By Vaughn Ververs
CBSNews.com senior political editor

“Joe the plumber” achieved sudden national fame in the final presidential debate, but it was John McCain who needed the headlines. Although the Republican nominee was energetic, focused and, at times, emotional in his last on-stage appearance before Election Day, it was likely not enough to change the underlying trajectory of the race.

With Barack Obama by all accounts holding a solid lead and less than three weeks to go, McCain came out aggressive from the very beginning. He grabbed onto a recent exchange Obama had with a small businessman, Joe “the plumber” Wurzelbacher, and used it like a hammer to pound away at the Democrat as a tax-and-spend class warrior. “Hey, Joe, you’re rich, congratulations,” McCain said at one point to illustrate a point about the level of taxation in Obama’s plan.

McCain took what many in his own campaign reportedly thought to be a risk by directly raising the issue of Obama’s association with William Ayers, challenging him to describe the fullness of their relationship. He emotionally described how hurt he was by assertions by Rep. John Lewis about some crowd behavior at McCain’s campaign rallies, then turned around and accused Obama of disparaging his supporters. He jumped in at awkward moments, rolled his eyes and demonstrated near-contempt at Obama’s answers.

And he pointedly sought to distance himself from President Bush, both on issues and seemingly personally. As if taking offense to the continued comparison, McCain curtly told his opponent, “Senator Obama, I am not President Bush. If you wanted to run against President Bush, you should have run four years ago.”

The kitchen sink was not thrown in but one sensed it was positioned under the table and within reach, just in case it was needed.

What McCain did not manage to do was ruffle the ever-calm, cool and collected Obama. As he has been several times during these debates, the Democrat was on the defensive at several points, especially on taxes. Obama continues to refuse to say which of his big-idea proposals he’d have to shelve because of economic realities, instead choosing to focus on those he won’t put aside. If he’s not a big taxer, as McCain asserts, he certainly has a lot of things he wants to spend on.

But Obama continues to do a masterful job talking directly about and to the middle class. Polls show overwhelmingly that voters trust Obama more on the economy than McCain and he used that as a wedge to keep it that way. “What we haven’t yet seen is a rescue package for the middle class,” he said when discussing the Wall Street bailout and John McCain’s mortgage proposal.

The Illinois Senator was clearly prepared for the William Ayers issue and McCain’s attempts to link his campaign to ACORN, the group which has spurred a flood of voter registration controversies. And while he engaged McCain on who’s responsible for the negative tone of the campaign, his heart didn’t seem to be into a prolonged exchange. Obama wanted a quiet, low-key affair and for his part, he pulled it off.

The campaign now moves into its most intense phase, if such a thing is even possible in a campaign that has redefined the concept. With just 20 days to go, there’s no longer any room for error, adjustment or new approaches. Americans have seen these two candidates at three of these debates now and they’ve seen a striking contrast – McCain has been at turns uplifting and irritated, if not flat-out angry, while Obama remains steady and level, almost too cool at times.

Those traits were clearly on display last night in New York. McCain did a better job of explaining his economic philosophy than he has during this entire campaign, and perhaps it’s better late than never. If not the inspirational, transformational leader he was billed as over the past year, Obama has gone a long way toward making voters feel comfortable seeing him as a president.

Even though he was uneven at times, McCain likely did himself some good last night, particularly among voters like “Joe the plumber” who worry about Obama’s plans for country and remain open to the Republican argument. The problem for McCain, less than three weeks from the election, is that there simply might not be enough of those voters left to do him much good.

Both candidates continue to tinker with their strategies.

By KARL ROVE, The Wall Street Journal

In the campaign’s final two weeks, voters will take a last serious look at both presidential candidates. The outcome of the race isn’t cast in stone yet.

Barack Obama holds a 7.3% lead in the Real Clear Politics average of all polls, but the latest Gallup tracking poll reveals that there are nearly twice as many undecided voters this year than there were in the last presidential election. The Investor’s Business Daily/TIPP poll (which was closest to the mark in predicting the 2004 outcome — 0.4% off the actual result) now says this is a three-point race.

This week also brought a reminder that Sen. Obama hasn’t closed the sale. The Washington Post/ABC poll found 45% of voters still don’t think he’s qualified to be president, about the same number who doubted his qualifications in March.

This is seven points more than George W. Bush’s highest reading in 2000 and the worst since Michael Dukakis’s 56% unqualified rating in 1988. It explains why Mr. Obama has ignored Democratic giddiness and done two things to keep victory from slipping away.

First, he is using his money to try to keep John McCain from gaining traction. The Obama campaign raised $67 million in September and may be on track to raise $100 million in October. Sen. McCain opted last month for roughly $85 million in public financing, giving him less than half of Mr. Obama’s funds for the campaign’s final two months. Even with robust Republican National Committee fund raising to augment his spending, Mr. McCain is at a severe financial disadvantage.

So Mr. Obama is spending $35 million on TV this week versus the McCain/RNC total of $17 million. Mr. Obama is outspending Mr. McCain on TV in Virginia by a ratio of 4 to 1, in Florida by 3 to 1, and in Missouri and Nevada by better than 2 to 1. The disparity is likely to grow in the campaign’s final weeks.

Money alone, however, won’t decide the contest. John Kerry and the Democrats outspent Mr. Bush and the GOP in 2004 by $121 million and still lost.

Mr. Obama’s other strategy is to do all he can to look presidential, including buying very expensive half-hour slots to address the country next week. He wants to give a serious, Oval-Office type address. This is smart. People appreciate Mr. Obama’s empathy on the economy, but as they take a long look at what he wants to do about it, they will be less impressed, especially if Mr. McCain draws sharp contrasts with clear policy proposals.

Mr. Obama is trying to make the case that his lack of experience or record should not disqualify him. But in doing so, he seems to recognize that the U.S. is still a center-right country. His TV ads promise tax cuts and his radio ads savage Mr. McCain’s health-care plan as a tax increase. It’s a startling campaign conversion for the most liberal member of the Senate. We’ll know on Election Day if he is able to get away with it.

Similarly, Mr. McCain appears to be making three important course corrections. First, he and Gov. Sarah Palin are sharpening their stump speeches so their sound bites come off well on TV. Gone are offhand remarks and awkward comments read from notes perched on a podium. In are teleprompters and carefully crafted arguments. Mr. McCain is also more at ease than before and has an ebullient, come-from-behind underdog optimism that will serve him well in the final weeks.

Second, Mr. McCain is shaping a story line that draws on well-founded concerns about Mr. Obama’s lack of record or experience. Mr. McCain is also bowing to reality and devoting most of his time to the economy. His narrative is he’s the conservative reformer who’ll lead and work hard to get things done, while Mr. Obama is the tax-and-spend liberal who’s unprepared to lead and unwilling to act.

Mr. McCain is hitting Mr. Obama for wanting to raise taxes in difficult economic times, especially on small business and for the purpose of redistributing income, and for having lavish spending plans at a time when the economy is faltering. He’s criticizing Mr. Obama for lingering on the sidelines while Mr. McCain dove in to help pass a rescue plan, necessary no matter how distasteful. And he’s attacking Mr. Obama for not joining the fight in 2005 when reformers like Mr. McCain tried to rein in Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac.

Mr. McCain’s other adjustment is his schedule. His campaign understands the dire circumstances it faces and is narrowing his travels almost exclusively to Florida, North Carolina, Virginia, Ohio, Missouri, Colorado and Nevada. If he carries those states, while losing only Iowa and New Mexico from the GOP’s 2004 total, Mr. McCain will carry 274 Electoral College votes and the White House. It’s threading the needle, but it’s come to that.

This task, while not impossible, will be difficult. By mid-September, the McCain camp was slightly ahead in the polls. Then came the financial crisis. The past month has taken an enormous toll on the McCain campaign.

Whether it can find the right formula in the next 19 days to dig out is a question. If Mr. McCain succeeds, he will have engineered the most impressive and improbable political comeback since Harry Truman in 1948. But having to reach back more than a half-century for inspiration is not the place campaign managers want to be now.
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Mr. Rove is a former senior adviser and deputy chief of staff to President George W. Bush. He served as Senior Advisor to President George W. Bush from 2000–2007 and Deputy Chief of Staff from 2004–2007. At the White House he oversaw the Offices of Strategic Initiatives, Political Affairs, Public Liaison, and Intergovernmental Affairs and was Deputy Chief of Staff for Policy, coordinating the White House policy making process. Before Karl became known as “The Architect” of President Bush’s 2000 and 2004 campaigns, he was president of Karl Rove + Company, an Austin-based public affairs firm that worked for Republican candidates, nonpartisan causes, and nonprofit groups. His clients included over 75 Republican U.S. Senate, Congressional and gubernatorial candidates in 24 states, as well as the Moderate Party of Sweden.

CBS News

UPDATED WITH FINAL RESULTS As in the previous debates, CBS News and Knowledge Networks have conducted a nationally representative poll of uncommitted voters to get their immediate reaction to tonight’s presidential debate.

In the first presidential debate, second presidential debate and vice presidential debate, more uncommitted voters said the Democratic candidate was the victor.

And tonight’s results have, by a wide margin, made it a clean sweep. Here are the final results of the survey of 638 uncommitted voters:

Fifty-three percent of the uncommitted voters surveyed identified Democratic nominee Barack Obama as the winner of tonight’s debate. Twenty-two percent said Republican rival John McCain won. Twenty-five percent saw the debate as a draw.

More uncommitted voters trusted Obama than McCain to make the right decisions about health care. Before the debate, sixty-one percent of uncommitted voters said that they trust Obama on the issue; after, sixty-eight percent said so. Twenty-seven percent trusted McCain to manage health care before the debate; thirty percent said so afterwards.

Sixty-four percent think Obama will raise their taxes, while fifty percent think McCain will.

Before the debate, fifty-four percent thought Obama shared their values. That percentage rose to sixty-four percent after the debate. For McCain, fifty-two percent thought he shared their values before the debate, and fifty-five percent thought so afterwards.

Before the debate, fifty percent said they trusted Obama to handle a crisis; that rose to sixty-three percent afterwards. More uncommitted voters trusted McCain on this – seventy-eight percent before the debate, eighty-two percent after the debate.

But more trusted Obama than McCain to make the right decisions about the economy. Before the debate, fifty-four percent of uncommitted voters said that they trust Obama to make the right decisions about the economy; after, sixty-five percent said that. Before, thirty-eight percent trusted McCain to do so, and forty-eight percent did after the debate.

Before the debate, sixty-six percent thought Obama understands voters’ needs and problems; that rose to seventy-six percent after the debate. For McCain, thirty-six percent felt he understands voters’ needs before the debate, and forty-eight percent thought so afterwards.

We will have a full report on the poll later on. Uncommitted voters are those who don’t yet know who they will vote for, or who have chosen a candidate but may still change their minds.

MEKELLE, TIGRAY (ST) – The President of Tigray Region in northern Ethiopia blames the United Nation Security Council (UNSEC) for failing to carry out its responsibility to “halt Eritrea’s repeated disruptions that crippled the Ethiopia-Eritrea UN peace keeping mission (UNMEE).”

In an official closure of the 8-year long UN mission, Two UN planes on Sunday have picked up the last UNMEE Indian battalion from the regional capital’s Airport, a battalion which has been deployed along the Ethiopia-Eritrea border.

In a fare-well ceremony bid at Alula Aba Nega International airport, President Tsegay Berhe said “The federal government of Ethiopia the Woyanne regime has repeatedly addressed grave concerns from day one to the UN security council as the Eritrean government continued to undermine and threaten the peace process; however “deaf ears” were given by the UN security council to all the concerns Ethiopia Woyanne has been addressing.”

The official says the council’s “deaf ears” than swiftly acting against Eritrea’s unlawful acts were the reasons which helped Asmara to a further continued and official disruption over the mission.

“This could be taken as one of the bad lessons that the international community have learnt and it shows the UN Security Council didn’t keep the integrity of the Algiers agreement and the security and comfort of its UNMEE battalions,” he said.

“The consequences will be complete eradication and withdrawal of the Algiers agreement and from its implications,” he added.

During the occasion acting secretary representative to UN Security Council General Azouz Ennifar said “The goals of UNMEE were not to demarcate the borders but to assure both parties respect the cease fire” adding “our goal is to create best grounds for border demarcation”

The officials which included Indian ambassador to Ethiopia have honored the peace force for their dedication in the perspective of the endeavors they made during their stay under UNMEE umbrella and de mining, social supports, their sympathy and association they had won with national, regional government and with the community at large which was said to be more important than the military work.

President Tsegay Berehe reaffirmed that despite the shutdown of the mission, his country, Ethiopia Woyanne is ready to resolve border crises with arch-foe Eritrea peacefully.

“Still the doors for peace are always open through dialogue that can lead us towards lasting peace,” he stressed.

By Obang Metho

The Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia is a grass-roots, non-political pan-Ethiopian movement whose mission is to establish a viable alliance all dissatisfied groups, irrespective of their ethnic backgrounds, religious affiliations and political tilts, with the common goal of installing equality and social justice in the spirit of a united Ethiopia.

The “New Ethiopia” we envision is an one where we put our “humanity before our ethnicity” and where the rule of law and the supporting governmental and societal structures are strong enough to support and advance genuine freedom, justice, the respect for human rights, equality, peace, prosperity and opportunity, without bias. This is the kind of environment that will then be conducive to unhindered political expression.

This is a movement to Revive Ethiopia because the image of dying Ethiopia or is deteriorating badly and can be seen everywhere:

All of these are signs of the deep trouble or crisis we Ethiopians are in unless we join together as Ethiopians, united by principles that are greater and higher than our collective differences and divisions, knowing that none of us is truly free until we all are free. Only then will we find a way out of this destructive path we are on to a more humane and healthier Ethiopia.

Problems to be Addressed by the Solidarity Movement:

1. Food Crisis

The Solidarity Movement is attempting to mobilize Ethiopians to provide and access additional resources to help starving Ethiopians in the country. This is a primary goal right now due to the seriousness of this crisis and because of that it takes precedence over the dismal state of politics and other matters in the country.

We are hearing tragic reports of the widespread hunger across the country due to inflation, unemployment, crop failures and the unavailability of food. The Solidarity Movement is organizing a mass effort to help in whatever way possible, in particular, by asking Ethiopians to form small donation groups that would send directly to trusted relatives or friends in the country that would distribute the funds to the most needy.

The Solidarity Movement is also working to launch a worldwide fundraising campaign to raise funds for the starving and dying Ethiopians. One day will be chosen for Ethiopians to make a concerted effort to raise these funds throughout the world. The plan will be coming out, but at this time what we have in mind is for communities, churches, civic groups, political parties and even individuals to coordinate such events in homes, community centers, mosques, synagogues or churches. This should also be extended to non-Ethiopians friends.

It is also a goal—not yet realized—to exert pressure on the Ethiopian government, utilizing key government and NGO decision makers in the international community to add strength to our voice whenever possible, to openly address this crisis rather than denying or minimizing it. Additionally, it will also be important to advocate for food assistance from outside sources for the short-term and to mobilize the international community to address the root causes.

2. Human Rights Crimes

The ongoing human rights crimes continue in the country, particularly in the Ogaden region, in the Afar region, in Benishangul-Gumuz, the Oromia region and in the Southern Nations, and North Gonder to Gambella region more specifically in an incident between two ethnic groups. In this latter case, the members of a dominant ethnic group, one who was suspected to have government support, targeted a much smaller ethnic group, the Burji. In these cases, it continues to be a high priority for the Solidarity Movement to intervene and ease the situation by different means like traditional counseling through elders and moderators in both parties as well by aware our folks not to playing the regime’s political game.

The Solidarity Movement will continue to do the same throughout the country by attempting to find people on the ground in different regions and within different groups within those regions, to report what is going on and to intervene as resources enable us to do so. It is also our goal to educate Ethiopians and international human rights organizations of any gross violations, encouraging them to take action.

3. Maintaining the Ethiopia Territorial Integrity of our Borders

Article 39 of the Ethiopian Constitution that allows a region the constitutional legitimacy to secede from the country has been used by the current Meles regime to advance the disintegration of Ethiopia where it was conducive to their interests—Eritrea—and to oppose it by military force where it was not—like against other separatist groups.

There are long-standing and legitimate concerns expressed by these groups who want to break away from the country because they have lacked political voice and opportunity compared to those in power and when they have spoken out or resisted, they have faced persecution and repression.
If Ethiopia is to achieve a viable and lasting peace, these issues must be acknowledged and addressed in order to genuinely move forward towards living in harmony with diverse and disenfranchised groups within Ethiopian society.

The TPLF government officials have even set up an ethnically-based system of naming most regions after the majority ethnic group of the area, something that has contributed to increased tribalism rather than increasing national unity, to the detriment of Ethiopian society. Some of those most alienated and marginalized are from our minority groups within these regions, who are largely ignored and who receive little support in terms of development and opportunity.

More recently, the Meles government has gone further in violating the territorial integrity of Ethiopia by giving away Ethiopian land at the borders of the country —already inhabited by Ethiopian citizens—to neighboring countries such as Sudan and Djibouti.

The New Ethiopia we envision is one that maintains its present territory while listening and responding to the legitimate needs of its citizens within the country. Ethiopia cannot be a country where some groups are left to languish without any of the benefits of modern society while the dominant and the privileged advance without regard to them. These people must gain a place and a voice in a “New Ethiopia.”

4. Volatile Relations between Ethiopia and its Neighbors Destabilize the Horn

Ethiopia could be a strong contributor to peace and stability in the Horn of Africa; however, Ethiopia must first be willing to resolve its internal problems before their voice will be credible and effective.
This can only be accomplished through genuine dialogue among all stakeholders that successfully leads to meaningful solutions that advance good governance and negotiated settlements between dissatisfied and disenfranchised groups that authentically empower their political voice.

Once progress is made within Ethiopia and greater stability is achieved, Ethiopia will be in a better position to attempt to resolve the most volatile of those conflicts—Eritrea and Somalia—as well as with other neighbors as needed—all of whom will also need to deal with their own internal issues if the people of the Horn are going to prosper.

For the problem of Ethiopia and Eritrea, and Ethiopia and Somalia, to be resolved a peaceful dialogue must take place among stakeholders, including key members of the international community, all of whom must be genuinely seeking resolution to the chronic instability, violence and poverty in the Horn.

Success of such peace-building dialogues could positively enhance the economic advancement, something all of these countries desperately need—through good relationships and improved partnerships across borders as mutual consumers, suppliers and transporters of each others’ goods and services—or a failure could negatively sabotage the collective well being of those in each of these countries—through wasted human and economic expenditures for security, military costs, reconstruction of destroyed infra-structure, the lack of economic cooperation and inter-activity. There are additional problems related to the increase in piracy in the Red Sea, something that has become a significant international issue

5. Unity Building

The work of the Solidarity Movement would be to bring diverse groups together in the Diaspora in order to unite in one voice to put pressure on their governments, wherever they are, so that there is support in finding a peaceful solution to the crisis. This requires a lot of work because it demands the mobilization of both Ethiopians and key government policy makers in the international community.
The Solidarity Movement must establish the groundwork to allow for Ethiopian political groups to come together before they are ready to mobilize these key Western governments to support a genuine dialogue, finding a meaningful solution. Conflict resolution and reconciliation first within the Diaspora and eventually within the country are also primary goals.

6. Advocacy Work with Western Donor Government and other Key Leaders

The work of the Solidarity Movement leaders will be to advocate in the United States, Canada, in the European Union and elsewhere in order to raise awareness of the key issues and to find solutions to these critical issues, emphasizing the fact that Ethiopians deserve the same kind of freedoms and rights that they already enjoy. This includes working with whom ever is in the new administration in the U.S. so that the U.S. will endorse a foreign policy in regards to Ethiopia that will benefit both countries, unlike the current policy that pushes the Ethiopian public aside and instead aligns with a dictator.

Current American policy in Ethiopia has been seen as inhibiting the emergence of a genuine democratic process—essentially denying them their rights—and, as a result, it has created a rift in the relationship. It is a goal to create an environment where there is a win-win solution for both the U.S. and other pro-freedom countries, not only with Ethiopia, but also in the Horn of Africa.

The Horn of Africa is a highly strategic area in the world and Ethiopians want a just, free society where the rule of law is upheld and where free-market enterprises can flourish under protective regulations. Ethiopians do not want their country to be the breeding ground for terrorists and in order to not be, Ethiopians must break the cycle of oppression and violence that has dominated its society for so many years.

The goal of the Solidarity Movement is to bring diverse groups together first in Ethiopia, but eventually, between other nations in the Horn, in order to work together to live in harmony, enhancing the prospects for prosperity and opportunity for all.

7. Voice of Ethiopia Radio

The Meles regime has created a hostile media environment in Ethiopia, making it difficult for Ethiopian citizens to have access to unfiltered information. The media is carefully controlled with many Internet sites blocked and journalists, editors, newscasters and even musicians having to face certain intimidation and reprisals for any “anti-government” positions. For instance, during political election struggle in Kenya, most Ethiopians had no access to the news about what was happening there.
The lack of free access to information is handicapping the struggle for freedom as well as preventing Ethiopians from keeping abreast with current events in the world, except through the lens of the government. Because of that, the provision of uncensored information is crucial in communicating to the people what is going on, not only in the Diaspora, but within their own country and region.
The goal of that station would be to serve, to instruct and to inform the Ethiopian people through radio broadcasting, offering non-biased programming that maintains the highest of journalistic standards, covering diverse issues in a manner that encourages respect, cooperation, interaction, communication and understanding within and between communities of Ethiopia and the international community.

Do Not be a Bystander: Will you fight for Freedom and Justice?

Remember, the purpose of the Solidarity Movement is to work for the suffering and oppressed people of Ethiopia and for the future of our country guided by these basic principles:

Humanity before Ethnicity and No One is Free Until We All are Free

During the Holocaust, six million people were killed by a small number of people while the majority of people stood by doing nothing.

Most of these people who “stood by” opposed the evil regime of the Nazis. Most who “stood by” were good people and good citizens. Many were religious. Yet, they became bystanders and by their inaction, they made it possible for this minority to commit terrible crimes against others.

Why did only a few help to rescue the lives of their neighbors, friends and fellow citizens? How many lives would have been saved if more had helped? Why did so many think that “someone else” should do it? What if everybody said this?

Our situation is similar and different. We know many of our people are being killed, imprisoned, tortured, raped and displaced. We know that millions Ethiopians are starving and their government is denying it. On the other hand, we in the Diaspora have little to risk by helping in this struggle. We are not in danger. We should ask ourselves this question.

How many more lives will ultimately be saved if I step forward to help?

This is our opportunity to stop evil from being committed. If good people do not stand up, a minority of perpetrators will inflict pain and suffering on millions of people. To not stand against it is to tolerate it and allow it to flourish.

There are different ways to oppose what is going on, by actively doing something or by supporting those doing so; but what if so few are willing to sacrifice, even a small amount, that it makes it impossible for those who are ready and willing to do the work, to actually do so?

A few committed people cannot carry the whole load of the work and of financing the entire work. You may think your small contribution will not make a difference, but small efforts by many people add up to large and powerful collective movements. This is what we are talking about.

Ask yourself, “How will I feel when I have to tell my children and grandchildren that I just “stood by” during one of the worst crises of the Ethiopian people and did nothing while countless numbers of Ethiopians died?”

Do we want to tell our children that we were bystanders, not helping for good to prevail or helping to stop the forces of evil or do we want to be able to say that we were among those who brought freedom and justice to Ethiopia! If you cannot do the work yourself, you can still help make the work possible through your committed support, keeping in mind that nothing can be accomplished without funding.

If you are ready to speak out against injustice, irrespective of all differences or if you are ready to wipe the tears from the faces of the dying Ethiopian, the homeless and the suffering, this movement is yours.

May you see this as an opportunity to “break the chains of suffering” by supporting this movement in whatever way you can.
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For more information please contact Solidarity Committee by E-mail: [email protected]