By Samuel W. Yohannes

Power and Legitimacy
One of the main issues that were never addressed properly is the legitimacy of government power in Ethiopia. This article attempts to clear the confusions that have arisen around this fundamental issue throughout our history, and explore means for instituting a legitimate power in Ethiopia.

God: The Basis of Ethiopian Monarchy
Like in most monarchies, the kings and queens of Ethiopia never questioned the divine origin of their power: they were the elects of God (Seyoome E’gziabher) chosen to guide their people. In fact they were the gift of God to the people and they were to be accepted as such by the people. Evidently, contractual presupposition between monarch and people were excluded beforehand: as elects of God, monarchs were above the people, they did not receive their titles from the people; monarch and people were on different levels. The people were subjects and as such they had no word in their governance. The monarchs commanded, directed, ruled and willed; the people obeyed, were led, administered and ruled. On such vertical premises, there was no theoretical foundation to challenge the monarchs’ basis for power. They had every right to feel entitled to their post and there was no reason for them to abandon it. The question here is, can a power instituted on such premises be considered legitimate? The monarch is ever free to feel entitled to his position, but can he claim legitimacy by referring to the divine origin of his post?

First of all, in order to make the above position plausible, one has to believe unreservedly in the existence of God, then accept that He chose this particular individual for the post. We may quickly say that such endeavors are quite impossible to achieve in a state such as modern Ethiopia where so many religions and so many creeds coexist, not to mention so many ethnic groups. It was, and would have remained an impossible tenet to uphold for much longer, let alone to perpetuate.

But monarchy might want to save itself by referring to the famed three thousands years of succession. But can succession legitimize such institution? Is inheritance a sufficient reason for legitimacy?

Even if the succession in those three thousand years was as smooth as any monarchy would have loved to picture it, it is by no means a legitimizing force in itself. Actually by referring to succession, one is only removing the problem in time. The question requires a philosophical solution, not a historical one. When legitimizing his power, the first Ethiopian monarch would have been in the same position as the very last one.

Again monarchists may base legitimacy of monarchy on expediency, saying it appears the only form of government that has existed for the longest period and the most suited to many nations. It must, therefore, be natural to legitimize it. We may reply that expediency is no basis for legitimacy. Monarchists and traditionalists alike should perceive monarchy like any other form of government, and as such proposable to public approval. They would make an incalculable mistake if they try to re-introduce it in its original theocratic mold.

The Military Power
When in 1974 the military took over, it was seen as an inevitable outcome. In fact, the military being the only organized body capable of maintaining order, was seen as the natural inheritor of state power. The opposition had no consistency and every bit fractious; the best it could have hoped for was to share limited position of influence.

In the euphoric and confusing years that followed, very few asked about the legitimacy of the revolutionary council’s power. The most enlightened individuals of the day demanded insistently that the new government should hand over power to civilians. The process by which such transfer should take place was never understood clearly and uniformly. To some, it simply meant handing over administrative power to the few well known revolutionaries of the left. To others, it meant selecting the most experienced and upstanding administrators of the previous government and having them collaborate with new members in shaping a more modern state. What many did not realize was that the country had to be restructured from bottom up.

The military did not wast time to exploit such confusion. Since the country had no clear road to follow, the military felt it had a mission to accomplish. Given the precarious condition of the region and of the country in particular, and given its effectiveness to enforce its own decrees, and supposedly avoid fragmentation and civil war, the military felt more than entitled to consolidate its power. It continued to define its government as provisional for over ten years until it finally decided to make it permanent by simply changing nomenclature.

Can any organized power, that happens to fill the power vacuum left by a previous administration, claim legitimacy on the basis of presumed effectiveness in maintaining order?

Even if it has not defined its real intentions in such terms, the military acted on such premises. Instead of engaging itself to offer the people an appropriate climate to organize universal political consensus, it systematically destroyed all forces that questioned and threatened its power in the name of stability and order. We may even venture to say that it exacerbated some of the main national problems in order to preserve and justify it wielding of power.

Like all power instituted through the wish of those at the helm, the military could have claimed legitimacy. The Derg was the creation of the moment by a very restricted group of people totally detached from the majority of the population. It is no wonder that it developed into such a monstrous machinery: it understood its effectiveness in imposing its will and making the people comply as the ultimate ground for legitimizing its power. Even if the military had been effective in solving all the major problems of the country, and successful in directing it on the way to prosperity, it would have continued to be an illegitimate power. There should not be any mistake in our perception: the military is not an illegitimate power because it failed miserably, but because it never had a popular mandate to continue in the position of power. The most noble thing it could have done for the country was to step down after making possible the creation of a popular civilian power structure. It appears that the military lost its historic chance to do so.

Mengistu’s Power
No one was so naive to believe that the military was going to fulfill its promises; and no one had the illusion about the true ambitions of the main figures at the top. During the turbulent years that followed Haile Selassie’s fall, few men as Mengistu must have felt that history had chosen them to determine the course of the country. Future historian might eviscerate the psychology of this man, but it is intuitively perceived that he must have considered himself “the man of the hour,” a kind of “elect of destiny.” Surely a man that literally came from nowhere; that inspired only contempt in his past, to wield in his hands the future of the country must have given him a sense of mission; and consequently of entitlement to his position. Can we call destiny a good reason to legitimize such kind of power? History may provide us with illustrious examples of men who, out of nothing, rose to supreme power, but does it mean that achieving power constitutes its own ground for legitimacy?

Believing that history has its own designs, or that destiny plays a part in selecting individuals for certain roles amounts to believing to some kind of secular religion. Thuc, we may treat the matter much the same way we did with monarchy: No one knows the laws of history, and we have no reason to believe that there is such a thing as destiny. And it is unfounded to base legitimacy to govern on such pure assumption. We should, on the contrary, ask ourselves if it is destiny that multitudes should suffer or die at the hands of its chosen one? It is far more “meaningful” to accept natural disaster than to let destruction take place at the hand of a supposed elect of destiny. Even if the chosen one were to produce much good for humanity, his power would be an imposition.

Mengistu was no usurper of legitimate power, since there was no legitimacy before him; nor has he legitimized his position through popular consent. He should not have deceived himself into believing that he was elected by some mysterious force. He is only a specimen of that anomalous species that pure chance installed in a position of power without giving him the intelligence to govern, blinding him to all human suffering.

The Seat of Legitimacy
One may appeal to the long line of succession of kings and queens, one may appeal to revered customs and uses, one may simply and instinctively grab power and hold to it as the ultimate prize; one may claim it in the name of Equality and Fraternity and Superior Reason; but at the stage of self-knowledge humans have arrived in these closing years of the century and millennium, the only power or authority that can justify and legitimize itself is the one willed by the people. No erudite traditionalist, no military strongman, no enlightened intellectual should have the illusion to thwart this fundamental principle. All legitimate power begins with the people!

It cannot be gainsaid that human history has known very few societies in which power was legitimized by the people as a majority. It is true much of the known human history was dominated by forms of government that did not even remotely resemble modern democracies. The history we learn talks more of people that were ruled, led, governed, punished and even massacred; but little that they chose, voted or instituted. Should this be taken to signify that people are better off reverting to more established forms of government? And, since legitimacy based on popular will is a recent phenomenon, the result of a long and uncertain evolution, wouldn’t it be more reasonable and more justifiable to simply follow the traditions on one’s own culture what ever that may be?

What traditionalists should know is that certain principles transcend race, culture and even history. Legitimacy or power through popular will is one of them. If we agree that no one wants to be led without being consulted; that it is instinctive for all human associations to abide by the majority’s will when several alternatives arise; that most often persuasion is the preferred method over coercion; that people long to be heard and not ignored; then it seems reasonable to affirm that popular will has always been, even though not recognized as such, a principle that human beings have cherished and will always cherish.

A group of people led by the theory that they are chosen by the laws of history to be vanguards of the oppressed would no doubt feel entitled to fill the power vacuum they have made possible through their incessant struggle. Fatalists may welcome as God’s will any personality that succeeds in securing power. But no one should be allowed to remain in power without the consent of the people.

What should we do?
In the past few weeks we have seen changes that we haven’t witnessed in almost seventeen years (changes perhaps more significant for Ethiopia’s future than the ones we lived through in the years 1974-75): the political demise and ignominious flight of interim government which will long be remembered more for allowing Israel to carry out swiftly the airlift of more than 14,000 Ethiopian Jews than its unleveraged peace talks in London; the complete disarray of a military machine once known in Africa for its gargantuan size and weaponry; the takeover of Addis Ababa by the guerrilla forces which, so far, have acted with much restraint and self control. Events all, though linked in close succession, have each a great historical significance worth taking into consideration. They are indeed bound to become memorable reminders for the future leaders of Ethiopia.

The coalition power in Addis Ababa will not form a government until July this year; but its observers are still besieged by questions and dilemmas: who are going to be the members of the provisional government? Can the coalition power afford to or should it exclude opposition or non-coalition groups from the projected government? What would it be its criteria or motives for excluding other political entities? The coalition forces, through their representatives, have made a quasi-pledge to follow democratic guidelines in matters of government, but can we be sure that they have completely abandoned their ideological stance? Is it a strategic move on their part, or a genuine act of new converts? a marriage of convenience? After all, we are well aware of the teachings of Marxism-Leninism and Maoism on this particular issue not to continue doubting. Whatever the outcome, the present forces and their projected government have until election, which by the way should be given an exact date, to show their true mettle.

Most of us have been troubled and concerned about the future of Ethiopia in the hands of a coalition power that had shifting ambitions and ideological posture; but this should not in any way lead us to linger to some of the remnants of the recently defunct regime, who, except for every exiguous exceptions are responsible of some criminal act. Not only have they lost all credibility to govern, but they have been part of a system that can only be described as criminal. They have once been part of a government that ignored its provisionality in the name of national security; that had lent deaf ear to the many voices that asked for a new free Ethiopia; committed the most heinous crime against a whole generation of young citizens and decreed laws unwarranted by the people; acted in the most cynical manner by calling its own version of perestroika as though people can be commanded to simply forget the suffering and death of their loved ones just because the regime needed to redeem itself, thus also showing blatantly its ultimate contempt for a people known for its fierce pride. What they had considered a clever move to extricate themselves from the political impasse should be equally considered a condemnable historical act.

The remnants of Mengistu’s regime should not be allowed to negotiate their way with impunity. We have suffered too much and cannot afford to risk history repeating itself. Whatever the cost, whatever the emotional burden, we should have those responsible for the many crimes committed against the people, stand trial in the tribunal of law. It might be our best chance for a national catharsis, and the beginning of a new Ethiopia. This evidently required a high level of stability: we are unlikely to achieve the proper atmosphere for this, with new factions beginning to emerge, and the guns resuming to pound.

Powers and Duties of a Provisional Government
In order to execute daily affairs of government, and of administration, and to preserve law and order for the normal functioning of the state, the provisional government should be given effective powers. However, it should be within the people’s power and not in the provisional government’s to call to trial all those members of the previous administration known to have committed crimes against citizens. The provisional government may provide temporary detention of those indicted until a new constitution, new laws and a new government are installed. Attempting to do otherwise would lead us to the same errors committed by the former regime after the fall of Haile Selassie.

The primary task of a provisional government should be the organization of a Constituent Assembly. The Constituent Assembly, to gain credibility and effectiveness should, represent all citizens from all walks of life: all ethnic groups, all classes and sectors of labor should be present in it. The provisional government would best serve the people by allowing them to use existing infrastructures, and re- modeling them if necessary, to conduct the election of the members of the Constituent Assembly.

Once the constituent Assembly is formed, it will proceed to select a committee of citizens known for its working knowledge of laws, integrity and political insight to draft the very essential constitutional laws. To fulfill its task the committee may be aided by groups of scholars of constitutional law. The initiative for constitutional laws, however, should not exclusively derive from the drafting committee: the Assembly as a whole may share the task or the prerogative. And although this might cause a longer process in the creation of laws, it has the benefit of assuring the exploration of all issues that are at the source of our problems. For once it may give us the confidence of starting with a sure foot.

The adoption of a new constitution should accelerate further the creation of traditional institution of power: the legislative, the judiciary and the executive.

The Constituent Assembly is not part, per se, a permanent institution, but if it proves to be beneficial for the stability of the country, there is no reason not to preserve it as the legislative branch of government. But in all probability it will dissolve itself once a new assembly of legislators is elected under the new constitution. Its ultimate fate lies in the hand of the electorate.
_________________________
Samuel W. Yohannes resides in Pasadena, California

By Getachew Mekasha

These are extraordinary times for Ethiopia, and times like these need to be approached in an extraordinary way. The unceremonious departure of Mengistu Haile Mariam from Addis Ababa, while a welcome event in itself, raises all sorts of questions about the future of Ethiopia which need to be addressed with utmost urgency. Bold steps need to be taken, and at the risk of sticking out ones neck, the following concrete steps are put forward as a possible blueprint that will guarantee the unity and future stability of the Ethiopian nation.

The drama unfolding in Ethiopia is performed by familiar actors in a familiar setting. Even though the data is incomplete at the time of this writing, and means and motives may sometimes be obscure, sufficient information is available to make a reliable assessment.

The shifts in power beginning to take place will invalidate many of the assumptions that have guided the various groups and their strategies. The collapse of the central government, necessary and desirable as it is, will introduce a level of disorientation and a host of problems that the democratic movements must anticipate and prepare to meet. The task of overthrowing Mengistu’s regime may soon seem like child’s play compared with the task which immediately follows it, of planning for the volatile period following the collapse of the existing social order.

Clearly, a futile attempt is being made to continue Mengistuism without Mengistu! This is happening at a time when Ethiopia is faced with acute political crisis and economic stagnation.

All indications are that it will not be long, however, before the remnants of his evil regime are swept away into the dust bin of history. The main task facing the nation now is for organized democratic forces to take the situation in hand, map out a viable plan, and guide Ethiopia through a transitional period to a full-fledged democracy. Certain priorities may be contained in this plan.

For the vast majority of Ethiopians the maintenance of national unity and integrity is sacrosanct. No sacrifice is deemed too great to achieve that goal. Throughout Ethiopia we are witnessing the rejection by society of a transplanted and alien ideology. Socialism is being rejected in favor of traditional thinking and values. This process is taking place on economic and political levels and destabilizes not only the existing regime, but also the opposition movements which are still tied to Marxism/Leninism.

At the same time, the rejection of socialism which is blamed for all the nation’s woes in the last 17 years, has created a new yearning for a return to old traditional values which represent the very ethos of the Ethiopian nation. This does not, however, mean turning the clock back which is neither possible nor desirable in this day and age. Rather, it is more in the nature of compensating for the wanton violence inflicted upon the soul of the nation, and dressing and soothing its wounds.

Only a return to traditional norms and values can bring a new revival of the national spirit and put Ethiopia firmly back on the road of true national salvation. In short, the nation now feels the urgent need to rediscover itself, and stop experimenting with new-fangled alien ideas of government which have proved to be so costly in more ways than one.

A reflection of this new mood can be seen in the positive reaction last year to the announcement in London that the son of Emperor Haile Selassie had declared himself Emperor to save his country from its predicament. Formerly the Crown Prince Merd Asmatch Asfa Wossen Haile Selassie, the Emperor has taken the title Amha Selassie I.

At the time of the announcement the Emperor said that he would be a figurehead for national democratic reconstruction until the people were able to elect a parliament. There could not be a coronation in Addis Ababa until this had been achieved.

For anyone following the heartbeat of the nation it was clear the announcement was greeted with enthusiasm in the countryside. Even the urban elite who are usually reserved about such matters were genuinely moved by the announcement. This is an undeniable fact. Leaflets bearing the late Emperor’s picture are now flooding Addis Ababa, which is proof of the great nostalgia for the return of the monarchy in Ethiopia. Another proof is the great love and affection, and emotional upsurge with which members of the royal family were greeted by the populace upon their release
from prison recently.

As expected, the Emperor’s announcement at that time had come as a bombshell to Mengistu and his cohorts in Addis Ababa who could immediately see the danger to themselves in view of their total lack of legitimacy in the eyes of the people after 17 years of misrule.

Ironically, this feeling was also shared to a more or less degree by leaders of political organizations opposed to the Derg who were hoping to fill the vacuum in the post-Mengistu era, for they too suffer from the same lack of legitimacy inspite of their claims of adherence to democratic and pluralistic ideals.

However, these organizations are expected to embrace the concept of a reconstituted and modernized Ethiopian crown established on the British, Japanese or Scandinavian model – a constitutional monarchy symbolizing the unity of the nation and the continuity of its historical past. Fulfilling its traditional role of national standard bearer, a fully restored Ethiopian monarchy will, as it has always done in the past, provide the all-encompassing umbrella under which all national activity hummed and flourished.

The Emperor’s declaration has provided a timely opportunity for all to join hands and make a last ditch effort towards Ethiopia’s deliverance. For those who put the country’s interest above all other considerations, now is the time to cast aside petty jealousies and narrow parochialism and get on the royal bandwagon to save the nation from fragmentation and oppression. In the last 17 years the Ethiopian political climate has been marked by division and factionalism. A common Ethiopian saying which described this state of affairs is the analogy which people draw from honey bees.

Like a bee-hive without a queen, Ethiopians up to now found themselves disoriented and scattered, searching for a force that would unite them and channel their efforts and energy into a constructive endeavor. That force could only come from something deeply rooted in their history and culture. The restoration of the monarchy admirably fits that bill.

In view of this, all that remains to be done now is for the leaders of existing democratic organizations to swallow their pride and bite the bullet, and to be ready and willing to accept the will of the people as the ultimate arbiter as clearly stated in their respective programs.

For, we must remember that the interests of Ethiopia are more comprehensive than the interests of any single group or individual.

Besides, unlike all the leaders of the various political groups now aspiring for high office in Ethiopia, the Ethiopian monarchy as duly represented by the son of the late Emperor Haile Selassie, will have no problem of name-recognition or legitimacy in the eyes of the Ethiopian people. This age-old, time honored and deeply rooted institution is a natural traditional rallying point for all Ethiopians.

Apart from rectifying the gross injustice perpetrated by the Derg in presuming to “abolish” the monarchy without even consulting the Ethiopian people, the act of reinstating it immediately will redound to the nation’s benefit in many ways. For one, it will put a stop once and for all to needless altercations and further strife in wasteful power struggles among ambitious people like Mengistu, Atnafu, Benti, Aman and now Tesfaye, and God knows who in the future! It can be an endless affair with every Tom, Dick, and Harry in Ethiopia feeling himself qualified to be head of state, when the position can be filled by only one person. In any case, one of the first acts of a transitional administration will have to be declaring null and void all the unjust laws and decrees enacted by the Derg since 1974.

All countries have well established cultural references, and Ethiopia is no exception. The ancient Ethiopian Orthodox Church has always played a central role as a pillar, anchor and custodian of that culture principally in the highlands, while Islam played the same role in the lowlands. In the context of complete religious freedom, and the separation of church and state, all religions must be allowed to operate freely in Ethiopia.

The reformed and revitalized church’s role in fostering peace and reconciliation, and leading people away from the path of vengeance and vindictiveness and curbing violence among the population at large can be crucial.

Those who have now wrested control of power from the bloody hands of a brutal and repressive regime have in the past shown great defiance in the face of defeat. They are now called upon to show great magnanimity in their hour of victory.

Above all it is a time for true statesmanship that demands a large heart and a breadth of vision. They must reach out to every section of Ethiopian society and heal the wounds of the last 17 years of misrule. The first step towards this goal is the immediate formation of a broadly based government that will reassure the nation of justice and fairplay.

Plans must be made in detail to cover every aspect of the transitional period and must be made ready to be implemented instantly. Decrees must be prepared that will enable essential government responsibilities to be met in a transitional period.

The goal of the Ethiopian Democratic forces is to install a multi- party representational democracy, with a federal system to guarantee a degree of regional autonomy within a unified Ethiopia.

A complete, temporary government structure must be developed to be ready to step into an emergency situation and carry the country through the most vulnerable period. No talent should be wasted. All of Ethiopia’s experienced members and potential members are urgently needed for these tasks.

The best thinking and experience must go into this effort. Groups should be set up along the lines of Think Tanks made up of qualified, experienced people with specific responsibilities for studying various areas of economic, political and social concern and developing emergency operational plans in these areas for the interim period. These groups must be ready to move into position at a moment’s notice and take charge of specific their responsibility.

All organizations committed to the unity of Ethiopia and to a multi- party system will best serve their own interests and the interests of Ethiopia by coming together now to insure the emergence of a democratic order.

It is critical that the role of the military be clearly defined and limited. We have already seen, in 1974, how easily military rule can install itself and how difficult it is to remove it, once installed.

Unquestionably, there are ambitious young officers in the military at this moment who anticipate following in Mengistu’s footsteps. Severe constraints must be put on military involvement in political matters from the beginning.

One way of inhibiting this is to seek the extradition of Mengistu from Zimbabwe and putting him on trial. Failing that, his trial should be held in absentia where all his crimes and misdeeds will be enumerated to make him an example for future generations. Never again!

The Armed Forces of Ethiopia need to be kept aware of this in order to appreciate the necessary limits to their proper contributing role in Ethiopia’s future.

The state of armed preparedness of the country as a whole must also be considered – the various guerrilla movements as well as the military.

With the fall of the Mengistu regime, segments of the population may also turn on members of the military and of national security. In both cases, the skilled services of these groups will continue to be needed. They must be protected not only for their own sakes but for the stability of the country as a whole. What preparations can be made for their safety in a volatile transition period need to be carefully studied.

Opposition movements which, until this time, have had the fact of their opposition to the Mengistu regime in common, will lose this commonality of interest. The crucial differences and the competition among them will emerge more strongly than ever at the same time that cooperation is most urgently needed. The factionalism that will surely exist could fracture Ethiopia into another Lebanon if steps are not taken now to deal with this danger.

A multi-party democracy is the only form of government flexible enough to lead to peace for Ethiopia’s wounded population. But the strategies for a democratic and united Ethiopia have not yet been firmly articulated. To achieve this, democratic forces must organize themselves now to steer through the troubled waters ahead.

A draft constitution must be prepared in advance for presentation and discussion among all groups participating in the formation of a new transitional government. Such a draft should particularly address the question of local autonomy and guarantee individual rights. Recommendations on these issues must be available to the population at large and to regional political groups so that they can serve to diffuse hostilities among them.

New political structures cannot immediately solve Ethiopia’s urgent economic, agricultural, educational and health problems. New political structures cannot provide food where none exists. Problems in these areas can be expected to persist or to increase as the result of social upheaval.

Ethiopia’s recurrent famine and the immense refugee population wanting to return home following a change of government will put very specific stresses on the new government and on the population of the country as a whole.

The West, as democracy’s best representative in the world, must realize the need to develop and pursue a positive policy of support for the democratic forces in Ethiopia.

This historic tide reaching toward freedom reflects a massive awakening at all levels of most developing countries to the truism that pluralistic political systems and market-driven economies work better in providing for the need of society – any society.

The areas discussed above are interdependent, one upon another. This interdependence requires that they be addressed simultaneously and rightaway.

The success of the political transition Ethiopia must undergo calls for and depends upon the quick and effective coordination of appropriate new strategies on the part of all political groups with a stake in Ethiopia’s future.

Today, Ethiopia is a land where misery walks around the place like a live being. For the country’s poor, the revolution that gave birth to men like Mengistu, meant not liberty but new masters: uneducated men in uniform who rule by terror, intimidation and fraud.

Nothing has changed except the birth of hope that was quickly dashed.

The prestige of the nation has suffered. The high esteem with which the country has always been held as one of the oldest civilized societies in the world has all but vanished. Post-Haile Selassie Ethiopia presents a portrait that verges on the Didionesque. While surveying and observing the bleak Ethiopian scene today, the world has adopted a tone of cool detachment mixed with scorn for the social wreckage spawned by local brutality and incompetence aggravated by misplaced Soviet, Eastern
bloc and Cuban meddling. This sad state of affairs has exacted a heavy toll on the morale and self-esteem of all Ethiopians, especially that of the younger generation.

Restoring lost faith, pride and dignity at the national level is a task best suited for the Ethiopian crown. Only then would the Psalmist’s prophecy be fulfilled: “Ethiopia shall stretch out her hands to God.”

ETHIOPIA SHALL RISE AGAIN!

By Getachew Mekasha

March 1st, 1991 was the 95th Anniversary of the Battle of Adowa. In the short space available, it is impossible to do justice to Menelik II and his times. Many books and monograms have been written (mostly by foreigners and some by Ethiopians) dealing with various aspects of his rule, but none giving a balanced and a full picture of that glorious era. The aim and purpose of this short article, therefore, is simply to focus attention on some of the lesser known facts and present a slightly different perspective so as to nudge the curiosity of the younger generation, who might be spurred on to do some independent research on their own.

When one thinks of Menelik II what immediately comes to mind is Ethiopia’s great victory over Italy at Adowa in 1896. But, as all those who are familiar with Ethiopian history know very well, military prowess in Ethiopia does not date from the days of Adowa, but has been a characteristic feature since ancient times. Abraha Atsbeha (Ezana), Kaleb, Gabre Maskal, Amde Tseyon, Dawit, Yishak, Zara Yakob, Lebna Dengel, Sertse Dengel, etc. were all past Emperors renowned for their heroic military exploits.

But Menelik’s name conjures not only military victory, but other very important thoughts and ideas as well, which had far reaching effects and consequences on the succeeding generations. Ethiopia’s reunification and its real introduction into the modern age are regarded as the greatest achievements of his reign. Adowa was just the culmination and the crowning piece, which was made possible by his other equally superhuman achievements.

Menelik, who reigned as king of Shoa from 1865 to 1889, and as Emperor of Ethiopia from 1889 to 1913, was perhaps the greatest of Ethiopia’s Emperors in modern times. This is mostly because his long reign saw not only the resurgence of a true and genuine national spirit which touched every aspect of national life in a strong and reunited Ethiopia, but also on account of the great increase witnessed in Ethiopia’s position in world affairs during his time.

Menelik was particularly lucky to come after his illustrious immediate predecessors, Emperors Tewodros II and Yohannes II, who prepared the ground work for him. Ethiopia, though a powerful state in ancient and medieval times, had fallen on evil days in the middle of the 18th century. The powers of the Emperors had been usurped by the feudal provincial war lords, and centralized government had been replaced by the autonomy of the various regions whose rulers warred among themselves. Tewodros and Yohannes had partially succeeded in reorganizing and ressurecting the ancient state by eliminating the war lords and re-establishing central authority. But, it was left to Menelik to bring this task to fruition, as well as to withstand the tremendous pressure of the European powers in the scramble for Africa, and to lay the foundation of a modern state.

It looks as if fate itself had prepared Menelik to undertake this task from early life. He was only 11 years old when Tewodros came to Shoa in 1855 with his huge army to demand submission of the Shoans. Tewodros took the young boy and his mother, Ejjigayehu, and many other Shoan nobles with him to Gondar, where Menelik stayed until he was almost 22 years old. During those 10 crucial formative years, Emperor Tewodros acted and behaved as a true father to Menelik, and showered him with love and affection, and not only saw to it that his education was not neglected, but that he also brought him up with all due care and attention given to all sons of royalty and nobility – namely, a palace upbringing which meant a though training in the martial arts, particularly wrestling, hunting and horsemanship, and being adept at manners and general bearing which comes from observing and practicing palace etiquettes at GIBI or banquets, while serving as personal attendant and valet to the Emperor himself. His endearing qualities as a youngman brought him close to all those who constituted the inner circle of the Palace in Gondar, and the lessons he learned in that “University” seemed to have abided with him to the end of his life. He was so immersed in the Gondar culture and mannerism that even his native Shoans used to remark that when he spoke his mother tongue, Amharic, “he spoke it with a Gondar accent!”

The members of the inner circle in Tewodros’s Palace in those days were mostly self-made men like Fitaurari Gebreye, Ras Engeda and Fitaurari Gelmo, all renowned warriors, and pillars of the Emperor’s civil and military administration. There were also foreigners in this inner group, Englishmen like John Bell, Walter Plowden, Captain Speedy and others who all left a lasting impression on young Menelik’s mind. They kindled in him the love of mechanical contraptions of all sorts, from sewing machines and bicycles to pistols, rifles and cannons. His curiosity for things foreign was insatiable, and it was mostly directed towards new inventions, particularly in the field of armaments. We are told that he rarely missed opportunities to watch and participate in target shooting practices, and gunnery exercises frequently held by German, Austrian, Swiss, Turkish and Egyptian trainers in the service of Tewodros’s army.

Menelik also met his boyhood friend, and lifelong confident, Wella Bithel during this time, whose sister, Taitu, he married later in life. She was to add not only such a dazzling glamour and pizzas to his court, but that she almost literally transferred the entire ambience and refinement of the Gondar of those days to every aspect of life in the city she co-founded, and personally named “Addis Ababa” (the New Flower) in 1887.

Menelik’s personality, his innate intelligence and ability, his grasp of world affairs and his keen interest in modernization, all qualities which served him so well in later life, can be said to have been shaped and formed during the decade he spent in Gondar and Magdala in Tewodros’s Court. The remarkably talented and able personalities he gathered around him when he became King of Shoa, and later Emperor of Ethiopia, were all exact replicas of his role models of his youth.

He put a high premium on intelligence and physical fitness, and had no use for fools and weaklings. His palace, the old Gibbi in Addis Ababa, was a veritable training camp for promising youngmen whom he collected from all over Ethiopia during his numerous campaigns, and from all walks of life. They were all given rigorous training in the martial arts, and were expected to excel in athletes, especially Ethiopian style wrestling, hunting, shooting and horsemanship. Wrestling matches were held almost every evening in the Old Gibbi where these youngmen competed and displayed their muscles and skills, sometimes with Menelik himself in attendance. He immensely enjoyed watching the sport of GUGS, or a type of jostling on horseback, where opposing horsemen came at each other at full gallop, and threw spears (usually without the metal tips) at one another, while at the same time defending with shields. He also never missed the GENNA games, a sort of hockey, which was played every year at Christmas with all their younger people participating.

Needless to say, all these sport activities, where Menelik himself was a keen spectator, afforded ample opportunities for able and talented youngmen to catch the eye of the Emperor, and be selected by him personally for appropriate tasks in the military or other fields. Thus the Old Gibbi of Menelik was the spawning ground of all those who became future heroes of Ethiopia, most of them in his own life time. The veritable galaxy of stars we have come to know so much about, legendary names like Ras Mekonnen, Ras Gobana, Dejatch Baltcha, Fitaurari Gebeyehu, Fitaurari Habtegiorgis, Dejatch Gebre Selassie, Ras Abate, Negus Wolde Girogis, Dejatch Beshah, Dejatch Tchatcha, Dejatch Ibssa, Ras Tesema, Ras Nadew, Dejatch Anenew, Dejatch Atnafe, Azaj Zamanel, Dejatch Gesese, Kegnazmatch Tafesse, Balambaras Bante, Balambaras Ayele, Azaj Bezabeh, Azaj Aba Temsas, Bejirond Ketema and many, many others who cannot all be named here, are all graduates and allumni of Menelik’s Old Gibbi “University.” All graduates of the school of hard knocks.

It is true that most of these men proved their mettle at Adowa. But all of them, though still young in age, had undergone a thorough preparation for Adowa as veterans of Menelik’s numerous campaigns all over the country in bringing the various local chiefs to submission to his authority as Emperor of the land.(1) They had not only seen action in the various fronts, but had also distinguished themselves by showing exceptional courage and valor at those engagements. So, when the final test came at Adowa, the Ethiopian army could not have been better prepared or better led.

Besides, by this time, contrary to all expectations in Europe, Menelik had succeeded in uniting under his authority all the principal seats of power in Ethiopia. Ras Mengesha of Tigrai, Ras Teklehaimanot and Ras Mengesha Atikem of Gojjam and Damot respectively, Ras Mikael of Wollo, Ras Welle of Begemidir and all the potentates of Jimma, Kaffa, Harar, Lekemt, Kellem, Walamo, Gurage, Sidama, Kambatta, Bale, Borana, Gimmira, Kulokonta, Benishaigul, etc., you name it, all stood solidly united behind Menelik.

Suffice it to say, Italy in 1896 faced a united and determined Ethiopia. The people of Ethiopia rose as one man to support the Emperor against a common enemy, and the result was spectacular.

Prelude to Adowa
Much has been written about the battle of Adowa. How “a ragtag native army” of peasant levies from a backward African country defeated “a well equipped and disciplined modern European army” is even now regarded as somewhat of a mystery to many people. No wonder it is still a subject of debate in well known military academies like Sandhurst, Saint Cyr and West Point. Military historians, tacticians and strate gists are still puzzled as to what exactly went wrong. What happened at Adowa was something extraordinary. It did not fit the existing stereotype. In fact, at Adowa Ethiopia broke the mold.

And what was that stereotype? Native “ragtag armies” of the third world were no match to “modern disciplined, well equipped European armies.” At that time there were plenty of examples to support that type of thinking. Apart from the native American Indian experience, and the Maharajahs of the Indian states in India, Europeans cited the then fresh examples of the Zulus in South Africa and the Mahdists in the Sudan to prove their point, and asked the question: What was so different about Menelik’s army? Well, they got their answer pretty soon afterwards. In fact a lot was different about Menelik’s army!

The Treaty of Wuchiale
Meanwhile, the scramble for Africa had brought the Italians to the shores of the Red Sea. As a late comer to the colonial game, they were keenly aware that they had lagged behind Britain and France in acquiring African colonies, and they were in a hurry to make up for lost time. From their newly acquired foothold on the Ethiopian Red Sea coast of Bahr Medir which they promptly named “Eritrea” (after the old Latin name for the Red Sea, Mare Erythrian) they were determined to push and expand their power and influence over the rest of Ethiopia. To this end they signed a treaty with Menelik soon after he became Emperor in 1889. This was the infamous Treaty of Wuchiale, which later became the immediate cause of the war with Italy.

According to the terms of this treaty as stated in Article 17, the Italians thought that they had put the seal on Menelik’s subjection to them.

In Italian the Trattato di amicizia e commercio tra il Regno d’Italia e l’Impero Etiopico, the “treaty of friendship and commerce between the Kingdom of Italy and the Empire of Ethiopia,” states in Article 17 that S.M. il Re dei Re d’Etiopia consente di servirsi del Governo di S.M. il Re d’Italia per tutte le trattazioni di affari che avesse con altre Potenze o Governi. (His Majesty, the King of Kings of Ethiopia, agrees to make use of the government of His Majesty, the King of Italy, for all dealings with other Powers or Governments.)

But the Amharic version of the text did not say the same thing. It simply stated that the King of Kings might make use of the government of the King of Italy. When the Italians claimed that Ethiopia was now an Italian protectorate, Menelik naturally objected. How could a king of kings be a vassal of a mere king? He wrote to the king of Italy, and these were his words: “When I made the treaty… I said that because of our friendship, our affairs in Europe might be carried on by the sovereign of Italy, but I have not made any treaty which obliges me to do so.” Less than a year after signing the treaty he also wrote to the other European powers, saying, “Ethiopia has need of no one; she stretches our her hands to God.”

With that, the die was cast, and Ethiopia and Italy were set on a collision course.

At last when all peace overtures failed, and the Italians continued advancing into the interior and entered deep into Tigrai and reached Amba Alagai, Menelik dispatched his war minister, Fitaurari Gebeyehu, to dislodge them from their heavy fortification, which was promptly done. Though at a heavy cost, this was the first taste of victory for Ethiopians.

Previously, the war drums were brought out to the main public square in Addis Ababa, and to their accompaniment on AWAJ or proclamation was made in the name of the Emperor.

Menelik issued his mobilization proclamation on 17 September 1895: “Enemies have now come upon us to ruin the country and to change our religion… Our enemies have begun the affair by advancing and digging into the country like moles. With the help of God I will not deliver up my country to them… Today, you who are strong, give me of your strength, and you who are weak, help me by prayer.”

In characteristic humor, which at the same time revealed his serious intent at toleration of all creeds and styles of life in the country he ruled, be it Muslim, pagan or other, he added the following terse coded words in the proclamation:

Literally translated this means, “Keep your habit concealed in your armpit, and load the food stuff you need for the hard days ahead on your donkey, and follow me wherever I go.” But these words in Amharic had other more important hidden meaning. This coded message, while on the whole emphasized the need for secrecy in the general mobilization, the actual meaning of the word “Amelkin” here which is translated as “habit” encompasses anything from faith or belief to socially unacceptable behaviors and taboos like tobacco chewing and smoking, and using snuff, TCHAT or other drugs. Menelik’s predecessor, Emperor Yohannes IV had prohibited such practices and violators were severely punished. But by this funny interjection in the middle of a serious proclamation, which made people laugh, Menelik in one stroke released all his subjects from all unnecessary restraints on matters of personal nature, so long as they were practiced in private. These words had an electrifying effect on the general population, and the response was automatic, spontaneous and overwhelming. The words of Menelik were gleefully repeated from mouth to mouth, and became the most popular slogan in the days, weeks and months just before Adowa. Enthusiasm for the war caught on, and it swept the country like wild fire.

Inspite of the many spies and agents they had in the country, as George F. H. Berkeley wrote soon after Adowa in 1902 in his book: The Campaign of Adowa and Rise of Menelik, the Italians “had no inkling that the emperor was gathering a force of well over 100,000 soldiers. His mobilization was proceeding ‘with extraordinary deliberation and secrecy.’

“Never, probably, in the history of the world has there been so curious an instance of a commander successfully concealing the numbers of his army, and masking his advance behind a complete network of insinuation, false information, and circumstantial deceptions… Every tucul and village in every far-off glen of Ethiopia was sending out its warrior in answer to the war-drum.”

In his proclamation Menelik also warned ominously those ablebodied youngmen who, out of laziness or cowardice, might try to avoid the war by shirking their duty to the nation or what we call today draft dodgers: “I swear by St. Mary, I will not be lenient with you, if you are caught loafing around and idling away your time, instead of bearing arms and defending your country in her time of need.” Everybody knew this was not an idle threat coming from Menelik!

When he took a casual oath, which is common among Ethiopians, Menelik usually invoked the name of the Ethiopian saint, St. Teklehaimanot, which was also the name of the church in Gondar where he received his early church education. He also quite often casually swore by the name of his surrogate or foster father, Emperor Tewodros. But this time, as he did in all particularly solemn occasions, he invoked the name of St. Mary, the Mother of God, thereby affirming his unbending determination in the pursuit of the goals of the coming war with Italy. It was clear he meant business. Needless to say, everybody got the point, and from that time on all roads led to Adowa.

This was not all. Menelik’s life long investment in arms and weaponry also amply paid off now.

Menelik never allowed any opportunity for purchasing or acquiring arms to slip by without taking full advantage of it. In fact, as every foreigner who visited Ethiopia during his time knew, a sure way to Menelik’s ear was through the gift or sale of arms. Gun runners, arms merchants, big game hunters, explorers and adventurers, all entered into this lucrative business with him sooner or later. Even the famous French poet Arthur Rimbaue could not resist the temptation during his 11 years stay in Harar (1880 – 1891). Thus, unknown to the Italians, over the years Menelik was accumulating arms from wherever he could get them in Europe.

By the time the battle of Adowa was fought Menelik had collected an enormous quantity of arms of all types and makes. Surprisingly, while a significant number were imported from France and Russia, most of these arms came from Italy itself! In addition to that, though in smaller quantities, he had an assortment of arms from England, Austria, Germany, Switzerland, the Benelux countries and even from the USA. His arsenal was a veritable museum of modern arms from everywhere. In this collection while Italian, French and Russian muzzle loaders or Fusil Gras (to Ethiopians, WUJJIGRA, WOTCHEFFO, NAAS MASSER, MESKOB) dominated the scene, the American Remingtons and the British Sniders (breech loading guns known to Ethiopians as SANADIR, which were mostly leftovers from Napier’s Magdala Expedition of 1868) held special pride of place. Wetterleys and Martinis were a common sight at Adowa. Besides Menelik’s formidable arsenal included Napoleon and Krupp artillery, no less than 40 canons in all.

So, when the battle of Adowa opened in the early morning of March 1, 1896, Emperor Menelik had well over 100,000 men equipped with modern arms at the ready, not counting soldiers armed only with spears, swords and daggers, and ordinary folk, stragglers and camp followers armed only with sticks, and other crude homemade weapons and missiles.

NOTES
1) Menelik’s nation-wide effort for the reunification of all the scattered regions of Ethiopia, and the ingathering of all its hitherto unjustly separated component parts, has been a target of unfair component parts, has been a target of unfair criticism from certain quarters. Nowadays, it is not uncommon to hear disparaging remarks, or to
read uncomplimentary writeups about Chellengo, Imbabo, Kaffa, Kambatta, Walamo, Hadya, etc. all decisive battles fought by Menelik and his brave generals in the campaign for Ethiopian unity.

Much is made of these campaigns by those who want to distort and bend history to suit their own narrow ends. These are modern day revisionists who have completely lost sight of the forest which frantically picking on the trees in Menelik’s policies. However, cleverly they disguise their real motives and intentions, in manipulating, twisting and distorting facts, their attempts to denigrate and defame the participants in those legendary campaigns must be dismissed outright as futile exercises and sour grapes. Yet, the fact remains and the record amply testify that. Once Menelik aims and objectives were made clever, and that nothing short of the reunification of Ethiopia would satisfy him, most local and regional potentates saw the writing on the wall and complied with his wishes voluntarily. Of course, the fact that he had the will and the means to enforce this policy also played an important role. Like his contemporary in the U.S., President Teddy Roosevelt, Menelik believed in the policy of “speak softly, but carry a big stick”!

Wollo’s Ras Mikael, Jimma’s Gullin Aba Jiffar, Lekemt’s Dejatch Moroda, Kellem’s Dejatch Jyothi, Beni Shangul’s Sheikh Hajjale, Gammuz gubbas Sheikh Banjaw and Danakil’s Sultan Hanfare all submitted peacefully to Menelik with little persuasion. the few who refused and posed a military challenge to Menelik left him with no choice but to make them feel the brunt of his “big stick”. These were Abdullahi of Harar, Baksa of Surage, Enjamo of Hadya, Diguye of Kambatta, Tonna of Wollamo and Shennacho of Kaffa.

Thus, thanks to the gigantic efforts of Emperors Tewodros, Yohannes and Menelik, the balkanization of Ethiopia which actually began in the 16th century with the uprising of Ahmed Gragn, and continued through the “Zemene Mesafint” for nearly 300 years was largely stopped with what looks like a lightening speed at the close of the 19th century. During these three centuries of great changes which transformed the country, great migration and movements of people took place which brought about tremendous demographic and social change all over the nation.