong, but since the two groups have split there does not seem to be any pressure from any direction to reconcile this division. Now, it is worsening and affecting all of us and has become personal. Also, the majority of people are claiming that one group is gaining more support, but as long as the two groups exist, both claiming to be the true Kinijit and possessors of the manifesto, the public will see them as two and the effort will be hindered. Perhaps this will improve in the coming months; however, it might take time. Yet, it is the Kinijit that has created the fertile environment for seeking our freedom and many in the Kinijit have sacrificed for that. That sacrifice should lead us to continue our struggle for freedom, peace and justice.

If I may have your permission to ask you to pause for a moment here; have we lost the true meaning of Coalition for Unity and Democracy? How is it that a Coalition with a massive support of Ethiopians under a united front with a mission to bring about true democracy in Ethiopia, turned to an instrument of division amongst ourselves?

Please do stop to think for a moment… have we failed thousands of gallant Ethiopian women, children and men who died for our Country; Our elected leaders, our prisoners of consciousness, our journalists and many of our brothers and sisters that are languishing in jail today across the country? Have we not been afforded unconditional love from our lost ones who died for our children’s future? Who do we think we are to allow ourselves to fall victim, to become instruments of division for the empowerment of Woyane? Is this how we are going to repay those who fought for our freedom– by fighting and dividing amongst ourselves?

My brothers and sisters, there are those including myself that will neither tolerate, nor stand by and watch the spread of this vicious virus of divisiveness that Meles and his supporters infected us with; it is rampantly spreading through our blood streams until its job is done — until, we kill each other or kill any hope of peace, justice and freedom for Our People and our Country.

No, We will not stand for that. I challenge you to either come forward leaving your personal or group’s agendas behind and put your Country’s future first; or choose to lay victim to this virus and continue to spread the message of hate, division and self destruction. Which path will you choose?

There are those of us who are prepared to jump start a mission of love and unity which will in turn transform itself to, respect for one another; from which human rights, justice, equality and the rule of law with democracy at its side will flourish in our land; we are finally on a focused path to ridding our system of this deadly virus of divisiveness and on our way to reclaiming what is Ours, Ethiopia and its rightful place in this world; a nation free of tyrants, dictators, corruption and poverty.

Those who have knowingly or unknowingly created division amongst themselves, amongst those of us back home and in the Diaspora will no longer have a place!

The year 2007 and beyond is a time for Zero tolerance of division! Fight to cure yourself from this vicious virus of hate! Step up to the plate and fight for Unity; fight for our brotherhood and sisterhood! Our work in unity will not be done until those who have committed the grave crime of human rights abuse and murder are brought to justice in international courts and charged for the grave crimes they have committed; our job will not be done until all of our elected leaders, prisoners of consciousness, journalists, innocent victims currently incarcerated, are released; our work will not be done until democracy, equality, justice, peace and the rule of law reigns over Ethiopia; our work will not be done until our country is free of dictators and their evil ways; our work will not be done until those of us who want to return home and serve our country are able to do so.

My compatriots, our work has just begun. Our political leaders in Qaliti Prison and in other Detention centers around the country have chosen to be there rather than compromise their position as the recent letter from Dr. Yacob Hailemariam, former Norfolk University professor and the top attorney for the U.N. tribunal on war crimes and genocide in Rwanda, has explained. Dr Yacob expressed his deep concern over the unjust and unfair trial by the TPLF party. He said that it is only through reconciliation that healing and enduring peace will come to Ethiopia.

I hope that the Kinijit leaders in North America surprise us by sacrificing wherever possible for the sake of their leaders in Qaliti prison and for the sake of the Ethiopian people—through such reconciliation or through resigning from their positions, even if they know they are right.

The AFD was a new, truly extraordinary attempt to bring various groups together in a new partnership of cooperation, but we have not yet seen the execution of their hopes and vision. Yet, the formation of the AFD showed the readiness to change and to accept one another, especially because it was formed by liberation groups who had wanted to secede from the country. This in itself proves that if there were to be a good government that demonstrated equality for all, there would be few who would want to break away.

The AFD was a real threat to the existing dictatorship and are the first to come to the table to join so many diverse groups for a common cause.

Even though the UEDF did not join the AFD and even though we do not know all their reasons, they are a political party that stands up for a better and more peaceful Ethiopia and is a group that should have a major role in the future of Ethiopia. They need to continue with their work, but we should not be working against each other or we all will lose. They have much experience and strength to contribute to the cause.

The OLF is another organization that has demonstrated that they are for Ethiopia and this is why they joined the AFD. They should be applauded for joining an organization that speaks up for the country in addition to their own people who have been so harshly persecuted and repressed. It shows that they care for the unity of Ethiopia despite what some might believe. They have wanted to secede for some understandable reasons, but have shown a willingness to contribute to the whole of Ethiopia.

The same situation applies to the people of Ogaden who are part of the ONLF and also joined the AFD, speaking up for all Ethiopians as well as for their own people who have been so neglected and who are now, even suffering more because of the invasion of Somalia. They have shown courage and strength as they have endured ongoing human rights abuses for years. We need them and they need us. We must also include the people of Sidamo who demonstrated the same willingness to join together for a united, free, democratic Ethiopia. Other regions, like Gambella, the Southern Nations, the Benishangul region, the Tigrayan region, the Afar region and many other places who have not been included in the AFD, but yet many of them support the formation of a government that respects and represents all of its people. All of these groups, should they truly sustain unity, could see the formation of a new, vibrant Ethiopia that could give opportunity to all.

Whatever our political agendas are, we all have the same common goal. That goal is to have a free society where our ethnic rights are respected across the entire country. We have different organizations, but we are fighting for one thing and that is a peaceful Ethiopia where people live in harmony with justice equally given. We have learned that we are all in the same boat together going for the same fertile ground as one. If the boat capsizes, we will all go down together. We must all, including myself, take responsibility for our failure to yet launch such an organization or movement that could unify the Ethiopian people. Such an organization does not have to be a political one, but should be an organization that has the respect, trust and credibility to speak on behalf of all Ethiopians for a broad agenda that would lead to the democratization of Ethiopia.

We have had four hard blows to our future hopes for Ethiopia since the massacre of the Anuak in 2003: (1) the hijacking of the National Election of 2005, (2) the killing and detaining of protestors related to the failed democratic election, (3) the imprisonment of the elected Opposition leaders, and (4) the division within the Opposition party.

Many Ethiopians may say that Ethiopians, as well as Africans, will never change. In frustration and disappointment, they will go back to improving their lives in the Diaspora, escaping from facing the difficulties going on with their people back home. However, in doing so, we may have given up the struggle just short of victory. Remember, it is just before the dawn begins to show its light when the darkness is the greatest. Instead, those willing to keep up the effort must encourage others to do the same.

God will help us if we genuinely seek His help and follow His ways, but those ways may mean not worrying about our own political aspirations and instead being willing to serve each other and those back home with no reward other than attempting to do the right thing.

Consider Jesus’ rebuke of his disciples when they became competitive with each other, wanting to be the greatest and most important: “…a dispute arose among them as to which of them was considered to be greatest. Jesus said to them, “The kings of the Gentiles lord it over them; and those who exercise authority over them call themselves Benefactors. But you are not to be like that. Instead, the greatest among you should be like the youngest, and the one who rules like the one who serves. For who is greater, the one who is at the table or the one who serves? Is it not the one who is at the table: But I am among you as one who serves.” Luke 22:24-28. Jesus later in the same chapter tells one of the most well-known disciples, Peter, that Peter was going to deny his association with Jesus three times. This greatly humbled Peter, but Jesus told him that He would pray for him, that after Peter was humbled, he would be able to strengthen his brothers.

What lessons can we get from this? The most important is this: when we leave our pride and ego behind, we will be better able to serve our brothers and sisters of Ethiopia who should be our guests of honor at the table. If we feel we have something to contribute, come forward. Each person is needed to help with the huge task ahead—but come as someone willing to serve. We have already failed in many ways, but let us admit it, humble ourselves and go out to strengthen our brothers and sisters, knowing more as a result of our failure. Let us pray that God helps us. We need each other. Together we can be interwoven together to make a colorful fabric like the wide variations amongst the many Ethiopian ethnic groups. Those of us who have taken leadership roles this past year, must learn the lessons of 2006 so we can show new solidarity in 2007 in order to get “the work” done! Many are saying, ‘Obang, do something,’ but this job cannot be done by one person, two persons or by a hundred. The work of the Anuak Justice Council, even though very small in size, has been about people, Anuak and non-Anuak, men and women, some back home and many here who have all contributed in different ways. The same is needed for the people of Ethiopia.

I am willing to contribute my share, but first I want to ask the public to write down what you want to be done and then—not me, but “we” can do it together. I would be willing to be a referee or moderator between politicians, civic organizations and other interested parties as long as they are willing to work together and as long as we have the resources to do it.

In concluding my thoughts on lessons from 2006, I must recognize how much becoming part of the Ethiopian community personally enriched me. I want to extend many thanks to the many Ethiopians who have touched my life. You were people I did not know, but I have found we are alike. You were people I never would have met if it had not been for the tragedy of my people and our country. Together, we have discovered the joy of new relationships. We have discovered our mutual humanity, breaking down years of misunderstanding, suspicion and alienation. The best of 2006 is that we now can help each other through this struggle for a future for our children and grandchildren who will eventually live together despite their color, ethnicity, religion or language.

I first came forward from my independent life in Canada to speak out because of the death of my loved ones in the massacre of December 2003, but now in 2006, God has eased the pain of my loss by bringing about unexpected new relationships between many Ethiopian people so alike in our hearts and minds. Even though those loved ones can never be replaced, I have been greatly touched by the many new people who have become part of my life. This is the best gift of 2006. In 2007, may God teach us how to continue to build a more loving and caring society in our beloved country of Ethiopia.

Let us go forward, humbling ourselves, serving each other and looking to God for our help during this next year.

“May the God of hope fill you with all joy and peace as you trust in him, so that you may overflow with hope by the power of the Holy Spirit….Be completely humble and gentle; be patient, bearing with one another in love. Make every effort to keep the unity of the Spirit through the bond of peace.” (Romans 15:13 and Ephesians 4:2)

Thank you. If you have ideas for what you see could help us in this effort, please email those thoughts and suggestions to: [email protected]

(Full text of Prof. Al Mariam’s speech in Seattle on January 28, 2007 )

Good afternoon Friends, Ladies and Gentlemen:

Welcome to this event honoring special heroes in the struggle for human rights in Ethiopia.
Before I introduce our guest speakers today, I would like to ask you to join me in a moment of silent meditation and prayer in remembrance of :

193 Ethiopian children, men and women murdered because they committed the crime of exercising their human right to petition for grievances by vocally protesting the theft of an election, the thousands of other Ethiopians who were maimed, who lost their limbs, became paralyzed or otherwise suffered great bodily harm for going out into the streets to stop a daylight robbery of an election, and the defiant and heroic leaders of Kinijit, the human rights defenders and civic leaders who languish in jails and prisons today in Ethiopia, and the many thousands of victims of torture and human rights abuses.

Thank you.

Before I introduce our guest speakers, I would like to thank certain individuals and organizations for sponsoring this event in Seattle today.

First and foremost, I would like to thank Ethio-Americans in Seattle for working collaboratively with the Coalition for HR 5680 in organizing this event, and for coordinating the itinerary of our guest speakers tonight.

Ethio-Americans in Seattle has been in the vanguard of the struggle to promote human rights in Ethiopia. We are especially indebted to them for their unflagging and unwaivering support of H.R. 5680, also known as the “Ethiopia Freedom, Democracy and Human Rights Advancement Act of 2006.”

I want to specifically recognize two individuals whose contributions to the human rights struggle in Ethiopia is second to none.

I want to thank my good friend and free press defender Abreha Belay, and the tireless young men and women who work to make Ethiomedia.com our window into our homeland.

Zenawi thought he could silence Abreha by charging him with laughable and bogus crimes. But Abreha did not even blink. He kept on telling the truth and exposing Zenawi’s lies.

Abreha, thank you for being our voice.

I want to thank my good friend and fellow lawyer, Shakespeare Feyissa. As we all know, Shakespeare was the first fireman who showed up on the scene when Zenawi tried to burn down our First Amendment right to free speech by using the American court system to muzzle criticism of himself and his regime. But it did not take much for this young and brave fireman to put out Zenawi’s fire.

Thank you Shakespeare for defending the greatest and most precious of all our American liberties — the right to free speech — and for giving Zenawi his first practical lesson in the ways of free people.

Let me also thank Ato Sileshi Tilahun for coordinating the logistics of the events here, and the Ethiopian American Council of Portland and our dedicated friends from Vancouver, Kinijit Hebret, Kinijit Seattle and all of our friends who publicized this event in the community and those facilitating things in this hall today.

Thank you all very much.
Let me thank all of you again for coming here this afternoon.

I am happy and honored to be here with you today, as are our guest speakers.

It is my special privilege to be with the most energetic and dynamic Diaspora advocates of human rights in Ethiopia, bar none.

Now, I do not make this statement lightly, but rather grudgingly, because I would have liked to reserve that description for my hometown of Los Angeles.

But don’t rest on your laurels because many of us in LA, DC, NY, Boston, Chicago and others places are working hard to snatch away from you the title of “most energetic and dynamic Diaspora advocates of human rights in Ethiopia.”

My friends: I wish I and my distinguished friends had come here today to talk about pleasant things.

Perhaps share with you entertaining stories about a Christmas vacation we had in Ethiopia and all of the fun we had, and the carefree time we spent there.

Or talk to you about a summer of travel throughout the Ethiopian countryside enjoying the beauty of Ethiopia and its people.

Or even to report on the findings of a scientific or historical research on the land of 13 months of sunshine.

Perhaps even talk about the big houses we built there and the millions of dollars we invested and made there.

We are not that lucky, my friends.

We are here to talk about murders and attempted murders that occurred over a 14 day period in 2005: June 8, 2005 in Addis Abeba, and November 1-10, and 14-16, 2005 in Addis Abeba, in Oromia, in the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and People’s Region and in the Amhara Regional States.

We are here today to talk about 193 cold-blooded murders, and 763 attempted murders.

Now, these casualty figures are just for starters.

If so many murders occurred over a 14-day period, I will let you do the arithmetic and calculate how many tens of thousands of murders and attempted murders have taken place all over Ethiopia over a period of 15 years.

Now, the murders that we are talking about today are not ordinary heat-of-passion murders, or murders that occur during the commission of an ordinary robbery.

No, these are calculated political murders intended to send chills of terror in the bodies of every man, woman and child in Ethiopia.

These are signal murders, murders intended to telegraph to every corner of the country that the ruling regime will resort to massacres and carnage to keep itself in power.

These are murders of individuals intended to strike fear in the hearts of the people, and execute their spirits and souls, and destroy their yearning for freedom and liberty.

These are murders committed as part of a systematic program of state terrorism– a program of violence unleashed on a civilian population by those who have control over the state apparatus.

Now, there is no question — none whatsoever — that these murders were committed.

We have a mountain of evidence on these murders that dwarfs Mount Ranier, not too far from here.

We have testimonial evidence from 1300 witnesses, including survivors of indiscriminate shootings, and bystanders who saw the murders being committed.

We have evidence from the families of murdered and injured victims.

We have evidence from over 1,000 Edder leaders who coordinated the funeral services of the murder victims.

We have the medical records and autopsy reports, expert analyses and investigative reports, official statements, daily police logs and photographs of murdered and severely injured victims of indiscriminate gunfire, and a total of 16,990 documents proving the commissions of these murders.

So, there is no doubt whatsoever that these murders and attempted murders took place on the dates I mentioned above.

Today, we are here to find out the identity of the murderer of:

1. Tensae Zegeye, age 14, died from a high caliber bullet wound to the head
2. Debela Guta, age 15, died from a high caliber bullet wound to the head
3. Habtamu Tola, age 16, died from a high caliber bullet wound to the head
4. Binyam Degefa, age 18, died from a high caliber bullet…
5. Behailu Tesfaye 20, died from a high caliber bullet…
6. Yusuf Jamal, age 23, died from a high caliber bullet…
7. Adissu Belachew 25, died from a high caliber bullet…
8. Tiruwork G. Tsadik 41, died from a high caliber bullet…
9. Admasu Abebe, 45, died from a high caliber bullet…
10. Elfnesh Tekle 45, died from a high caliber bullet…
11. Abebeth Huletu, 50, died from a high caliber bullet wound to the head
….
189. Regassa Feyessa, 55, died from a high caliber bullet wound to the head

Then we have other murder victims whose identities are known to God but not to Man:

190. Victim No. 21760, male, died from a high caliber bullet…
191. Victim No. 21761, male, died from a high caliber bullet…
192. Victim No. 21543, male, died from a high caliber bullet…
193. Victim No. 21762, age 75, (female), died from a high caliber bullet wound to the head

Yes, we are here today to find out the identity of the mass murderer of these men, women and children, these martyrs.

Now you may ask, who are these victims?

I have never met any one of them in person, or even heard of them.

But I do know something for sure about them.

They were somebody’s son, somebody’s daughter, somebody’s father, somebody’s mother, somebody’s sister, somebody’s uncle, somebody’s aunt, somebody’s grandmother or somebody’s great grandmother.

I also know something else.

I know these murder victims were our brothers and sisters, who intoxicated on the sweet potion of democracy and inspired by the promise of freedom poured out into the streets to taste the sweeter flavor of liberty for the first time in their country’s 3,000-year history, only to be cut down like blades of grass.
So, my friends, we are here today to find out the identity of the murderer of our brothers and sisters. And after you hear the evidence from our witnesses, you will surely know beyond a shadow of a doubt.

Today you will hear from the murder victims and those victims who barely survived with their lives. They will speak to you from their graves and from wherever they are nursing their near-fatal bullet wounds.

You will hear their cries and wails for justice in the meticulous, dispassionate and unimpeachable reports of the members of the Inquiry Commission.

And no tribunal, no court or forum of justice can have more convincing and more persuasive witnesses than the witnesses we have here today.

No witness in the Diaspora can speak more eloquently, more knowledgeably, or more truthfully on behalf of the murder victims and the thousands of others who have been victims of arbitrary arrests and detentions and torture than the Chair and distinguished member of the Inquiry Commission, and the former Deputy Attorney General.

And now, I would like to introduce to you these witnesses.
Our first witness is an extraordinary young judge. Born in 1975, Judge Frehiywot Samuel graduated from the Faculty of Law of Addis Ababa University with an LLB degree in 1997.
Judge Frehiwot has held numerous positions in his short but amazing professional life.

He began his career as a legal advisor to the head of the Southern Nations Nationalities and Peoples Regional State in 1998. That same year, he was appointed to the bench of the Supreme Court of Southern Nations Nationalities and Peoples Regional State.

Judge Frehiwot has held numerous positions of significant responsibility. He was the President of Supreme Court or Chief Justice of the Southern Nations Nationalities and Peoples Regional State.

He has also served as Chaired the Supreme Court Plenum and the Regional Judicial Administration Commission.

Judge Frehiywot was appointed as Chairman of the Independent Inquiry Commission by the Ethiopian Parliament to investigate the clashes that occurred after the May 2005 elections. His appointment letter from the Parliament vouches for his integrity, professionalism, impartiality and high ethical standards.

Judge Frehiwot speaks English and five different Ethiopian languages.

As if all that is not enough, Judge Frehiwot was also the Editor-In-Chief of the Journal of Law of the Supreme Court. (Debube Yiheg Metshet).

Would you please give a round of applause to Judge Frehiwot.

We also have his wife Genet with us today. They got married a few days before Judge Frehiwot went into exile. Genet please stand.

We are indebted to Genet for standing by her man through these difficult times.

Our second witness is Ato Mitiku Teshome. Ato Mitiku is the father of two children and a lawyer by profession.

Ato Mitiku worked as a legal advisor and consultant for different organizations and institutions, including the Catholic Church in Ethiopia. He was also a private entrepreneur and ran his own consultancy business.
Ato Mitiku was appointed to become a member of the 10-person Inquiry Commission, and his letter of appointment attests to his integrity, professionalism, impartiality and high ethical standards. Ato Mitiku was one of the eight members of the Commission who voted to find that excessive force was used to quell protests that erupted following the May 2005 elections. Ato Mitiku was the third Inquiry Commission member to follow Judges Frehiwot Samuel and Wolde-Michael Meshesha into exile.

Our third witness is Ato Alemayhu Zemedkun. Ato Alemayehu received his LLB from the Addis Ababa University Faculty of law. He started his career as a High Court prosecutor, and served in that capacity for seven years. He was subsequently promoted to the position of Cession Bench Prosecutor for the Ethiopia Supreme Court, and served in that position for four years. Ato Alemayehu also served as Senior Expert at the Legal Research Institute for 3 ½ years. In 2002, he was promoted to Deputy Attorney General, Civil Division. He held that position until he was forced to leave the country in August 2006.

In November, 2005, the State Minster of Justice, Dr. Hashim Mohammed, directed Ato Alemayehu to bring civil action against the jailed opposition leaders, human rights defenders, journalists and civic leaders, and obtain a multimillion dollar judgment against them for alleged damages caused by the protesters.

Ato Alemayehu declined to file the civil action because there was no evidence to link these individuals to any tortuous acts committed by any of the protesters.

He advised his superiors that proceeding with a civil suit against the jailed defendants, and very likely losing the lawsuit, could result in a multi-million dollar judgment against the government for filing and prosecuting a frivolous and groundless lawsuit.

By refusing to become a tool of injustice and taking such a heroic act, Ato Alemayehu thwarted Zenawi’s carefully laid plans not only to put the Kality defendents in the jailhouse, but also send their families to the poorhouse.

I am missing a fifth witness. This witness first broke the truth about the murders and indiscriminate use of deadly force against unarmed protesters in the aftermath of the May, 2005 elections.

This witness carried the evidence — the documentary and other physical evidence on his back and crossed the wilderness and desert, stalked not only by the wild beasts of prey, but also shadowed by Zenawi’s goons and thugs.

At every checkpoint, this witness resolved his life was over because if any enemies of truth had discovered the evidence he was carrying, that would have been the end for him.

But through God’s grace he made it into exile in Europe.

And so, I regret to say that Judge Woldemichael Mesehsa will not be with us here in person today. We hope to have him join us long distance by telephone. (Judge Woldemichael was subsequently able to join the discussions by phone broadcast to the audience by a public address system.)

I call to the podium our first witness, Judge Frehiwot Samuel.

Closing Remarks
(Because of time constraints, the following closing remarks could not be delivered and were withheld.)

In my introduction, I said that today you will find out the identity of the mass murderer of innocent men, women and children on those dates investigated by the Inquiry Commission.

So, I am going to ask you a few questions:

Who murdered and maimed the hundreds of men, women and children in June and November 2005?

Were they murdered by untrained soldiers who were trying to defend themselves against a violent mob using deadly force against them?

No. None, none of the protesters was armed.

Were they murdered because of confusion and the improper channeling of orders and commands to the soldiers?

No. The orders were clearly channeled. There was no confusion in the directives sent to the soldiers. The order was: “Aim to the head and shoot to kill.”

Were the victims murdered and maimed by trigger-happy soldiers?

Well, the soldiers may have pulled the trigger. But there was an invisible hand, yes, there was one invisible hand that pulled the fingers that pulled the triggers.

Now, you know the true identity of the mass murderer! We are truly fortunate to have these young truth-tellers with us this afternoon. We hope you have learned a great deal about the human rights situation in Ethiopia. The evidence they have presented to us today is as informative as it is shocking. But this afternoon we have learned the truth about human rights abuses in Ethiopia today. It would be ungrateful of me not to offer a few comments on the reception and sheer enthusiasm for human rights, truth and justice that we have seen in Seattle today.

This large hall is packed to capacity, and I can see from the head table towards the back, there is barely any standing room left.

As I reflect sitting here on the huge turnout, I ask of myself what it is that “you got in Seattle that the vast majority of us in the Diaspora don’t got.”

Is it the energy of youth? Is it the harmony of collaborative work? Is it your keen awareness that concern for human rights transcends all political ideologies and differences? Is it a question of leadership, organization, tolerance and respect among yourselves? Could it be a case of super-patriotism for you? Or is it the water in the Evergreen State?

Whatever it is, you need to share your secrets with us. You have the template for collaborative work, and a solid track record for delivering on your promises. We are indebted to you for doing more than your fair share in the cause of human rights in Ethiopia over the past year.

So, thank you Seattle for giving the Inquiry Commission members such a magnificent send off.
They return to the East Coast overwhelmed by the warm embrace of your love, and the deep respect and honor you have shown them.

If they ever had any doubts that they had done the right thing in sacrificing everything for the truth, let me tell you that they have no doubts today. You have reaffirmed their faith that they did the right thing when they stood up for truth and justice, and walked out to make sure all of us knew the unvarnished truth.

I believe they will take back one message from their visit with you here today. “Onward, Onward, Messengers of Truth! Preach the truth to all of Disapora Ethiopia.”

So, on behalf of Ato Frehiwot, Ato Teshome and Ato Alemayehu and myself, thank you Seattle. Thank you for the privilege and honor of being with you, and may God bless you all!

Hooray! Seattle rising! Seattle shining!

Los Angeles (AR) 01.20.2007 – Demonstrators, that call themselves “Concerned Ethiopians and Ethiopian Americans in Los Angeles,” angrily shouted slogans when Ethiopia’s Councilor Taye Ezeke Selassie entered the Korean Church at Fairfax Av., Little Ethiopia, to open a town hall meeting he called on Saturday, January 20, 2007. “Leiba, Leiba, Leiba, (meaning thief in Ethiopian language of Amharic) Killer, Murderer,” the crowd shouted when the councilor passed by the crowd to enter the auditorium in which he expected over 100 Ethiopian supporters of his government but ended with less than 10 that entered the hall deafened with the complaints outside of the hall. Most of the invited gusts did not show up scared of the demonstration that was announced ten days before the meeting. Some who showed up joined the crowed blaming the government for illegally imprisoning party leaders and Journalists and other political activists as well as massacring demonstrators in the street of Addis Ababa in the aftermath of the may election.

The demonstrators composed of Ethiopian residents in LA regardless of partisanship to religions, ethnic groups and political parties lined in front of the Korean Church auditorium shouting slogans that condemn the totalitarian government of Ethiopia and its tyrant leader Melese Zenawi. Some of the slogans that the demonstrators hold reads; “Melese is a tyrant,” “Down with Tyranny, ” “Democracy for Ethiopia now!” “Stop Killing Now!” “Melese is a Killer!”

According to one of the organizers the demonstrators had swarmed the Korean Church Administration with tens of telephone calls demanding to halt the meeting but refused to do so saying that it was too late. Instead it looks like that the church had to inform the police that surrounded the church on Saturday morning only to worsen traffic juxtaposition. This incident of traffic conjunction created conducive condition for the demonstrators to hand out leaflets that describes the cause of the demonstration.

Hundreds of leaflets and flyers have been dispersed. One such leaflet with a title of “Press Release” reads that “On May 15, 2005, 26 million Ethiopians went out to vote and with a clear majority voice said that ‘It is time for change.’ A change for democracy, freedom, human rights and the rule of law which has been lacking for l5 years of EPRDF rule in Ethiopia.”

It is however noted that the EPRDF robbed the voice of the people to declare itself winner of the election it lost by far to the opposition parties that made a coalition at the start of the election. The EPRDF cracked protests in the street of Addis Ababa killing tens of demonstrators that supported the winning opposition party and throwing the winners in jail accusing them of felony and genocide. In line with this the Press Release says:

“ In the aftermath of the May 2005 election, Ethiopian Government forces killed nearly 200 unarmed civilians and critically wounded over 700 demonstrator. Thousands of civilians have been thrown in jail. Of those jailed over 100 top Kinijit leaders, journalists, human rights defenders have been charged with treason and genocide, thus resulting in the reversal of the democratic process in Ethiopia.” Organizers of the demonstrators claim exiting triumph over the government agents and vow to free Little Ethiopia in LA from activities of conducted by agents of Ethiopian tyrant Melese Zenawi.

(AR [Assigned Reporter]. The organizers of the demonstration assign the reporter of this news)