The pre- and post-elections political activities of Ato Lidetu Ayalew require serious examination and analysis by political scientists and historians. ER’s intention here is not to do that, because we do not have all the facts. What ER wishes to accomplish in this commentary is to try to give a more complete picture of circumstances surrounding Lidetu’s fall from grace. ER believes that our political leaders and those of us who are closely following our country’s politics can benefit from such a discussion.
It is a well established fact that Lidetu had a major role in Ethiopian politics in the past decade as a leading opposition figure. No one can deny the fact that he was instrumental in the defeat of the Meles regime at the ballot box in May 2005. In a series of televised debates before the elections, he delivered a knockout blow to the TPLF brain trust with his rhetorical firepower that was unmatched by any current Ethiopian political leader. One week before the May 15 elections, he received a hero’s welcome at a huge rally in Meskel Square that was attended by over a million people. The other CUD leaders received little or no attention from the crowd at the rally. Every where he traveled, he was received with admiration and respect. His photos were posted on walls and utility poles in cities around the country. He was THE most popular politician in the country and a leading figure in the movement against the Meles dictatorship. In a matter of few months, all that has changed. Currently, Lidetu is one of the most hated politicians in Ethiopia. Any one who says any thing positive about him, or even seen talking with him is called a traitor. ER itself received a lot of grief for interviewing Lidetu a few days ago. How did this happen? How could a man who was so loved and admired by millions of people becomes one of the most vilified politicians in a matter of days? Is the onslaught against him warranted?
ER believes that although Lidetu may not deserve to be called a traitor, and definitely not a Woyanne, he has brought all this on himself. How?
1. Timing
There were four parties, but three power centers inside the Coalition for Unity & Democracy (CUD) when it was formed in February 2005. The first one was the All Ethiopian Unity Party (AEUP) led by Ato Hailu Shawel. The second one was Kestedamena led by Dr Berhanu Nega, and the third was UEDP-Medhin led by Lidetu–although the chairman was Dr Admasu Gebeyehu. The fourth member of the coalition, Ethiopian Democratic League (EDL), the smallest of the four parties, had an insignificant role in the coalition. Its leaders mostly sided with Dr Berhanu Nega and acted as Kestedamena members. After the elections, the UEDP-Medhin chairman Dr Admasu Gebeyehu began to identify himself more with the CUD than his own party. He even stopped attending UEDP-Medhin’s meetings. So it was Lidetu who tried to represent the UEDP-Medhin in the coalition.
Lidetu’s party, UEDP-Medhin, had more members and its candidates won more seats in the 2005 elections than any of the other parties in the CUD. But after the elections, UEDP-Medhin, particularly its younger leaders, were sidelined by the AEUP and Kestedamena leaders with the help of the UEDP-Medhin chairman. The UEDP-Medhin chapters and committees inside the country and around the world stopped receiving any direction on how to proceed as members of the CUD. The older officials of the UEDP-Medhin–particularly the chairman, Dr Admasu Gebeyehu and vice-chairman Dr Hailu Araya–were coopted by the AEUP and Kestedamena leaders. They found to have more in common with the AEUP and Kestedamena leaders than the young turks (Lidetu et al) in their own party. They often voted against Lidetu and Mushe inside the CUD executive committee while the others voted party line. By July 2005, an alliance of AEUP, Kestedamena and the older members of the UEDP-Medhin emerged against Lidetu & Company inside the CUD.
The CUD troika–Hailu Shawel, Berhanu Nega and Lidetu Ayalew–that defeated the Meles dictatorship in the ballot box transformed into two warring factions–one led by Hailu Shawel and the other by Lidetu Ayalew. Berhanu Nega, who has his own strong following, joined the Hailu Shawel camp. He might have seen the popular Lidetu as a long-term threat to his own political ambition. The AEUP-Kestedamena leaders, who are much older, much wealthier, and had much more advanced education, did not see the young leaders of UEDP-Medhin as their equals. They looked down on them more as rabble-rousers than level-headed politicians. Most of Lidetu’s and Mushe Semu’s ideas and proposals were dead on arrival at the CUD Council meetings. It seemed that some times they rejected Lidetu’s ideas just to irk him. He in turn did not respect their approach to politics, and forcefully challenged them. His style was confrontational, and blunt, antagonizing many of the CUD leaders who are sensitive to diplomatic niceties. He was particularly disrespectful towards Ato Hailu Shawel. The two disliked each other.
During the heated internal debates inside the CUD leadership regarding how to react to the gross election fraud that the Meles regime committed, Lidetu and allies pushed for a more populist approach. They opposed going to the courts and the diplomatic community to protest the vote fraud. They wanted to confront the Meles regime through rallies, general strikes and other popular actions. They vociferously argued that going to the courts, which are controlled by the Meles regime, was useless.
The tension between these two camps continued to threaten the survival of the CUD. Some how the coalition survived through the elections, but break up was inevitable as the differences in ideology, strategy, and style of leadership were too wide apart for the two groups to remain together. With all the distrust, lack of mutual respect, and built up resentment, the only way for the CUD to survive was for one of the two camps to give in, or be destroyed by the other. The stubborn Lidetu, by then organizationally a lot weaker, was not about to give in. So, first the Hailu Shawel camp carried out a divide and conquer policy on UEDP-Medhin. They successfully brought many of the UEDP-Medhin leaders to their side. Then they gave a green light to their supporters to politically destroy Lidetu. As young politicians who are new to intraparty battles, Lidetu and allies lost out to the more experienced politicians. In politics, timing is every thing–none more so than in intra party battles. So instead of accepting defeat, and waiting for the right time to wage another battle, Lidetu and allies went on a kamikaze (suicide) mission.
2. Not responding to false rumors and fabricated stories
Knowing the rhetorical firepower of the Lidetu camp, his opponents in the CUD made sure than Lidetu is politically dead and buried. None of his opponents believed that Lidetu was a Woyanne or a traitor. In a number of discussions ER held with the top CUD leaders, their complaint about Lidetu had never been that he is a Woyanne. Their main worry was that he is a populist and a reckless leader who could have them all killed. Accusations of recklessness and hotheadedness was not enough to defeat Lidetu in the court of public opinion. So rumors started surfacing about Lidetu meeting with Sebhat Nega and other Woyanne leaders. Fabricated stories were published in newspapers, such as Lidetu received money from Al Amoudi, took up residency in Sheraton Hotel free of charge, etc. Confident that no body would believe such rumors, Lidetu failed to respond. In our culture, any thing written down is taken seriously, no matter how false the story is. But Lidetu simply brushed off the flood of rumors and negative newspaper reports about him. At the time, ER had asked Lidetu several times to interview him so that he could refute the damaging stories against him. He refused to do so saying that it is not necessary. He said that the people would not trust any of the negative stuff that was being said about him. How wrong he was! His silence gave credence to the rumors.
3. Sycophant supporters
Lidetu made a series of blunders, all of them as a result of his unwillingness to listen to the advise of others. This is a major flaw in his character. But how did he came to be like that? The answer lies in the sycophantic support he was getting from his friends and followers. Blind supporters have destroyed the careers of a number of promising leaders. Lidetu is one of their victims. They made him out to be an all-knowing, omnipotent leader. For a young politician in his 30s, such adulation and flattery no doubt had a corrupting effect on his character. Surrounded by an army of sycophants and zealots who worshipped him, Lidetu thought that he could not do any thing wrong, and he didn’t need advise from any one.
ER views sycophantic followers of political leaders with contempt. They are a scourge on Ethiopian politics.
4. Unwise words and decisions
Lidetu’s popularity and credibility with the people remained intact even after he was expelled by the CUD executive committee in late October 2005. He was expelled because he refused to surrender UEDP-Medhin’s official stamp he was keeping as secretary of the party after the four parties have merged to make CUD a unitary party. At the meeting of UEDP-Medhin executives, he was outvoted in favor of giving up the stamp that was needed to finalize the merger. But he refused, arguing that only the general meeting of the party can decide on such an issue. His legalistic stand did not have a strong foundation since at a previous general meeting the members had given the executives a mandate to make all merger-related decisions on their behalf. Politically, too, his decision was suicidal, because he was going against a strong desire by the people to make CUD a unitary party. Lidetu was portrayed as a divisive figure who was an obstacle to unity. If he wanted to take a principled–and what he believed was a legal–position, he should have resigned and gone home, instead of dragging himself and his allies through the ugly fight that was to follow. His irrationally stubborn stand caused so much unnecessary pain to so many people, particularly his supporters.
Lidetu didn’t stop there. When Meles unleashed his Federal Police and Agazi death squads on CUD leaders and members, he was not heard uttering any word of condemnation. To make matters worse, he wrote a book that condemns the jailed leaders and spoke out against them on radio and newspaper interviews while they were languishing in jail. What he was saying in the book and the interviews could be factual, but the timing was not right. It was also politically and morally incorrect to attack those who cannot defend themselves.
When the Meles regime unleashed a brutal attack on CUD leaders and supporters, Lidetu should have put aside his political differences and expressed solidarity with his former colleagues, no matter how much unfairly he felt they treated him. The least he could have done was to distance himself as far away as possible from the fascist regime that is brutalizing the people whose votes it has stolen. Instead, what Lidetu did was to show up in the parliament in the same stage with Woyanne mass murderers who had gunned down some of his own supporters just a few weeks ago. No wonder why his supporters felt betrayed. The Woyanne propaganda machine that used to demonize Lidetu for the past ten years jumped on the opportunity to exploit his appearance in the parliament a short distance away from the tyrant.
With all the complaints against Lidetu until that time, had he boycotted the parliament, his popularity as a political leader would not have significantly changed. The false rumors and fabricated newspaper reports against Lidetu had a negative impact on his popularity, but what hurt him the most and probably irreparably damaged his political career were his own unwise words (attacking the jailed leaders), and his own unwise decision (entering the fake parliament).
Can Lidetu revive his political career?
There is no doubt that Lidetu can revive his political career if he takes some steps to address the grievances against him. Ethiopians are the most forgiving people. If Lidetu wants to get back in the people’s good graces, he is well advised to do the following:
1. Organize and lead a boycott of the Woyanne parliament until all the opposition leaders and members are released
2. Demand the immediate resignation of the Meles regime for stealing the people’s votes, murdering unarmed civilians, illegally detaining tens of thousands of innocent civilians, etc.
3. As a political leader, listen what the people are saying
4. Admit mistakes and apologize
Individuals like Lidetu come one in a million. He is a gifted orator and has a brilliant mind. With experience and age, he has the potential to be a great political leader. It would be a great loss and a tragedy for our country if all the contributions Lidetu made and the sacrifices he paid for freedom and democracy in the past 10-15 years are discounted because of a few ill-advised decisions he made and unwise words he spoke. What Lidetu went through in the past ten months can only make him a better person and a better politician if he does what needs to be done. But if he thinks that he didn’t make any mistake, refuses to tune in to the heartbeat of the people, and continues to show up in the same stage with the number one terrorist in Ethiopia, Meles Zenawi, he would be digging his own political grave deeper and deeper.
Urgent call to Ethiopians in Seattle
KILLERS, NOT IN OUR CITY!!!
We, Ethiopians and Ethio-Americans living in and around the greater Seattle area, received the news of the visit by the unelected current Deputy Prime Minister of Ethiopia with great dismay and utter disturbance. The Deputy Prime Minister Addisu Legesse is directly and primarily responsible for the death, torture, and imprisonment of thousands of Ethiopians. Among the thousands of victims of Addisu Legesse and his chief Meles Zenawi, includes elected officials, journalists, children, women, elderly and people from all walks of life. While we are appalled and shocked by the audacity of Addisu Legesse to show up in Seattle, we would like to inform all those who care and concerned about human and civil rights, Ethiopians in Seattle are outraged by Addisu Legasse’s visit to our city.
Accordingly, we respectfully request and invite that all residents of Seattle and beyond to join us in expressing our deepest and heartfelt rage by the so called Ethiopian Consulate General to host a known killer in our city. We also call upon on all Ethiopians and friends of Ethiopia in and around Seattle to show our rejection, protest and disapproval of extra-judicial killings, massacre, torture, and unjust imprisonment of Ethiopians by Addisu Legesse and crew. Please gather at the address below on
Thursday, August 24, 2006, from 4:00-8:00 p.m.
The Mountaineers Building
300 Third Ave West
Seattle, WA 98119
Let’s show Addisu Legesse that Seattle is not a place for baby killers and torturers of millions. Let’s show Addisu Legesse that Ethiopians in Seattle will not support or keep silent of the grand plan by Addisu and his crew to repeat Rwanda’s horrific Genocide history in Ethiopia. And above all, let’s show Addisu Legesse and his crew that the world no longer accommodates killers, torturers, and dictators. Certainly, Seattle shall not be a place for Addisu Legesse to spread his poisonous message of ethnic hatred, and justify the killings of thousands innocent citizens. Taking this occasion we kindly request the American people and all Nations committed to promote genuine democracy to side with the Ethiopian people in getting the popularly elected opposition leadership out of jail!
ETHIOPIA’S prime minister, Meles Zenawi, now spends most of his time heading off his enemies. In the capital, Addis Ababa, the government’s response to its defeat in last year’s contested general election was to shoot scores of opposition protesters and imprison the city’s elected mayor. This led to the suspension of aid from his previously loyal Western backers.
To the south, in the Ogaden desert, he has been fighting with the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), a rebel group that seeks autonomy for south-eastern Ethiopia. On August 11th Ethiopia reported having shot dead 13 ONLF fighters slipping across the desert from Somalia. Ethiopia’s recent military incursion into Somalia in defence of the Transitional Government in Baidoa threatens imminent conflict there against Islamist militias based in the capital, Mogadishu.
On top of this comes the distinct possibility of a conflict with Ethiopia’s arch-enemy Eritrea in the north, where perhaps as many as half of Eritrea’s young men are massed under arms on its side of the disputed border.
Eritrea’s increasingly totalitarian regime has become a regional menace; its foreign policy now appears to comprise nothing more than to support any enemy of Ethiopia’s, no matter the cost. On August 8th Eritrea announced its biggest coup to date; a brigadier-general heading the 18th division of the Ethiopian army defected to Eritrea with several ranking officers, hundreds of soldiers, and plenty of weapons.
The general, Kemal Gelchu, was an ethnic Oromo. Probably as many as half of Ethiopians are Oromo, a good number of them Muslim. According to the government’s system of ethnic federalism, the Oromos are meant to have a large stake in power. In reality, they are weak and neglected, just as they have always been. A few support the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF)—another rebel group seeking a “fairer” Ethiopia, meaning a shift of power from Mr Zenawi and his fellow Tigrayans, who account for, at most, 7% of the population, but who have dominated the government and the economy since taking power in 1991.
Mr Gelchu’s defection puts a face to the deep unhappiness in the non-Tigrayan bits of Ethiopia. He and his men will now undoubtedly join the OLF and fight the Ethiopian government. Force is the only language the government understands, Mr Gelchu says. Alas, force may be exactly what Mr Zenawi is going to get, and on many fronts.
“My argument is that the neo-liberal paradigm is a dead end, is incapable of bringing about the African renaissance, and that a fundamental shift in paradigm is required to bring about the African renaissance…” – a quote from Meles Zenawi’s recent paper on African development.
Meles, who presides over the worst economy in the world, tries to present himself as an expert in development. His parasitic dictatorship is an obstacle to the growth of Ethiopian economy. For Africa to prosper, it must cleanse itself of corrupt dictatorships like that of the Meles regime.
It is with great reluctance that Ethiopian Review is once again writing about problems inside the Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party (CUDP/Kinijit). A few months ago when ER tried to discuss the problems and weaknesses on the part of the North America Kinijit leadership, it was condemned by several Kinijit members and supporters. Some conducted a petition drive asking ER to stop expressing critical views on the Kinijit U.S. Support Committee. Instead of trying to find out if there is any truth to what was being written and fix the problem, ER was criticized and attacked. Its publisher was called “Woyanne” by a few angry supporters. Other pro-democracy media kept their silence fearing the wrath of some blind Kinijit supporters. This unwillingness to look at the problems, and the tendency to lash out against any one who utters any criticism, emboldened the incompetent North America Kinijit leadership to continue on its path to failure and disaster. Now we are at a stage where Kinijit could be irreparably damaged,
What is the core of the problem?
The core of the problem inside Kinijit is lack of leadership. When the top Kinijit leaders in Ethiopia were rounded up and thrown in jail, the party was taken over by the leadership of the North America Support Committee. The Support Committee’s executive members became the de facto Kinijit leaders. Many of these “leaders” came to occupy their positions not because of their political and organizational skills. They were appointed by the top leaders in Addis Ababa based on personal friendship and loyalty. Under normal circumstances, the damage that such an arrangement could cause would not be detrimental, but in this case when the responsibility of the whole organization had suddenly fallen on these appointees, the result is what we are looking at right now–disaster.
Recognizing this problem, the Kinijit leaders in jail decided to form a political leadership that is composed of a few but competent individuals whom they have closely worked with before and whose judgement they trusted. After several weeks of discussions, they appointed six individuals to form a political group they named “Kinijit International Leadership.” The individuals who were appointed to the new leadership have one or more of these skills: political, organizational, fund raising, communications, and community relations. When the announcement was made, Kinijit supporters around the world expressed full support for the new leadership. However, many of the individuals inside the notoriously incompetent North America Support Committee who have not been included in the new leadership rebelled. Some of them went as far as questioning the ability of the Kinijit leaders in jail to make such a decision. Fearing division, the leaders in jail allowed six more individuals to join the leadership. Even though this decision had quieted some of the trouble makers, it defeated its purpose, because some of the individuals who were ineffective in the North America Support Committee were allowed to join the new political leadership. The result is that the new 12-person leadership is unable to form policies and unable to lead. As the saying goes: gulicha biqeyayer wot ayatafit.
The consequence of Kinijit’s lack of leadership is felt through out the opposition camp, as it is unable to make any meaningful contribution to the Alliance for Freedom & Democracy (AFD). It is also felt by the pro-democracy media who are concerned about it but afraid to say any thing in public. Most importantly, Kinijit’s absence of leadership is demoralizing the people.
The consequence of a weak Kinijit is that its elected leaders will suffer and die in prison, just as the AAPO allowed Professor Asrat Woldeyes to die in jail after five years of suffering. Meles Zenawi’s strategy is to eliminate the Kinijit leaders who have a popular mandate to govern the country. He may not shoot them after the kangaroo court finds them guilty of treason. He will kill them one by one by exposing them to diseases and denying them medical treatment.
The priority of the Kinijit leadership abroad should have been to mobilize Ethiopians around the world to fight for the release of the elected leaders who are currently languishing in jail. The priority should have been to fight for the respect of the people’s vote and to bring to justice the fascist regime that is trying to deny the people their right to choose their leaders. Unfortunately, the Kinijit leadership abroad is not focusing on these. In fact, there is no focus on any thing at all. The party is in total disarray.
In the face of such total lack of leadership and lack of action, many who have joined the organization with genuine interest to make contributions will soon resign and return to living their normal lives. Speaking out is out of the question–they will be labeled “Woyanne.”
Solution
The solution for the current problems plaguing Kinijit is to implement the Kinijit top leaders’ wise decision to appoint a six-person political leadership–without any adulteration. All the Kinijit support committees must cooperate with the new leadership. Any Kinijit branch, support committee or member that refuses to implement the decisions of the new leadership must be reprimanded, or suspended. Kinijit branches around the world must demand immediate action. Short of these, Kinijit will soon cease to exist as a viable political organization.
July 12, 2006  After Auschwitz the international community made a collective promise to defend humanity. Fifty years after the community witnessed multiple madness and abuse of humanity by mindless dictators from Rwanda to Srebrenica, Darfur to Chile, Ethiopia to Cambodia, and Iraq to Chad. The ghosts of dictators haunt millions of children. Their names have become scarecrow for school age children allover the world.
Yet again in the 21 st century where fiber optics and internet technology transformed our lives, we continue witnessing the proliferation of new breeds of ruthless dictators like Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia. To ascend and cling to power, they have exterminated scores of innocent people, wasted immense resources, and destroyed the cultural and human values of their nations. They killed and imprisoned thousands of their opponents, tortured civilians, mutilated children, raped women and executed many without trials. They buried their victims in mass graves denying them the minimum human curtsey expected of Homo sapiens. They have pulled the triggers of genocide and ignited the chambers of torture.
Like a child playing Entendo games, they watched the act of torture of prisoners by their mindless prison wardens, army and police officers from their palace chairs. For them it is as easy as one two three to decided the fate of their nation from lavish limousine seats chatting with their concubines or drinking whisky with their likeminded people. As a result children were orphaned, women were widowed, and thousands were killed and maimed. Their societies have been paralyzed to melancholy indiscriminately. The level of torture is gruesome to account. Their actions are no different from Hitler, Sadaam or Charles Taylor.
What is shocking and surprising is that UN member states seated at the 2nd floor of the UN head quarters in New York watched the madness of dictators with utter indifference. When one is indifferent to the suffering of others, one has indeed taken a moral stand. A moral stand which says, the life or pain of poor people is of no consequences. Consequently, the international community gave lip services with diplomatic jargons of restrain and containment strategies.
Unashamed of their deeds, dictators sat shoulder to shoulder with Western diplomats in international conferences, workshops and meetings to discuss wide ranging issues from human rights to sustainable development and International terrorism to peace and stability. For example African dictators sat with G8 countries to discuss the New Partnership for Africa’s Development initiative in Kananaskis Canada, the Millennium Development Goal in Galingales with Tony Blair and EU, poverty reduction and sustainable development with WB, and international terrorism with President Bush at the White House. They are signatories of the Convention on the Rights of the Child, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women and Convention against Discrimination in Education. More than ever they continue to abuse their women, keep their population illiterate and starve their children to death
Interestingly and under the banned wagon of international diplomacy, diplomats of the so called civilized world attended receptions and tossed friendship champagnes with modern day butchers. The hand shakes and champagne for diplomacy and containment coupled by their unfettered access to western goods and services have emboldened the hearts and minds of dictators. To this end African and Asian dictators who failed to trust their own financial institutions are encouraged to keep their embezzled monies in American and European banks. They are allowed to vacation in western countries often with full diplomatic immunity. Dictators who pressure their people to send children to local schools are allowed to send theirs to prestigious western institutions of learning often at the expense of starving children.
Many are permitted to buy lobby firms in America and Europe to advocate their causes of genocide and tyranny with western governments. A case in point would be the regime of Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia who hired DLA Piper Rudnick Gray Cary to provide legislative, regulatory and PR services to the Government of Ethiopia. God knows for how long, the firm will receive $50,000 a month or $600,000/annum for its services. At current prices this can buy 150,000 impregnated mesquite nets for the entire families of the residents of Bahir Dar,Ethiopia. In a country where 81.9% of the Population earns below $1 a day, spending exorbitant sums of money to pay rich lobby firms is absolute madness. The firms are greedy profiteers who sell their decency and moral values for sheer personal gain. They should understand that the money they are receiving from Meles’ regime is money taken from starving children of Ethiopia on whose behalf the UN is asking donors for help. What else would be more shameful than to defend a dictatorial regime?
Moreover, Ethiopia is ruled by a minority ethnic group whose members are genetically close to Meles Zenawi’s family. In the 3000 years of its history this is the first time that Ethiopia is ruled by a single family member and a single ethnic group. These ruling elites between them have national assets (excluding their fluid net worth of assets in American, European and Asian Banks) $225 million. At current prices this can buy 57 million impregnated mosquito nets sufficient to protect 77 million Ethiopians from Malaria. Or in monetary terms it constitutes 30% of WFP’s US$763 million budget for its relief and recovery operation for a three year period, from January 2005 to December 2007 in Ethiopia. To add insult to injury the Ethiopian Ambassador in Washington requested his government to send him $20,000 to meet his expenses for compiling the list of names and photos of pro-democracy protesters in Washington and elsewhere in the US. On the contrary, we see that Microsfot co-founder and Chairman Bill Gates devotes most of his time and wealth to philanthropic foundations he established in 2000. Whereas leaders like Meles Zenawi use public and World Bank funds to suffocate democracy. They drain the resources of their people and approach the widerworld to ask for humanitarian and development aid. They use international aid and loan to buy military hard ware to sustain the rule of genocide and dictatorship.
One wonders why President Bill Clinton called Meles and others as the new breeds of African leaders for the renaissance of African democracy. Africans continue wondering how the Bush and Blair administration partnered with these leaders in the fight against international terrorism while they terrorise their own people. It is time to pause and reassesses the moral values of the United States of America and Great Britain.
More surprising is the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund willingness to reward dictators with huge loans and credits for a job well done in castrating democracy, the rule of law and good governances. Recently, the World Bank granted the dictatorial regime of Meles Zenwai of Ethiopia $1.05 billion dollar. But Meles uses this fund to collect the names and photos of pro-democracy demonstrators at the door steps of the World Bank offices and the white House. Knowing full well the atrocities of Meles Zenawai, it is shameful and equally sinful of the WB to crown a dictator with such large sum of money.
So far Western nations who often expose the atrocities and human rights abuses of dictators in their annual human rights report of nations have often failed to take concrete steps. It is, therefore, important to stop business as usual and do some serious business of disaster prevention. In this context, the trial of Saddam Hussein, Slobodan Milosevic and Charles Taylor is a welcome omen. Nevertheless it is something too good that came too late at the expenses of too many innocent lives. It is a pity that the west remained a sleeping giant while genocide, miscarriage of justice, abuse of power and torture took place at the doorsteps of their respective embassies for so long. This is a regrettable diplomatic episode that aught to be condemned and not condoned. There should be no diplomatic and moral generosity of complacence to dictators. Financial institutions should not be keen to hide the monies embezzled by African and Asian Heads of States. Meles and his surrogates who are considered as the darling democrats of African Nations are cold-blooded murderers whose security forces hunt and kill innocent citizens.
Finally “Every year, about US$15 billion pours out of Africa, a sum that equals international aid. As the money comes in, capital flows out into Western Banks. Every year, 70,000 of Africa’s brightest and best leave to work abroad, and 100,000 foreign “experts†come to work in Africa.â€ÂThere is no need of telling African leaders to do capacity building while they are torturing their expertise daily. In the Ethiopian context no capacity building or development agenda will be achieved when the effects of poverty and lack of individual and collective freedom is at stake. Multilateral and bilateral donors should not lend money or provide aid to reinforce tyranny. The community that said no to Auschwitz should be able to say no dictatorship. There should be no sanctuary to corrupt and undemocratic leaders who loot the resources of the people whom they were destined to serve. The developing world is sick and tired of the continuednaivety and complacence of the international community. In unison Africans demand the international community to act before the beast makes colossal damages. Acting after the fall of dictators is just like a dog barking after the enemy left its barracks. That is why the Ethiopian Diaspora and the Ethiopian people demand the Bush administration to approve HR 5680, the “Ethiopia Freedom, Democracy, and Human Rights Advancement Act of 2006†and implement in earnest. If approved, the Act will send clear messages to Meles Zenawi and other members of the AU in Addis Ababa who are champions of terrorizing and looting their peoples.
The writer is an economist who is interested on international affairs particularly on Ethiopia. He resides in Canada. He can be reached at [email protected]
