Almost duped once
In 1992 I joined dozens of Ethiopia’s friends to monitor the “first democratic election” in the history of Ethiopia. Never mind that democratic elections for Parliament had been held in 1957; in 1963; and in 1967. (In 1967, incidentally, one Ato Zenawi of Adwa and others were disputing the ballot counts in their local election.)
No matter. Full of good will, we Americans and Europeans had come to celebrate a new era of political democracy following the Derg dictatorship. We were excited that the new regime wanted to demonstrate commitment to an open political process and a pluralistic democracy, and honored to be part of it. My fellow monitors included a Congressman Donald Payne of new Jersey and Professor Edmond Keller of UCLA. My monitoring companion was first political officer at the Russian Embassy-a pairing unthinkable only a few year before
On arrival I told the taxi driver that I had come to support Ethiopia’s new experiment in democracy. All he said was: “Wushet Demokrasee.” His phrase became a logo for what my companions and I experienced during our brief tour. We found opposition candidates and parties hamstrung by restrictions. Opposition candidates in Amhara districts were reportedly harassed. I was there when the Government kept journalists from covering a new conference of an independent candidate. Together with the American Human Rights officer at the time, I visited a prison where several would-be OLF candidates had been locked up for no apparent good reason. I was there when Profesor Keller was ordered to leave the country within 24 hours simply because as an election observer he had visited an OLF rally. I went to Aliu Amba where the TPLF had installed a cadre from Tigray who insisted on running as an Argobba Liberation Front candidate instead of an authentic Argobba local. “You don’t know how to be liberated,” the cadre said, “we have come to teach you.” My Russian companion said to me, “I know that man. He is a Russian commissar from 1920.”
It was upsetting to be brought for an open democratic process when little of the sort was being shown. We felt we had been manipulated, as some habeshas do who think they can fool outsiders at will; after all, ferinjotch wustun aygebatchewm, aydelem? Our report embarrassed the Government. From then I became a critic of the Leninist character of the EPRDF regime.
Meles Zenawi’s Reformist Credentials
By 2004, Ethiopia’s political scene appeared to be changing. To be sure, throughout that year, large numbers of Oromos were booted to the Dedessa prison simply for expressing the innocent disagreements about government policy. To be sure, judges continued to work under the thumbs of a centrally-controlled judicial system. But something new was in the air.
I caught a glimpse of that when I, known as a critic of the regime, was invited to receive an honorary doctorate Addis Ababa University in July 2004. And during my visit to Ethiopia earlier this year and since, I learned that EPRDF officials went to some lengths to open up the media to competing political parties. I learned that in 2004, Reporters Without Borders had removed the name of PM Meles Zenawi from their list of enemies of a free press for the first time. And recently I learned, from a reliable report on the campaign in rural Shoa, that as the election campaign wore on and opposition candidates appeared to be growing in strength, the Government initially insisted on keeping the process open and not interfering with the local electoral process in any way. That was an amazing change, which I attribute to the sense of confidence and security experienced by the EPRDF elite following the purges of General Siye Abraha and his allies in 2001; heightened appreciation of Ethiopian nationhood following the war with Eritrea; successes in growth of infrastructure; improved handling of famines; and growing respect form the international community.
I have cited these liberalizing developments when talking with opposition activists who could not believe that EPRDF ever had any interest in a pluralistic democracy and so should be overthrown by any means possible. One of my critics, confronted by my reference to Meles’s liberalization, finally acknowledged that. He wrote:
I think everybody was banking on the reformist credentials of Meles. It is difficult to argue that there was no change after the split. There is no doubt that the years between the split and 2005 were the best years of the EPRDF. In fact I am of the opinion that had the reforms started earlier, the EPRDF would have done much better at the polls. As it turned out the reforms were too little too late.
Despite these visible reforms, the hatred against EPRDF generated by the policies and actions of their first decade created such intense antagonism that some of the opposition simply could not trust the new openings that EPRDF created. Sensing that CUD elements might be ambivalent about participating whole-heartedly in the constitutionally mandated political process, and fearing that growing popular support for CUD might actually turn them out of office and overturn the major EPRDF reforms in which they believed so strongly, EPRDF leaders engineered an abrupt turn-around in the middle of April.
Ambivalent Regression to an Older Script
A month before the election, party cadres started receiving different signals. Across the country they were told to direct Government resources to pressure the populace to vote for EPRDF. For example, systematic house visits were paid by armed cadres who told peasants that they had better vote for EPRDF or suffer serious consequences. The Government was gearing up for a different sort of denouement than planned, thinking they had to do whatever it took to secure their hold on power (an attitude not unknown to Americans from the presidential elections of 2000 and 2004). Not wanting outsiders to see what was going on, the Government abruptly expelled three American NGOs that had come to monitor the elections.
Much of what transpired subsequently-imposing martial law on election night; premature announcement of EPRDF victory; shootings of demonstrators in June, harassment and property confiscation of CUD party members; arrest of thousands of young males and transporting them to distant hardship prisons-is well known. (Much is still not known, including how and why security forces entered college dormitories in Addis Ababa and Bahr Dar provocatively during the night of June 5, and the extent to which opposition property was confiscated and government critics were silenced.) Following the June 6 massacre, the world recoiled in horror, much as in November 1974 when Mengistu’s agents carried out their bloody massacre.
But then, the regime hurried to pick up the pieces and move on. They convinced themselves if not others that had they not reacted with such violence, mob action would have led to destructive civil actions. They proceeded with initiatives to reform the rules of parliament, re-examine the National Election Board, and draft new legislation regarding the press. They urged the opposition candidates who had won to take over the administration of Addis Ababa and to take their seats in Parliament and to continue their struggle for democratization and economic progress within the constitutionally mandated system. They carried out negotiations day by day with CUD leaders in an effort to avoid further violence and move the country forward. PM Meles said he was looking forward to working with Mayor-elect Berhanu Nega.
And then, due to circumstances about which everyone disagrees, the CUD leaders made a controversial decision not to accept their huge electoral victory and build on it. That decision, many CUD supporters believe, was not in anyone’s best interest. When they broke off talks and refused to enter Parliament, the regime regressed once more to reimpose a veil of terror. Security forces reportedly drove around the city and randomly assassinated innocent civilians in cold blood. They seized and incarcerated rejectionist CUD victors, civil society leaders, and independent journalists. An independent commission has now reported that 193 civilians were murdered, often in horridly brutal ways. All those detained, plus several Ethiopians living abroad, were charged with crimes punishable by death, including the illogical, unfounded, insulting, and self-defeating charge of genocide. With that, Ethiopia plunged from being a country full of democratic promise and then a polity tragically riven with destructive conflict to being the laughing stock of the international community.
Almost Duped Twice or What?
Officials and informal leaders from all the donor countries tried repeatedly to encourage the Prime Minister to reconsider those charges. He adamantly refused to budge, and sought to transform his offensive tactics into defense of an autonomous judicial system. He assured all concerned that the defendants would receive a fair and speedy trial, and that this would enhance respect for Ethiopia’s legal system.
Given the PM’s uncompromising attachment to this line of argument, it appeared futile to continue pushing for a politically negotiated release of the prisoners. I sought to direct attention instead to other, consensually supported openings for progressive development. One of these was to see if the trial proceeded in a way that demonstrated his announced commitment to a judicial system bound by high standards of legal procedure. My hope for that process lay behind the exchanges subsequently carried out in Addis Fortune and on the eineps web site. To quote my conclusion:
We must respect the forms of a systematic, independent, speedy completion of their trial “as a step toward advancing the role of an independent judiciary.” I chose those words deliberately in order to encourage the Government to move forward toward a system in which a judiciary functions autonomously… If legitimate procedures are not respected by the Government, I expect that domestic and international observers will get the word out quickly, and I shall be among the first to voice disapproval… But if the trial is reasonably fair, then its success could be joined with other steps being taken toward reform of the judicial system, the last in the series of four efforts at democratic institution-building.
When the trial adjourned after dragging on for many months, I made an interim assessment based on careful analysis of daily records, and concluded that the trial could be considered neither speedy nor fair:
No ordinary court case, the trial against selected opponents of the EPRDF regime has divided the Ethiopian body politic as has no other issue since the time of Emperor Susneyos. One would expect the Ethiopian judicial system to go to great lengths to demonstrate its integrity both to Ethiopian citizens and to international observers. Its failure to do so reflects, at the very least, a lack of capacity to mount a fair and speedy trial…
Of all flaws in this trial, I consider the most dysfunctional to be . . . the prosecution’s repeated failure to link evidence with specific defendants or charges. Lack of adequate differentiation has [marked] these proceedings from the outset. While the Government appears, at best, to possess hard evidence incriminating one or two individuals of one or two categories of action that are possibly illegal, it has included several dozens of individuals under a broad range of criminal accusations. It is this feature of the proceedings that opened up to ridicule what could and should have been a serious juridical process.
During this period of recess, it would behoove the Ministry of Justice to re-assess those charges more carefully and demonstrate to the world the high level of legal competence that Ethiopians manifest at their best. That would lend greater speed and fairness to the final sessions of this trial and thereby enable Ethiopians to get back to working together to make their beloved land a better place. If such action were to be matched by a willingness of defendants to avail themselves of counsel, that desired outcome would be facilitated even more.
On Thursday, October 5, the trial resumed. One might have thought that the Ministry of Justice would have done something to redress the shortcomings of the first phase. Yet the first day of the resumed trial was abysmal. Lead judge Adil Ahmed Abdullahi and lead prosecutor Shemelis Kemal were simply not present. The trial began an hour and 15 minutes late. Absent a quorum to rule on the admissibility of evidence, the proceedings were quickly adjourned and postponed for eight days. The senior judge and the main prosecutor were not even present. Nothing was accomplished; the trial was delayed yet another week.
And so, are we back to square one? Was the notion of putting the prisoners on trial to parade an evolving legal process simply another sort of make-believe to dupe the ferenjis? Or can that ill-conceived theater still be repaired? If not, let us hope that this time the donors will waste no time in confronting the regime with their marked displeasure. And let us hope that another war with Somalia will not becloud the issue of justice and good governance in Ethiopia. It is especially in time of war that a nation needs to be unified. Besides, andnet kala, agarun yakeberal.
The recent development in the alliance of forces in Ethiopian politics has initiated hot discussions among Ethiopians. The emergence of AFD has divided Ethiopians into opposite camps. Many Ethiopians see the AFD as the Ethiopian people’s prayer answered. Others have mixed feelings ranging from outright rejection to wait and see attitude. The constituents of all the parties involved have aired their concerns and hopes about the future. The issues of contention and the comments on the Memorandum of understanding from the different stakeholders seem to be minor compared to the monumental issues of democracy, the international alliance of forces, and what the strategy of our united struggle should be to salvage Ethiopia. It is my belief that any political leadership that doesn’t have a vision that defy conventional thinking is not going to succeed in getting the Ethiopian peoples out of this boundless tribulation and lead them to democracy. The steps taken to form the AFD exhibits all the unconventional steps which one would like to see in such an organisation. It is a step that unhitches our minds from the past and invites us to look forward to the future. Who would have expected an alliance between a pan- Ethiopian CUDP and the nationalist organisations OLF, ONLF, SLF would come true based on issues of democracy and freedom? Neither the TPLF nor many Ethiopians had dream of it. The emergence of AFD was a shock that the TPLF and its supporters hadn’t expected would come. It is their worst dreams come true. Their core strategy was anchored on dividing and pitting the Ethiopian people against one another, branding all organisations as either chauvinists or narrow nationalists. The opposition seem to have learned a couple of lessons and above all they seem to have listened to the crying of the Ethiopian people for unity and democracy.
The state of the EPRDF
The pillar of EPRDF’s politics rests on:
*Dividing the Ethiopians according to ethnic lines and keeping them in perpetual antagonism so that it can keep them at bay,
*When it comes to organisations this politics was anchored on two dimensional pillars. Organisations are classified as chauvinistic or narrow nationalistic and thus persecuted according to this criterion as soon as they seem to be a threat the ruling clique, and
*Misleading the international public opinion and giving the semblance of a regime that is democratic, and progressive which stands for the very existence of Ethiopia.
The politics of EPRDF is primitive and backward that it is unprecedented in modern day politics around the world except a few exceptional cases.. In the age of globalisation the world has become a global village. Unfortunately, the EPRDF is working hard to confine Ethiopians from natural cultural and economic intercourse both internally and externally. In countries where democracy and liberty prevail elections are held to confirm existing political regimes or to bring about a change of government. In such a process democratic institutions are strengthened and the general public’s trust on these institutions grows and increases. For EPRDF, democracy is something that one could pay lip service to. It is a means to mislead the international opinion to extract political and financial resources which the beneficiaries are of the ruling clique. It is something one holds mock election every five years to give itself a semblance of democratic government. In the EPRDF’s Ethiopia elections are held as a window-dressing exercise to give itself a semblance of legitimacy. These election exercises have alienated the population from the regime and widened the gap between the rulers and the ruled. This was vividly demonstrated in the May elections. The ruling group had never dreamed that it would lose the elections having the state apparatus, the massive superiority of material and monetary resources. This is a huge testimony to the gap between the ruled and the rulers.
The EPRDF are among the rulers in Africa who are most dependants on foreign aid. Such being the case they were eager to get their credentials renewed as a democratic government by the donor nations. It is thanks to this set up that they had to accommodate, with huge reluctance and massive distress, opposition parties and international election observations and to go along with a more or less free election. This setting gave the Ethiopian opposition the chance to campaign and present their vision of the future Ethiopia and the kind of governance the Ethiopian people deserve and are entitled to. Ethiopians holding election cards in their hand were biding their time. We all know how it went on Election Day. When they got the chance our people went out and voted out the regime they have been dissatisfied with for the last fifteen years. At the same time our people showed to the whole world how civilised and matured they are in exercising their democratic rights.
Now the prayers of Meles Zenawi for a strong opposition were answered. He had never thought that day would come. If such a broad based alliance as the AFD sees the day and can mobilize and stand with the Ethiopian people, this tyrannical ruling group has nothing to justify its rule.
The aspiration of the Ethiopian people, “do they have food in Ethiopia?”
The Ethiopian people have been crying for united struggle to get rid of this horrendous regime for the last fifteen years. The May election is an expression of the peoples resolve for change. Through voting cards Ethiopians made it clear to all political forces that they don’t want and can’t be governed the way the EPRDF governs them. Dividing and pitting them against one another was the melody of the Italian colonialists. One would have expected that this generation should have learned that lesson. But the malicious TPLF group has tried to repeat the act. Fortunately the good students of Italy, the TPLF leadership, has tried and failed precisely as their teachers did thanks to the staunch resistance of the Ethiopian people. People have explicitly shown that the only way to come to power and stay in power is by democratic means. For demanding these inherent natural rights the people are paying a very high price. They are being killed, muzzled, tortured and imprisoned. Under these circumstances the emergence of the AFD is a moral lift and the crowning of our people’s struggle with success provided that the AFD can contribute in a substantial way in enshrining these fundamental rights. What the Ethiopian people are crying for is peace, harmony and the chance to work and feed them selves. The precondition for such a development is democracy and liberty. Ethiopia is the origin of human race, and a symbol of freedom for the black race. Thanks to the mismanagement of subsequent regimes it is now reduced into a laughing stock of the whole world. The other day I saw an American film where the actor invites his darling for a dinner to an Ethiopian restaurant. The feminine actress asks her friend “do they have food in Ethiopia?” He in return answers “we will order empty dishes.” It says it all. The film was supposed to be a comedy but it inflicts a mortal wound on our pride.
Ethiopia has every potential to be a developed nation given an honest and benevolent regime that can give its people a chance to live in peace and harmony. There are a huge natural resources and the human capital necessary for sustainable development. What is lacking is an honest, democratic and accountable government. Surely Ethiopia will reclaim its place in the history books that it deserves sooner or later. No doubt that Ethiopia is mentioned over thirty times in the bible and the Koran. It will be a country that Africans and the black race can again be proud of. On our way to that end we need all kinds of forces who can make a contribution and I would like to believe that the AFD can be one of them.
Democracy in practice
Democracy is in a multidimensional crisis in Ethiopia emanating from the totalitarianism of the regime. Some of the major contradictions which have erupted and erupt now and then among the ruling group have been “solved” by throwing the opponents into jail or by simple physical elimination. The major contradiction that has its source in the totalitarianism of the regime and the concentration of power in the hands of one man is however the contradiction between the ruling elite and the Ethiopian people. This concentration of power in the hands of the dictator and totalitarian elite has been stifling the Ethiopian people politically, culturally and economically since 1991. This is the major democratic crisis that is threatening the country and the rest of Eastern Africa. The May election was the best opportunity lost to solve this crisis. On the contrary, the daylight robbery of the peoples will by the regime has exacerbated this crisis. This major crisis of democracy needs to be resolved in order to salvage our people and country.
Another aspect of the crisis of democracy in our country is the discord, disunity and lack of democratic experience in tackling and resolving political differences and problems among the opposition groups. This problem has been the stumbling block in our struggle for democracy and justice. Thus any attempt for a solution to our problems and contradictions has to include the resolution of the problem of democracy even among the opposition. The emergence of AFD seems to be a good start in resolving this outstanding contradiction. The nature of the organisations that formed the alliance is markedly different from one another. The very attempt to come and work together for the common cause, democracy and freedom, is an achievement. It is a sign of maturity and sign of embracing democracy. To give and take and to agree and work together for a common goal is real democracy in practice. Democracy entails compromise. These organisations that have done that seem to have learned important lessons from past experiences and the May elections.
The international alliance of forces
As we are all aware this horrendous regime can only stay in power thanks to the support of the donor nations. Between 30 and 50 percent of its annual budget is covered by budgetary supplements from the western nations. This generous flow of financial resources and support to the EPRDF has its roots in our past history and the cunning nature of the regime. One of the greatest disservices of the military dictatorship of Mengistu was the annihilation of one generation of young and dynamic Ethiopians. The frustration and demoralisation that emanated from this campaign of annihilation forced the remains of that generation of Ethiopians into exile or passivity. This cleared the way to the TPLF and other forces that worked for the weakening and eventual destruction of Ethiopia as a country. In the late 80s the west in its competition with the communist east was winning the terrain in the whole world. The collapse of communism started with the sacrifice of Ethiopia. It was in one of the summits between the US and the Soviet the fate of Ethiopia was sealed. Soviet Union conceded to leave Ethiopian to its fate while in turn it bought time for an orderly retreat from the rest of its empire. History repeated itself. As Ethiopia was the first victim to be sacrificed to appease fascist Italy in the Second World War, it happened this time again and Ethiopia was sacrificed to appease the west. The first victim of the collapse of communism became Ethiopia. At that point of history Ethiopia stood alone in front the almighty west. Their fate was decided with out their participation. They were dragged out of the mouth of the wolf Mengistu and thrown into the mouth of the hyena Meles.The Albanian communist party oriented TPLF turned itself into a “democratic” TPLF overnight. The ferocious MLLT/TPLF animal and the EPLF coalition presented itself as the best possible alternatives to the Ethiopian problem. This should not be surprising since we all know that deceit and lie is the trade mark or enigma of this clique. But we have to take part of the blame for this development. We could not produce any viable alternative to the TPLF/EPLF coalition at that point of time. After taking power the clique has played it smart.
*They have always aligned their foreign policy to correspond to the interests of the west in general and the US in particular while giving a semblance of democracy while working hard to achieve their aim of a weak and divided Ethiopia.
*The disunity and hostility among the opposition groups has made it easy for these myopic elite to present itself as the guarantor of the existence of Ethiopia as a nation.
*Due to the sensitive nature of the East African geopolitical situation and the US perusing its national interest, the fight against terrorism, has appointed TPLF to axel the role of a fighter against terrorism. The TPLF has joyously accepted this role. It is even overexploiting the situation as it is doing now in Somalia. It is surprising that the US is still sticking to this group despite all facts speaking against them. Dictatorship is the mother of terrorism and the TPLF regime is a typical example of that.
Despite all the setbacks, we Ethiopians in the Diaspora are trying to make ourselves heard and present the case of our people to the international public opinion, governments and Human right organisations. From what I observe we are making progress and gaining a lot of powerful friends for the Ethiopian cause and the cause of democracy. The TPLF is exposed and its true nature is being exhibited for the wider world. I believe it is even possible to bring more change in the opinion in the west in favour of the Ethiopian people’s cause provided we work a bit diligently and united. The emergence of the AFD is an important leap in this work. The west has been putting an immense pressure on the opposition to show flexibility and willingness for dialog. If the AFD can prove that it is a strong and reliable partner to do business with, I am convinced that the west is matured and interested to completely change its stance on the question of Ethiopia. In our struggle to show the whole world the intransigency and dictatorial nature of this regime it is pertinent to stand united and the AFD was just the best thing we ever have produced. We have to show the world
*That we are united in the in our struggle for freedom and democracy and we are capable of uniting the Ethiopian people and can shoulder the responsibility of leading our country into a model democratic country.
*We must be able to show that a democratic Ethiopia can be a factor of stability to the whole region.
*That we are flexible and reliable
*We are democratic and respect the rules of democracy.
*The problem of Ethiopia and the region as a whole can only be solved when the EPRDF accepts the will of the people.
*We should prove beyond all doubt that we are not the weak and the extremist groups as the EPRDF is trying to portray us in the face of the whole world.
Concluding remarks
In the ideal world the best solution for all of us, even the EPRDF, would have been the solution of the May elections. Ethiopians went out and exercised their inherent right and voted for the party of their choice. Unfortunately that ideal did not materialise as the ballot was rigged and election results hijacked by the EPRDF. From now the struggle for democracy and freedom must start afresh. Next time when freedom and democracy is achieved we should make sure that it works and pass the tradition for generations to come. It is in this context that the AFD must play a prominent role to achieve this goal.
The reason beyond my many ifs and mays is the bitter experience I have had from the Ethiopian political struggle. The Ethiopian opposition has not proved itself to be consistent and democratic, that is willing to wage an inner struggle in a democratic way and stay and work together to achieve the goal of democracy. This time around, if we fail to materialise the goal of a united struggle we will be giving the best gift we ever have given the EPRDF and we would have done the biggest damage we could have inflicted to the struggle of the Ethiopian people. I hope that
*We all democratic and humane Ethiopians would like to see our country as a democratic and a land of righteousness where nobody is wronged for his ideas and convictions.
*We would like to see a country where organisations are free to work and mobilise the people to their idea and win political power by the means of ballot box.
*We would like to see a country that is blooming with economic development and freed from the shackles of famine and starvation.
*We would like that our ancient country reclaims its right place as the cradle of the human race and as a symbol of black pride.
One anticipates that the AFD will be relevant in building a democratic Ethiopia. It is in this hope I raise my voice to support this incipient organisation. I hope this organisation will work in a dynamic and prudent way and mobilise its supporters for the cause of unity. I hope this organisation will speak loud and clear the principles of one man one vote and the alienable rights of the Ethiopian people to decide their own destiny. I hope the AFD will show in practice that it has drawn the necessary conclusions from the May elections and it will respect the will of the people. Finally I hope the AFD will be transparent and open to accommodate constructive opinions which flow from different direction.
The recent development in the alliance of forces in Ethiopian politics has initiated hot discussions among Ethiopians. The emergence of AFD has divided Ethiopians into opposite camps. Many Ethiopians see the AFD as the Ethiopian people’s prayer answered. Others have mixed feelings ranging from outright rejection to wait and see attitude. The constituents of all the parties involved have aired their concerns and hopes about the future. The issues of contention and the comments on the Memorandum of understanding from the different stakeholders seem to be minor compared to the monumental issues of democracy, the international alliance of forces, and what the strategy of our united struggle should be to salvage Ethiopia. It is my belief that any political leadership that doesn’t have a vision that defy conventional thinking is not going to succeed in getting the Ethiopian peoples out of this boundless tribulation and lead them to democracy. The steps taken to form the AFD exhibits all the unconventional steps which one would like to see in such an organisation. It is a step that unhitches our minds from the past and invites us to look forward to the future. Who would have expected an alliance between a pan- Ethiopian CUDP and the nationalist organisations OLF, ONLF, SLF would come true based on issues of democracy and freedom? Neither the TPLF nor many Ethiopians had dream of it. The emergence of AFD was a shock that the TPLF and its supporters hadn’t expected would come. It is their worst dreams come true. Their core strategy was anchored on dividing and pitting the Ethiopian people against one another, branding all organisations as either chauvinists or narrow nationalists. The opposition seem to have learned a couple of lessons and above all they seem to have listened to the crying of the Ethiopian people for unity and democracy.
The state of the EPRDF
The pillar of EPRDF’s politics rests on:
•Dividing the Ethiopians according to ethnic lines and keeping them in perpetual antagonism so that it can keep them at bay,
•When it comes to organisations this politics was anchored on two dimensional pillars. Organisations are classified as chauvinistic or narrow nationalistic and thus persecuted according to this criterion as soon as they seem to be a threat the ruling clique, and
•Misleading the international public opinion and giving the semblance of a regime that is democratic, and progressive which stands for the very existence of Ethiopia.
The politics of EPRDF is primitive and backward that it is unprecedented in modern day politics around the world except a few exceptional cases.. In the age of globalisation the world has become a global village. Unfortunately, the EPRDF is working hard to confine Ethiopians from natural cultural and economic intercourse both internally and externally. In countries where democracy and liberty prevail elections are held to confirm existing political regimes or to bring about a change of government. In such a process democratic institutions are strengthened and the general public’s trust on these institutions grows and increases. For EPRDF, democracy is something that one could pay lip service to. It is a means to mislead the international opinion to extract political and financial resources which the beneficiaries are of the ruling clique. It is something one holds mock election every five years to give itself a semblance of democratic government. In the EPRDF’s Ethiopia elections are held as a window-dressing exercise to give itself a semblance of legitimacy. These election exercises have alienated the population from the regime and widened the gap between the rulers and the ruled. This was vividly demonstrated in the May elections. The ruling group had never dreamed that it would lose the elections having the state apparatus, the massive superiority of material and monetary resources. This is a huge testimony to the gap between the ruled and the rulers.
The EPRDF are among the rulers in Africa who are most dependants on foreign aid. Such being the case they were eager to get their credentials renewed as a democratic government by the donor nations. It is thanks to this set up that they had to accommodate, with huge reluctance and massive distress, opposition parties and international election observations and to go along with a more or less free election. This setting gave the Ethiopian opposition the chance to campaign and present their vision of the future Ethiopia and the kind of governance the Ethiopian people deserve and are entitled to. Ethiopians holding election cards in their hand were biding their time. We all know how it went on Election Day. When they got the chance our people went out and voted out the regime they have been dissatisfied with for the last fifteen years. At the same time our people showed to the whole world how civilised and matured they are in exercising their democratic rights.
Now the prayers of Meles Zenawi for a strong opposition were answered. He had never thought that day would come. If such a broad based alliance as the AFD sees the day and can mobilize and stand with the Ethiopian people, this tyrannical ruling group has nothing to justify its rule.
The aspiration of the Ethiopian people, “do they have food in Ethiopia?â€Â
The Ethiopian people have been crying for united struggle to get rid of this horrendous regime for the last fifteen years. The May election is an expression of the peoples resolve for change. Through voting cards Ethiopians made it clear to all political forces that they don’t want and can’t be governed the way the EPRDF governs them. Dividing and pitting them against one another was the melody of the Italian colonialists. One would have expected that this generation should have learned that lesson. But the malicious TPLF group has tried to repeat the act. Fortunately the good students of Italy, the TPLF leadership, has tried and failed precisely as their teachers did thanks to the staunch resistance of the Ethiopian people. People have explicitly shown that the only way to come to power and stay in power is by democratic means. For demanding these inherent natural rights the people are paying a very high price. They are being killed, muzzled, tortured and imprisoned. Under these circumstances the emergence of the AFD is a moral lift and the crowning of our people’s struggle with success provided that the AFD can contribute in a substantial way in enshrining these fundamental rights. What the Ethiopian people are crying for is peace, harmony and the chance to work and feed them selves. The precondition for such a development is democracy and liberty. Ethiopia is the origin of human race, and a symbol of freedom for the black race. Thanks to the mismanagement of subsequent regimes it is now reduced into a laughing stock of the whole world. The other day I saw an American film where the actor invites his darling for a dinner to an Ethiopian restaurant. The feminine actress asks her friend “do they have food in Ethiopia?†He in return answers “we will order empty dishes.†It says it all. The film was supposed to be a comedy but it inflicts a mortal wound on our pride.
Ethiopia has every potential to be a developed nation given an honest and benevolent regime that can give its people a chance to live in peace and harmony. There are a huge natural resources and the human capital necessary for sustainable development. What is lacking is an honest, democratic and accountable government. Surely Ethiopia will reclaim its place in the history books that it deserves sooner or later. No doubt that Ethiopia is mentioned over thirty times in the bible and the Koran. It will be a country that Africans and the black race can again be proud of. On our way to that end we need all kinds of forces who can make a contribution and I would like to believe that the AFD can be one of them.
Democracy in practice
Democracy is in a multidimensional crisis in Ethiopia emanating from the totalitarianism of the regime. Some of the major contradictions which have erupted and erupt now and then among the ruling group have been “solved†by throwing the opponents into jail or by simple physical elimination. The major contradiction that has its source in the totalitarianism of the regime and the concentration of power in the hands of one man is however the contradiction between the ruling elite and the Ethiopian people. This concentration of power in the hands of the dictator and totalitarian elite has been stifling the Ethiopian people politically, culturally and economically since 1991. This is the major democratic crisis that is threatening the country and the rest of Eastern Africa. The May election was the best opportunity lost to solve this crisis. On the contrary, the daylight robbery of the peoples will by the regime has exacerbated this crisis. This major crisis of democracy needs to be resolved in order to salvage our people and country.
Another aspect of the crisis of democracy in our country is the discord, disunity and lack of democratic experience in tackling and resolving political differences and problems among the opposition groups. This problem has been the stumbling block in our struggle for democracy and justice. Thus any attempt for a solution to our problems and contradictions has to include the resolution of the problem of democracy even among the opposition. The emergence of AFD seems to be a good start in resolving this outstanding contradiction. The nature of the organisations that formed the alliance is markedly different from one another. The very attempt to come and work together for the common cause, democracy and freedom, is an achievement. It is a sign of maturity and sign of embracing democracy. To give and take and to agree and work together for a common goal is real democracy in practice. Democracy entails compromise. These organisations that have done that seem to have learned important lessons from past experiences and the May elections.
The international alliance of forces
As we are all aware this horrendous regime can only stay in power thanks to the support of the donor nations. Between 30 and 50 percent of its annual budget is covered by budgetary supplements from the western nations. This generous flow of financial resources and support to the EPRDF has its roots in our past history and the cunning nature of the regime. One of the greatest disservices of the military dictatorship of Mengistu was the annihilation of one generation of young and dynamic Ethiopians. The frustration and demoralisation that emanated from this campaign of annihilation forced the remains of that generation of Ethiopians into exile or passivity. This cleared the way to the TPLF and other forces that worked for the weakening and eventual destruction of Ethiopia as a country. In the late 80’s the west in its competition with the communist east was winning the terrain in the whole world. The collapse of communism started with the sacrifice of Ethiopia. It was in one of the summits between the US and the Soviet the fate of Ethiopia was sealed. Soviet Union conceded to leave Ethiopian to its fate while in turn it bought time for an orderly retreat from the rest of its empire. History repeated itself. As Ethiopia was the first victim to be sacrificed to appease fascist Italy in the Second World War, it happened this time again and Ethiopia was sacrificed to appease the west. The first victim of the collapse of communism became Ethiopia. At that point of history Ethiopia stood alone in front the almighty west. Their fate was decided with out their participation. They were dragged out of the mouth of the wolf Mengistu and thrown into the mouth of the hyena Meles.The Albanian communist party oriented TPLF turned itself into a “democratic†TPLF overnight. The ferocious MLLT/TPLF animal and the EPLF coalition presented itself as the best possible alternatives to the Ethiopian problem. This should not be surprising since we all know that deceit and lie is the trade mark or enigma of this clique. But we have to take part of the blame for this development. We could not produce any viable alternative to the TPLF/EPLF coalition at that point of time. After taking power the clique has played it smart.
•They have always aligned their foreign policy to correspond to the interests of the west in general and the US in particular while giving a semblance of democracy while working hard to achieve their aim of a weak and divided Ethiopia.
•The disunity and hostility among the opposition groups has made it easy for these myopic elite to present itself as the guarantor of the existence of Ethiopia as a nation.
•Due to the sensitive nature of the East African geopolitical situation and the US perusing its national interest, the fight against terrorism, has appointed TPLF to axel the role of a fighter against terrorism. The TPLF has joyously accepted this role. It is even overexploiting the situation as it is doing now in Somalia. It is surprising that the US is still sticking to this group despite all facts speaking against them. Dictatorship is the mother of terrorism and the TPLF regime is a typical example of that.
Despite all the setbacks, we Ethiopians in the Diaspora are trying to make ourselves heard and present the case of our people to the international public opinion, governments and Human right organisations. From what I observe we are making progress and gaining a lot of powerful friends for the Ethiopian cause and the cause of democracy. The TPLF is exposed and its true nature is being exhibited for the wider world. I believe it is even possible to bring more change in the opinion in the west in favour of the Ethiopian people’s cause provided we work a bit diligently and united. The emergence of the AFD is an important leap in this work. The west has been putting an immense pressure on the opposition to show flexibility and willingness for dialog. If the AFD can prove that it is a strong and reliable partner to do business with, I am convinced that the west is matured and interested to completely change its stance on the question of Ethiopia. In our struggle to show the whole world the intransigency and dictatorial nature of this regime it is pertinent to stand united and the AFD was just the best thing we ever have produced. We have to show the world
•That we are united in the in our struggle for freedom and democracy and we are capable of uniting the Ethiopian people and can shoulder the responsibility of leading our country into a model democratic country.
•We must be able to show that a democratic Ethiopia can be a factor of stability to the whole region.
•That we are flexible and reliable
•We are democratic and respect the rules of democracy.
•The problem of Ethiopia and the region as a whole can only be solved when the EPRDF accepts the will of the people.
•We should prove beyond all doubt that we are not the weak and the extremist groups as the EPRDF is trying to portray us in the face of the whole world.
Concluding remarks
In the ideal world the best solution for all of us, even the EPRDF, would have been the solution of the May elections. Ethiopians went out and exercised their inherent right and voted for the party of their choice. Unfortunately that ideal did not materialise as the ballot was rigged and election results hijacked by the EPRDF. From now the struggle for democracy and freedom must start afresh. Next time when freedom and democracy is achieved we should make sure that it works and pass the tradition for generations to come. It is in this context that the AFD must play a prominent role to achieve this goal.
The reason beyond my many ifs and mays is the bitter experience I have had from the Ethiopian political struggle. The Ethiopian opposition has not proved itself to be consistent and democratic, that is willing to wage an inner struggle in a democratic way and stay and work together to achieve the goal of democracy. This time around, if we fail to materialise the goal of a united struggle we will be giving the best gift we ever have given the EPRDF and we would have done the biggest damage we could have inflicted to the struggle of the Ethiopian people. I hope that
•We all democratic and humane Ethiopians would like to see our country as a democratic and a land of righteousness where nobody is wronged for his ideas and convictions.
•We would like to see a country where organisations are free to work and mobilise the people to their idea and win political power by the means of ballot box.
•We would like to see a country that is blooming with economic development and freed from the shackles of famine and starvation.
•We would like that our ancient country reclaims its right place as the cradle of the human race and as a symbol of black pride.
One anticipates that the AFD will be relevant in building a democratic Ethiopia. It is in this hope I raise my voice to support this incipient organisation. I hope this organisation will work in a dynamic and prudent way and mobilise its supporters for the cause of unity. I hope this organisation will speak loud and clear the principles of one man one vote and the alienable rights of the Ethiopian people to decide their own destiny. I hope the AFD will show in practice that it has drawn the necessary conclusions from the May elections and it will respect the will of the people. Finally I hope the AFD will be transparent and open to accommodate constructive opinions which flow from different direction.
Deputy Prime Minister Addisu Legesse was too afraid to face Ethiopians in Atlanta at the public meeting he himself had called yesterday afternoon. He decided to call off the meeting after learning that less than ten individuals came to listen to him and about eighty protestors were waiting to look him in the eye and ask him why he is arresting, torturing and murdering their friends and relatives back home. One of those who awaited to confront him inside the meeting hall at Marriott Hotel was Artist Solomon Tekalign. But the embassy staff that organized the public meeting requested the police to ask Solomon to leave. After some discussion, he complied. A few minutes later, the meeting was canceled.
Over thirty Atlanta police officers and U.S. secret service agents supported by an helicopter were providing security for the deputy chief of Ethiopia’s current criminal regime. Some of the Atlanta police officers who were told by the protestors about Addisu Legesse’s atrocities in Ethiopia were shaking their heads in disbelief. It seems that they felt the irony of protecting a mass murderer against peaceful, law abiding people. As the protestors dispersed, the officers thanked them for being cooperative and expressing their grievances in a peaceful and orderly manor.
The Atlanta meeting was part of a North America tour by the Meles regime’s officials who are organizing segregated meetings in several U.S. cities. In the Atlanta meeting, only people from the Amhara ethnic group were invited. But out of the ten who showed up, about half were members and supporters of the ruling Tigrean People’s Liberation Front.
At a similar meeting in Boston last Saturday, Addisu ran out the back door like a thief after he saw that most of those inside the meeting hall were there to confront him.
ER has been informed that Addisu Legesse is planning to have a meeting in Ohio and Washington DC this coming weekend. Is there any lawyer in Washington DC who can file charges of murder and torture against him and have a judge issue an arrest warrant? Or is it possible to make a citizen’s arrest? There are hundreds of cases that are documented by respected international institutions that show Addisu Legesse, Meles Zenawi et al have ordered the torture and killing. So why is this criminal allowed to roam freely in the U.S. where justice applies to all, including the President?
It is not a secret that the United Ethiopian Democratic Forces (UEDF) is waging an all out attack against the Alliance for Freedom and Democracy (AFD), a coalition of EPPF, Kinijit, OLF, ONLF and SLF. UEDF had participated in the conference in the Netherlands when the agreement was made to form the AFD. But its representatives failed to sign the memorandum of understanding that created the alliance asking a one-month period to think about it. The one-month has come and gone, but UEDF is more determined than ever about not only rejecting the AFD, but also vigorously fighting to destroy it.
At first, UEDF was citing procedural matters for its unwillingness to be part of the AFD. When that argument didn’t get any traction, they come up with the following arguments:
1. The Alliance doesn’t protect the sovereignty of Ethiopia.
2. It doesn’t have “Ethiopia” in its name.
3. AFD’s memorandum of understanding accepts the existing constitution.
4. It was formed under the auspices of the Issayas Afeworki regime.
UEDF is being criticized by many that the real reason it is opposing the Alliance is because it is not leading it. ER doesn’t want to question the motives of UEDF leaders. But the arguments they presented against the AFD so far have not been persuasive enough. UEDF was in fact working hard to help create a similar alliance that would have involved all the parties that are now members of the AFD. Some of UEDF’s member organizations themselves accept the existing constitution, including the Article 39 that allows ethnic groups to secede from Ethiopia.
What prompted ER to write this commentary is UEDF’s recent statement that condemns that the desecration of the Ethiopian flag in Asmera after a video surfaced in the Internet that shows the flag was being stomped on at a recent event. A lot of people have pointed out that the video was doctored by TPLF agents, whose leader Meles Zenawi ridiculed our flag as a “piece of cloth” (cherq). The purpose of UEDF’s statement was to link the alleged incident with the AFD, and insinuate that AFD is an anti-Ethiopia coalition. We expect the UEDF leaders to be the last to be manipulated by a TPLF propaganda war. In their single-minded focus on discrediting AFD, and running out of persuasive arguments, they are falling into the TPLF trap.
As a political organization, UEDF must respect and abide by the desire of the people. Currently, what the people of Ethiopia desire is a united front of all opposition parties that can remove the Meles brutal dictatorship. The AFD is the only organized force that can back up its political and diplomatic efforts with a military force. For the past 15 years, the opposition camp did not have such a combination of united political and military force. We have it now. Unfortunately, UEDF is unintentionally providing aid to the Meles dictatorship by attacking this united force–the Alliance for Unity and Democracy.
ER once again is urging the UEDF leaders to reconsider their position and join the Alliance.
The pressure should not be on UEDF alone. ER has observed that OLF and Kinijit have not been accommodative to UEDF’s concerns. They have not even been willing to spend sufficient time to consider some of UEDF’s legitimate concerns. Hopefully, this will be corrected.
The pre- and post-elections political activities of Ato Lidetu Ayalew require serious examination and analysis by political scientists and historians. ER’s intention here is not to do that, because we do not have all the facts. What ER wishes to accomplish in this commentary is to try to give a more complete picture of circumstances surrounding Lidetu’s fall from grace. ER believes that our political leaders and those of us who are closely following our country’s politics can benefit from such a discussion.
It is a well established fact that Lidetu had a major role in Ethiopian politics in the past decade as a leading opposition figure. No one can deny the fact that he was instrumental in the defeat of the Meles regime at the ballot box in May 2005. In a series of televised debates before the elections, he delivered a knockout blow to the TPLF brain trust with his rhetorical firepower that was unmatched by any current Ethiopian political leader. One week before the May 15 elections, he received a hero’s welcome at a huge rally in Meskel Square that was attended by over a million people. The other CUD leaders received little or no attention from the crowd at the rally. Every where he traveled, he was received with admiration and respect. His photos were posted on walls and utility poles in cities around the country. He was THE most popular politician in the country and a leading figure in the movement against the Meles dictatorship. In a matter of few months, all that has changed. Currently, Lidetu is one of the most hated politicians in Ethiopia. Any one who says any thing positive about him, or even seen talking with him is called a traitor. ER itself received a lot of grief for interviewing Lidetu a few days ago. How did this happen? How could a man who was so loved and admired by millions of people becomes one of the most vilified politicians in a matter of days? Is the onslaught against him warranted?
ER believes that although Lidetu may not deserve to be called a traitor, and definitely not a Woyanne, he has brought all this on himself. How?
1. Timing
There were four parties, but three power centers inside the Coalition for Unity & Democracy (CUD) when it was formed in February 2005. The first one was the All Ethiopian Unity Party (AEUP) led by Ato Hailu Shawel. The second one was Kestedamena led by Dr Berhanu Nega, and the third was UEDP-Medhin led by Lidetu–although the chairman was Dr Admasu Gebeyehu. The fourth member of the coalition, Ethiopian Democratic League (EDL), the smallest of the four parties, had an insignificant role in the coalition. Its leaders mostly sided with Dr Berhanu Nega and acted as Kestedamena members. After the elections, the UEDP-Medhin chairman Dr Admasu Gebeyehu began to identify himself more with the CUD than his own party. He even stopped attending UEDP-Medhin’s meetings. So it was Lidetu who tried to represent the UEDP-Medhin in the coalition.
Lidetu’s party, UEDP-Medhin, had more members and its candidates won more seats in the 2005 elections than any of the other parties in the CUD. But after the elections, UEDP-Medhin, particularly its younger leaders, were sidelined by the AEUP and Kestedamena leaders with the help of the UEDP-Medhin chairman. The UEDP-Medhin chapters and committees inside the country and around the world stopped receiving any direction on how to proceed as members of the CUD. The older officials of the UEDP-Medhin–particularly the chairman, Dr Admasu Gebeyehu and vice-chairman Dr Hailu Araya–were coopted by the AEUP and Kestedamena leaders. They found to have more in common with the AEUP and Kestedamena leaders than the young turks (Lidetu et al) in their own party. They often voted against Lidetu and Mushe inside the CUD executive committee while the others voted party line. By July 2005, an alliance of AEUP, Kestedamena and the older members of the UEDP-Medhin emerged against Lidetu & Company inside the CUD.
The CUD troika–Hailu Shawel, Berhanu Nega and Lidetu Ayalew–that defeated the Meles dictatorship in the ballot box transformed into two warring factions–one led by Hailu Shawel and the other by Lidetu Ayalew. Berhanu Nega, who has his own strong following, joined the Hailu Shawel camp. He might have seen the popular Lidetu as a long-term threat to his own political ambition. The AEUP-Kestedamena leaders, who are much older, much wealthier, and had much more advanced education, did not see the young leaders of UEDP-Medhin as their equals. They looked down on them more as rabble-rousers than level-headed politicians. Most of Lidetu’s and Mushe Semu’s ideas and proposals were dead on arrival at the CUD Council meetings. It seemed that some times they rejected Lidetu’s ideas just to irk him. He in turn did not respect their approach to politics, and forcefully challenged them. His style was confrontational, and blunt, antagonizing many of the CUD leaders who are sensitive to diplomatic niceties. He was particularly disrespectful towards Ato Hailu Shawel. The two disliked each other.
During the heated internal debates inside the CUD leadership regarding how to react to the gross election fraud that the Meles regime committed, Lidetu and allies pushed for a more populist approach. They opposed going to the courts and the diplomatic community to protest the vote fraud. They wanted to confront the Meles regime through rallies, general strikes and other popular actions. They vociferously argued that going to the courts, which are controlled by the Meles regime, was useless.
The tension between these two camps continued to threaten the survival of the CUD. Some how the coalition survived through the elections, but break up was inevitable as the differences in ideology, strategy, and style of leadership were too wide apart for the two groups to remain together. With all the distrust, lack of mutual respect, and built up resentment, the only way for the CUD to survive was for one of the two camps to give in, or be destroyed by the other. The stubborn Lidetu, by then organizationally a lot weaker, was not about to give in. So, first the Hailu Shawel camp carried out a divide and conquer policy on UEDP-Medhin. They successfully brought many of the UEDP-Medhin leaders to their side. Then they gave a green light to their supporters to politically destroy Lidetu. As young politicians who are new to intraparty battles, Lidetu and allies lost out to the more experienced politicians. In politics, timing is every thing–none more so than in intra party battles. So instead of accepting defeat, and waiting for the right time to wage another battle, Lidetu and allies went on a kamikaze (suicide) mission.
2. Not responding to false rumors and fabricated stories
Knowing the rhetorical firepower of the Lidetu camp, his opponents in the CUD made sure than Lidetu is politically dead and buried. None of his opponents believed that Lidetu was a Woyanne or a traitor. In a number of discussions ER held with the top CUD leaders, their complaint about Lidetu had never been that he is a Woyanne. Their main worry was that he is a populist and a reckless leader who could have them all killed. Accusations of recklessness and hotheadedness was not enough to defeat Lidetu in the court of public opinion. So rumors started surfacing about Lidetu meeting with Sebhat Nega and other Woyanne leaders. Fabricated stories were published in newspapers, such as Lidetu received money from Al Amoudi, took up residency in Sheraton Hotel free of charge, etc. Confident that no body would believe such rumors, Lidetu failed to respond. In our culture, any thing written down is taken seriously, no matter how false the story is. But Lidetu simply brushed off the flood of rumors and negative newspaper reports about him. At the time, ER had asked Lidetu several times to interview him so that he could refute the damaging stories against him. He refused to do so saying that it is not necessary. He said that the people would not trust any of the negative stuff that was being said about him. How wrong he was! His silence gave credence to the rumors.
3. Sycophant supporters
Lidetu made a series of blunders, all of them as a result of his unwillingness to listen to the advise of others. This is a major flaw in his character. But how did he came to be like that? The answer lies in the sycophantic support he was getting from his friends and followers. Blind supporters have destroyed the careers of a number of promising leaders. Lidetu is one of their victims. They made him out to be an all-knowing, omnipotent leader. For a young politician in his 30s, such adulation and flattery no doubt had a corrupting effect on his character. Surrounded by an army of sycophants and zealots who worshipped him, Lidetu thought that he could not do any thing wrong, and he didn’t need advise from any one.
ER views sycophantic followers of political leaders with contempt. They are a scourge on Ethiopian politics.
4. Unwise words and decisions
Lidetu’s popularity and credibility with the people remained intact even after he was expelled by the CUD executive committee in late October 2005. He was expelled because he refused to surrender UEDP-Medhin’s official stamp he was keeping as secretary of the party after the four parties have merged to make CUD a unitary party. At the meeting of UEDP-Medhin executives, he was outvoted in favor of giving up the stamp that was needed to finalize the merger. But he refused, arguing that only the general meeting of the party can decide on such an issue. His legalistic stand did not have a strong foundation since at a previous general meeting the members had given the executives a mandate to make all merger-related decisions on their behalf. Politically, too, his decision was suicidal, because he was going against a strong desire by the people to make CUD a unitary party. Lidetu was portrayed as a divisive figure who was an obstacle to unity. If he wanted to take a principled–and what he believed was a legal–position, he should have resigned and gone home, instead of dragging himself and his allies through the ugly fight that was to follow. His irrationally stubborn stand caused so much unnecessary pain to so many people, particularly his supporters.
Lidetu didn’t stop there. When Meles unleashed his Federal Police and Agazi death squads on CUD leaders and members, he was not heard uttering any word of condemnation. To make matters worse, he wrote a book that condemns the jailed leaders and spoke out against them on radio and newspaper interviews while they were languishing in jail. What he was saying in the book and the interviews could be factual, but the timing was not right. It was also politically and morally incorrect to attack those who cannot defend themselves.
When the Meles regime unleashed a brutal attack on CUD leaders and supporters, Lidetu should have put aside his political differences and expressed solidarity with his former colleagues, no matter how much unfairly he felt they treated him. The least he could have done was to distance himself as far away as possible from the fascist regime that is brutalizing the people whose votes it has stolen. Instead, what Lidetu did was to show up in the parliament in the same stage with Woyanne mass murderers who had gunned down some of his own supporters just a few weeks ago. No wonder why his supporters felt betrayed. The Woyanne propaganda machine that used to demonize Lidetu for the past ten years jumped on the opportunity to exploit his appearance in the parliament a short distance away from the tyrant.
With all the complaints against Lidetu until that time, had he boycotted the parliament, his popularity as a political leader would not have significantly changed. The false rumors and fabricated newspaper reports against Lidetu had a negative impact on his popularity, but what hurt him the most and probably irreparably damaged his political career were his own unwise words (attacking the jailed leaders), and his own unwise decision (entering the fake parliament).
Can Lidetu revive his political career?
There is no doubt that Lidetu can revive his political career if he takes some steps to address the grievances against him. Ethiopians are the most forgiving people. If Lidetu wants to get back in the people’s good graces, he is well advised to do the following:
1. Organize and lead a boycott of the Woyanne parliament until all the opposition leaders and members are released
2. Demand the immediate resignation of the Meles regime for stealing the people’s votes, murdering unarmed civilians, illegally detaining tens of thousands of innocent civilians, etc.
3. As a political leader, listen what the people are saying
4. Admit mistakes and apologize
Individuals like Lidetu come one in a million. He is a gifted orator and has a brilliant mind. With experience and age, he has the potential to be a great political leader. It would be a great loss and a tragedy for our country if all the contributions Lidetu made and the sacrifices he paid for freedom and democracy in the past 10-15 years are discounted because of a few ill-advised decisions he made and unwise words he spoke. What Lidetu went through in the past ten months can only make him a better person and a better politician if he does what needs to be done. But if he thinks that he didn’t make any mistake, refuses to tune in to the heartbeat of the people, and continues to show up in the same stage with the number one terrorist in Ethiopia, Meles Zenawi, he would be digging his own political grave deeper and deeper.
