South Africa was plunged into political chaos today after 11 cabinet ministers, including internationally respected Finance Minster Trevor Manuel, resigned in support of Thabo Mbeki who was kicked out of office after losing a bitter power struggle within the ruling African National Congress (ANC).
Opposition parties termed the exodus, which also saw three deputy ministers leaving the government, a disaster for the country’s stability. Mr Mbeki is believed to have asked cabinet members to stay put in the interests of stability.
Independent analysts said it showed the depth of division within the ANC and predicted it could ultimately lead to a realignment of the ineffective opposition.
Analysts believe younger pro-Mbeki supporters, who now face years in the political wilderness, could be tempted to launch a new party.
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“It now longer a split, it is a chasm… the ANC is hopelessly divided – even if some of these ministers will accept to serve a new president and go back in government for the sake of unity. They were asked not to do this, but made the gesture to show the depth of anger within the party,” said one ANC insider.
Ian Davidson, parliamentary chief whip of the opposition Democratic Alliance which has largely failed to resonate with black voters, said the move could lead to the creation of a new “black” political party and hasten a much-needed political reshuffle.
“We need a realignment of politics in this country… the ANC is tired. All people of all colours who respect the constitution and independent institutions should be together under one banner,” he said.
The news of Mr Manuel’s action spooked the markets, already jittery that the triumph of Mr Mbeki’s arch foe, ANC President Jacob Zuma, would mean a lurch leftwards.
The Rand immediately fell some 2.5 per cent against the dollar and the Johannesburg Stock Exchange dropped about four percent. Both recovered slightly after Mr Manuel was forced to give an impromptu press conference in Washington saying it was a question of protocol and he remained ready to serve a new incoming administration.
The ANC later said it had asked him to remain as Finance Minister and would also re-appoint some of the other ministers who had stepped down to give the ANC’s new man, Kgalema Motlanthe, a free hand.
Mr Motlanthe will be sworn in on Thursday when the current president’s resignation formally takes effect. Parliament, which is dominated by the ANC, today voted 299 to 10 to approve Mbeki’s exit which brings to a humiliating end the nine-year administration of the man who succeeded anti-apartheid icon Nelson Mandela.
Only 14 years after the end of apartheid, the ANC dominates politics in the country and is expected to once again triumph in what will be the country’s third democratic election. However, many disillusioned voters are now expected to remain home, cutting the ANC’s overwhelming majority in the National Assembly.
The ANC said on Monday it wanted Mr Motlanthe, 59, as a caretaker president. He is expected to keep the seat warm for Mr Zuma who is not a member of parliament and cannot take over until after the next elections, now expected in April 2009.
The president’s office said the ministers’ resignations would also take effect on Thursday.
Those leaving include Deputy President Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, who spearheaded a turnaround of the country’s AIDS policies, and Local Government Minister Sydney Mufamadi, a key negotiator in the Zimbabwe crisis.
Both are close allies of Mr Mbeki and would have not proved acceptable to the backers of Mr Zuma. The caretaker president however is seen as appealing to a far wider spectrum of people within the ANC and will see some of the resignations as a blow to his hopes of reuniting the party ahead of next years poll.
Kgalema Motlanthe
— Elected ANC deputy president in December last year and appointed to Cabinet this July
— Defended Jacob Zuma against corruption allegations after he was sacked by Thabo Mbeki in 2005
— Believed to be about 59, is a former student activist, a trade unionist and a soldier in the ANC’s disbanded military wing
— Jailed on Robben Island with Nelson Mandela under the apartheid regime
— Elected secretary-general of the ANC in 1997 on the retirement from politics of Cyril Ramaphosa
Source: Reuters
– – – – – – – – – – Motlanthe named new South Africa president
By Hassan Isilow, Daily Monitor Correspondent
ANC president Jacob Zuma has suggested that his deputy Mr Kgalema Motlanthe will be acting President of South Africa when Thabo Mbeki finally steps down.
Addressing a press conference yesterday in Johannesburg, Mr Zuma said his party had forwarded Mr Motlanthe’s name to Parliament awaiting its approval.
“Once Parliament approves comrade Motlanthe’s name then he will become our interim president,” Mr Zuma told a press conference at the ANC house.
Asked why the ANC had chosen Mr Kgalema Motlanthe as their favoured candidate, Mr Zuma said “Kgalema has all the potential to govern and stir this country in a good direction”.
Mr Mbeki, who presided over South Africa’s longest period of economic growth, said in a televised address on Sunday he had tendered his resignation after the ANC asked him to quit before the end of his term next year.
The ANC made its request eight days after a judge threw out corruption charges against party leader Jacob Zuma, suggesting there was high-level political meddling in the case.
There are striking similarities between the political careers of Mr Motlanthe and the ANC President Mr Zuma. The two are long serving members of the ANC Party and actively participated in the freedom of South Africa resulting into their imprisonment.
The two were sentenced to a prison term of 10 years each to Robben Islands for their political activism.
He was born in 1947 and is currently the ANC’s deputy president and minister without portfolio.
He was appointed to Parliament in May after the death of an ANC Member of Parliament, which clearly paved a way for him to become a cabinet minister.
Mr Motlanthe was appointed as minister without portfolio in July after the executive asked President Mbeki to bring him into Cabinet so as to manage the transfer of power when Mr Mbeki steps down at the expiry of his term in April 2009.
While working as minister without portfolio Mr Motlanthe was responsible for the co-ordination of government business.
He was a former student activist, trade unionist and soldier in the ANC’s disbanded military wing UmKhonto we Sizwe. He was elected as the ANC’s deputy president in December 2007.
Analysts had speculated that the ANC executive had wanted Mr Motlanthe to be appointed in Cabinet so as to gain leadership skills at a time when the ANC President Jacob Zuma was facing corruption charges, therefore implying that he would be the party’s second choice had Mr Zuma been sentenced to prison.
Mr Zuma, who holds no government post, is all but certain to become head of state in an election in 2009.
ADDIS ABABA, ETHIOPIA – When I wake up in the morning all I can think about is what my trip to work will be like. Nothing was different this chilly morning. My outlook on the day suddenly became as foggy as the Kiremt (Amharic for the July-August rainy season).
I’m not unusual. In Addis Ababa weekday transportation is everyone’s biggest headache, except for those few private car owners.
Let me try to give you a picture of what I face when I get out of my house (actually my parents’ house. Yeah, I know, I’m still mamma’s boy).
The small “square” where the taxis meet in transit — in other words, where they dump one set of passengers and stack up with new ones — is already packed with hordes of people. One vacant taxi crawls slowly towards the herd of people waiting impatiently. Anxious faces turn up, hearts begin racing and feet soon follow. The taxi comes to a halt; everyone braces themselves for what’s to come and the crowds start to fight their way into the narrow doorway of the minibus.
There are certain ground rules (though not written, well accepted) that we, the daily taxi customers, know and follow. The first and most important rule is this: everyone for themselves, whatever it takes.
You can’t be helping your loved ones get a taxi and get one for yourself. Instead, you could — or should — use them as a human shield when the need arises. The second guideline is that some training in short-distance running comes in handy. When the taxi opens its door a few hundred metres away, your quick dash past the weak and the elderly may be just what puts you on the next flight to work.
Another rule of thumb is the bilateral push method. You should let other people push you from both sides, as long as they are behind you. This will help propel you further towards the taxi doorway. Stepping on other people’s feet is not a crime.
Last, but not least, check where the taxi is going after securing your seat on it. The worst part is over. If the taxi is not headed in your direction, you can leave immediately in the safe knowledge that there will be no pushing, pulling or being stepped on during your exit.
Just the other day I had been waiting and waiting and waiting for a taxi. I was, of course, running late. From far, far away I saw one slowly approaching and decided I was going to be on it. With athletic determination coupled with the adrenaline of fear of being late for work, I started racing for the door, oblivious to my surroundings. I heard a scream here, a gasp there and, I think, a bone cracking somewhere. I had no intention of slowing down or apologising to anyone to whom I might have caused a mishap. Breathing hard, but triumphant, I became one of the lucky ones to get on the taxi. When I got back from work that evening, my mom was telling the story of how she had missed the taxi because she was stomped by her own son — me. I told you, it’s all about determination.
Not to mention what happens amid the pushing and pulling. There is the unnecessary touching and the uncalled-for groping. But, believe me, this is the least of your worries. You should really beware of those who are waiting for an opportunity to relieve you of your property. I lost a wallet once and, on another occasion, an important document. I once had my watch broken. Though the watch had sentimental value, I was grateful that it was not my wrist, seeing how fierce the struggle was.
As the saying goes, old habits die hard — if they ever die. People are so used to wrestling for a seat that you see them manhandling one another against the taxi door, even when you can demonstrate that there is room for everyone in that taxi, and then some.
At times you can see people jostling to get out of a taxi. If you are in that taxi, you can’t help thinking that you might have been dozing and that the taxi has caught fire. On the worst days, at the climax of the tussle, you see an open taxi door, three or more people stuck at the door trying to be the next lucky one on the taxi, people pushing from behind, the car swaying and no one getting in. Several seconds go by and nothing happens until someone breaks the pack and makes it into the taxi.
Oh gosh. I’m late for work, gotta run … Wish me luck.
(Abiy Temesgen is a physician. He works at Tikur Anbessa Hospital in Addis Ababa. He does not own a car. “Don’t let the title doctor fool you,” he says. “In Ethiopia we are mostly average-income citizens.”)
I read your letter to Senator Russ Feingold, Representative Donald Payne and to all Members of Congress of the United States.
Let me examine the pertinent points contained in the letter, discarding the irrelevant, in order to build-up your case, with respect to the proposed Bill S 3457 by Senators Feingold and Leahy, and the earlier Bill HR 2003 that passed in the U.S. House of Representatives.
Basically, your opposition to the Bill is based on the assumption that it will lead to the loss of sovereignty; hence Ethiopia will be a “protectorate” of the United States. Your assertion is farfetched.
The question is whose sovereignty? The people or the ruling elite? Which of the two? The people of Ethiopia do not have sovereignty throughout their history. Sovereignty is the prerogative of the ruling elite, in our case, Meles Zenawi, Sebhat Nega and Berket Simon, who are the sovereign power in the exercise of it. Virtually, sovereignty rests within the ruling circle domain.
Mr. Tecola, if the U.S. Senators genuinely stood on the side of the people, unlike the Executive branch of the U. S. government, what is the harm? The Bill will attempt to restrain and curb the tyranny and abuse of power by Meles and Company.
Have you forgotten the post-2005 election crackdown on the position and supporters by the regime? What lesson can be drawn from the consequences of that horrendous episode? In the uneven balance of power between the government and the opposition, as well as the uneven level of playing field and rule of the game, you said, “the problems Ethiopians have with the government of Meles Zenawi is the business of Ethiopians, and solving our problems and fighting our fights by ourselves,” than seeking external aid. Such a cursory remark is hallow and empty rhetoric. TPLF itself came to power with considerable external aid. It is sustained by external aid. And there are many examples in the world. Your TPLF supporters, including yourself paraded in the corridors of the U.S. Congress to influence the position of the U.S government against the Mengistu regime.
Let me be clear, that I have supported the 1974 popular revolution, but I was not a supporter, or sympathizer of the Mengistu regime, then, nor for EPLF/TPLF either. What is the difference between Tecola Hagos and AL Mariam and his associates? Infact, the latter is on the side of history.
Being self-righteous, you are of course; negative to examine the other side objectively. To be fair, one key aspect of a difference between the two regimes, — the constitution of Ethiopia under Mengistu was voted by the people in a referendum, while the constitution of Melse Zenawi was voted by hand picked members of the National Assembly, the people of Ethiopia. In the process, the people of Ethiopia were excluded. Now, Mr. Tecola, your concern in the guise of sovereignty, is the threatening sovereign power of the troika, Zenawi, Nega and Simon. Real sovereignty is the prerogative of the ruling elite of TPLF, not the people of Ethiopia.
Anther point, Why are you posturing as an Ethiopian super patriot? Or perhaps a true Tigrean patriot? Are you trying? To save Melese and Company, in order to preserve the Tigrean hegemony over the rest of the Ethiopian people? Your patriotism about greater Ethiopia, which it was historically is, a veil to conceal your narrow Tigrean nationalism. It amazing fashion, you sound jingoistic. Why all this fuss? Fundamentally, the passing of the Bill [if it pass], in the Senate will facilitate in establishing some of the eight points enunciated by the Coalition for Unity and Democracy [CUD], now Unity Justice and Democracy Party], and other leaders lead, to “an independent judiciary, the media, the Electoral Board and the role of the armed forces/ security, and other demands, will not undermine the interest of the Ethiopian people. On the contrary, it will lay down the groundwork for building democratic institutions, to insure liberty, democracy and the rule of lows. The people of Ethiopia seek freedom to choose their leaders. They want to think and assemble and to express their views freely. They must be free first to be imbued with sovereign rights that come with all the attributes of a sovereign nation. Unfortunately, they are not free now. It requires enormous sacrifice and struggle. You are indulging in fantasy and abstract theory that has no relevance to the people. The relevance of sovereignty is to the ruling circle, which are the beneficiary of it, mainly, Meles Zenawi, Sebhat Nega and Berket Simon.
The seventeen years of suppression and subjugation of the people is all there to see, coupled with poverty, disease and hunger. What should be clear to any impartial, reasonable and rational human being is, in the 21st century, the people of Ethiopia are not citizens. They are subjects of TPLF/EPRDF rule. It must also be clear, that there is a distinction between `state` and `nation`.
Mr. Tecola, why do you really care about the survival of Meles and Company? It seems that you want to circle the wagon with your Tigrean compatriot. That is your real concern. This phenomenon is a curse to be avoided, not only by the Tigreans, but all the different nationalities of Ethiopia. It is a manifestation of backwardness and reactionary outlook. You deliberately grouped the oppositions along with Ethiopia’s historic enemies, such us Egypt, Sudan, Saudi Arabia, Syria etc… this is a misrepresentation and distortion, devoid of objective reality. What you are asking the opposition is to surrender to the Melse` rule. It is tantamount to that, and the message is clear.
The problem with you, as stated in your book, Democratization? Ethiopia [1991-1994] “My views are rather more inspirational, rendered from the heart than analytical.” I will add that your brain is subordinated to your heart; hence you are inconsistent, irrational, contradictory and arrogant. Sometimes, you have the tendency to jump into the river against the tide and vise versa, without principle and character of integrity. Do you remember what you wrote in your web site a few years ago, that Ethiopians are incapable of resolving their problems, and as result, they are killing each others? Thus, as an alternative, you have suggested a “bold vision”, [As you put it] that Ethiopia to be ruled by foreign nationals, specifically, American and British academics, including Bill Gate, one of the richest people in the world, for the transition period, until the Ethiopians matured with a democratic political culture. How does your “bold vision” Correspond with your concern for the loss of “sovereignty” and Ethiopia as a “protectorate” of the U.S.?
Remember also what you stated, in your book, “what is in existence at this moment in Ethiopia is the concentration of power in the hands of a tiny group of people, a government controlled and run at will by Meles Zenawi and his close associates with no meaningful accountability”, and further more you stated that “what remained in power since 1991 is an illegitimate power structure, a reestablishment of Feudalism and autocracy dressed in new symbols with the descendants of yesterdays Feudal warlords as the main actors in this sickening political tragedy”.
How about now? Have you detected a paradigm shift? Or is the pendulum swinging back for reconciliation with Melse, in anticipation of a reward to heal your wounded ego, pride and ambition? You have already indicated in your letter, that you “are urging and advice the Ethiopian government to seek new initiatives”, concerning the impending Bill as well as the Eritrea issue in the U.S. Senate. Along the way, you are also pushing a new idea that the “Ethiopian Ambassador in Washington D.C. has failed in his mission to protect the sovereignty and dignity of Ethiopia”. To be exact, you are seeking the removal of the Ambassador and the sovereignty and dignity of the elite in power.
Finally, you have forwarded another incredible suggestion that “AL Mariam and his associates, including Senator Feingold and Representative Payne to be prosecuted with criminal charges under the Ethiopian penal code for undermining the economic vital interest and sovereignty of Ethiopia”.
This is a strange and absurd suggestion, and it seems that you are mentally unstable. I suggest you need a clinical psychiatric evaluation.
Ethnic conflicts and ethnic based killings are becoming commonplace in Ethiopia. The sporadic nature of the attacks and the small number of causalities means that no major international media, international human rights organizations and other bodies of international community has done much to either publicize the situation or to put pressure on the Meles regime to stop the killings.
This week witnessed one of such attacks on Burji ethnic group. On September 17, 2008 well armed Guji warriors descended on Lemmo Kebele of Burji special woreda and carried out killing and looting of Burjis. As the result of the attack, the following individuals were killed: Daro Araro, Ado Chule, Ando Yayo, Bogale Dula, and Kojie Hirbo. Also four people including the following individuals were wounded: Gojie Hidde, Roba Yayo and Hirbo Sole. One of them is critically wounded.
The wounded were taken to Arbaminch Hospital instead of the Hospital in the nearby town of Hagermariam because the route from Burji to Hagremariam town, which was the main artery, is under siege from Guji warriors.
Besides, the town of Hagermariam itself was the scene of major attack against Burjis in August 2008. The Gujis attacked Burjis living in the town where individuals from various ethnic groups reside. The Gujis targeted the Burji enclave of the town, mainly Kebele, 02, 03, and 04.
At the time, the Gujis killed Mr. Bode simply because he is Burji. Then few days later, they tossed hand grenade on the top of the house where many Burji men, women and children were taking a refugee. That barbaric act was intended to maximize the carnage, but fortunately the grenade detonated outward without causing any human fatality. There after the targeted Burji group scrambled to leave the town for safety leaving behind all their belongings, properties and everything that they owned hanging only to their dear life.
Government Response Disappointing
The forces of Ethiopian government have failed to protect Burjis against the ongoing onslaught.
The attack against Burjis in the town of Hagermariam took place under the watchful eyes of 200 federal government armed forces.
Also, during the September 17, 2008 attack on the Lemmo Kebele, there were only 30 members of federal and state police in Burji.
Even after the conflict and on the eve of other major attack to occur against Burjis, the government is committed to send only 96 military personnel to contain the attacks against more than 50,000 Burjis.
Urgent Need of Assistance
The international humanitarian organizations have also turned blind eyes to the plight of the Burjis. So far, the victims of the attacks are not given any aid. Particularly, children and elderly are the most vulnerable victims of the aggression. The prevalent draught in the country as well as the Guji aggression has left thousands of Burjis in dire need of humanitarian assistance.
The situation looks grim to Burjis as the Gujis are preparing yet again to carry out another major assault. Reports indicate that another Guji attack is almost imminent.
The international community should hold the Meles dictatorship accountable. Besides, international humanitarian organization should interfere to assist the Burjis who are suffering from aggression and hunger.
(The writer of this press release can be reached at [email protected])
In what appears to be a effort to reward stablilty in a highly unstable part of the World ,The US is going to increase the amount of aid it sends to the “Breakaway Region” of Somaliland. On the surface that can be seen as the US growing increasingly frustrated with the Pace of “Nation Building” within Somalia.
In Recent Weeks there have been several Incidents of Piracy on the High Seas. In at least one instance there has been Western Intervention to Free some of those that were taken hostage. Several Nations will be deploying Warships to this volatile region in the near future to address this rapidly unfolding and deteriorating situation. The Situation on the Ground isn’t much better either with Islamist Militias targeting Peacekeepers.
Earlier this year US Undersecretary of State for African Affairs Jendayi Frazier paid a visit to Hargeysa. Security Issues were forefront Naturally in her visit. The Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA) already has some contacts with Somaliland Authorities as well as several US Funded Aid Agencies. Somaliland has been registering Political Parties for its Presidential Elections in 2009.
The Visit by Jessica Davis Ba who is the US Diplomat Responsible for Somali Political and Economic Interests in the US Embassy in Nairobi and a representative from the USAID (United States Agency for International Development) was a follow-up to the trip of Underseceretary Frazier. The US Feels that Somaliland has made great Economic and Political gains since it declared its unilateral Independence back in 1991.
There are concerns in Washington that the rise in both Global Food and Petroleum Prices could be a hinderance to the Emergance of an Independent Somaliland. Several Countries have sent Delegations to Hargeysa in recent weeks to determine if any Economic Investments are indeed feasable. There are concerns about the youth of the country leaving school early to take on other endeavors currently.
With the rest of Somalia continuing to suffer Famine and the effects of a very effective Insurgency it is not a bad idea to reach out to People and areas that are having a modicum of success. Although the US has no immediate plans to open up a direct contact with Hargeysa the current Administration will use the contacts it already has to further improve ties. In the past the United States has stated that it will wait until the African Union Recgonizes Somaliland as an Independent State before it does.
In Recent Weeks there have been reports that Ethiopia is considering pulling out of Somalia. If this occurs than once again the efforts of the United Nations to restore a functioning Government to Somalia will have failed once again. Efforts to have African Peacekeepers on the ground have been lacking. Famine is a growing concern as is the rise of Piracy in the region known as Puntland. So it appears that the US is once again hedging its bets in a volatile region.
(The Author publishes Confused Eagle on the Internet. It can be found at morganrights.tripod.com)
