Killings
On March 30, the government reported that security forces arrested eight men suspected of involvement in the April 2007 ONLF attack on a Chinese-run oil facility in the Degehabur zone of the Somali Region. The attack killed 65 civilians and nine Chinese nationals and resulted in a dramatic escalation in the conflict, which triggered widespread criticism of human rights abuses perpetrated by government forces. The government also reported that the same eight individuals were implicated in a May 2007 Jijiga grenade attack on a crowd during an official holiday celebration. All suspects remained on trial at year’s end.
On September 27, a bomb exploded in a hotel in Jijiga, killing four and wounding 10. Police apprehended three suspects who reportedly acknowledged being ONLF members.
On October 16, Prime Minister Zenawi told parliament that the government had confirmed that all bombings this year in Addis Ababa were the work of the OLF and all bombings in the Somali Region were confirmed to be the work of the ONLF. Apart from the cases noted above, no credible evidence has been presented to verify these claims.
On November 22, police forces attempted to force villagers from Laare and Puldeng villages (Gambella Region) to move to a new area. When villagers refused, violence ensued, killing nine civilians and wounding 23 others. Two policemen were killed and six others were wounded. Police also reportedly set fire to homes and killed numerous livestock.
The ONLF issued a report stating that the ENDF killed 48 civilians and wounded 50 on December 17 in Mooyaha village (23 miles northwest of Dagabur, Ogaden). They also accused the ENDF of killing six civilians in Galashe (near Fik) on the same day. The government had not responded to the allegation by year’s end.
Abductions
On September 23, an unknown armed group kidnapped two foreign staff members of the French NGO Medecins du Monde (MDM) near Shilabo town in the Somali Region. The kidnappers transported both hostages into Somalia where they were sold to another group that demanded ransoms. At year’s end ransom had not been paid and the two MDM staff members remained hostages.
Physical Abuse, Punishment, and Torture
International rights groups and NGOs reported that alleged unlawful killings, torture, rape, abductions, and arbitrary arrests continued in the conflict zone. While there were numerous reports of human rights violations in the conflict-affected areas, there were no successful attempts at substantiating the reports due to lack of access to the region (see section 1.g.).
Other Conflict-Related Abuses
During the year the government loosened restrictions on the delivery of food aid from donor organizations into the five zones of the Somali Region in which military activity was the most intense. Nevertheless, only 12 percent of food aid reached beneficiaries. Improvements in food aid deliveries allowed relief to reach primary destination points, but distribution to secondary towns, rural areas, and final beneficiaries remained limited. Commercial traffic into these zones somewhat increased.
The government restricted access of NGO workers and journalists to affected areas. International journalists who entered the Somali Region without permission of the government were arrested or obliged to leave the country. The government continued to ban the ICRC from the region, alleging it cooperated with the ONLF. Bureaucratic impediments to Medicins Sans Frontieres-Switzerland (MSF-CH) operations in the Somali Region and government accusations it cooperated with the ONLF prompted MSF-CH to terminate operations in the country on August 26.
During the year, some humanitarian groups reported roadblocks manned by insurgent groups who occasionally briefly detained them. These same humanitarian groups reportedly were interrogated by the ENDF on their encounters at the roadblocks with the insurgents.
On January 26, the ENDF placed Medicins Sans Frontieres-Holland (MSF-NL) staff members under house arrest in Warder for allegedly providing medical support to the ONLF and confiscated MSF-CH property and vehicle keys in Kebri Dehar, limiting its staff members’ movement to the town for three weeks. These restrictions originally covered all UN and NGO groups operating in the Somali Region; however, they were lifted on January 31 for all groups except MSF. On June 18, ENDF again detained five MSF-CH Fik-based staff for 19 days. The government previously suspended MSF-NL operations between July and November 2007. There was no judicial process or charges filed in any of the cases.
Section 2 Respect for Civil Liberties, Including:
a. Freedom of Speech and Press
While the constitution and law provide for freedom of speech and press, the government did not respect these rights in practice. The government continued to arrest, harass, and prosecute journalists, publishers, and editors. The government continued to control all broadcast media except three private FM radio stations. Private sector and government journalists routinely practiced self‑censorship.
Government-controlled media mostly reflected the views of the government and the ruling EPRDF coalition. However, live radio and television broadcasts at times included televised parliamentary debates and broadcast the views of opposition parliamentarians, as did government newspapers.
Although some new, small-circulation newspapers were published during the year, the number of private newspapers remained low. Approximately 20 private Amharic-language and English-language newspapers with political and business focuses were published, with a combined weekly circulation of more than 150,000.
The government operated the sole television station and tightly controlled news broadcasts. The broadcasting law prohibits political and religious organizations or foreigners from owning broadcast stations.
Foreign journalists and local stringers working for foreign publications at times published articles critical of the government but were subjected to government pressure to self-censor. During the year some reporters for foreign media were subjected to intimidation and harassment or threatened with expulsion from the country for publishing articles critical of the government.
During the year the government convicted and sentenced journalists for articles and reports in their publications. Journalists were intimidated, harassed, arrested, and detained on charges of defamation, threatening public order, and contempt of court.
For example, on February 16, police arrested Al-Quds publisher Maria Kadi Abafita and editor-in-chief Ezeddin Mohammed, along with Sheikh Ibrahim Mohammed Ali, the publisher and editor-in-chief of the Islamic Amharic weekly newspaper Salafia. The arrests followed their publishing of articles critical of an education ministry directive on religious worship in schools, including the reprint of a letter allegedly written by the vice president of the Ethiopian Islamic Affairs Supreme Council. The vice president denied writing the letter and filed criminal defamation charges. Police searched the newspapers’ offices and confiscated computers and printers. The journalists were detained for 26 days and released on February 29 on a bail of 12,000 birr ($1,200).The case was pending at year’s end.
On March 6, Dawit Kebede, editor-in-chief of the weekly Awramba Times, was detained and released. The National Electoral Board (NEB) accused him of posting an advertisement for his newspaper on a poster promoting EPRDF candidates for local elections. He appeared in court and was released on 200 birr ($20) bail the same day. No further action was taken before year’s end.
There were multiple incidents of harassment and arrest surrounding journalists’ coverage of the ongoing 2006 hit-and-run trial of pop singer Tewodros Kassahun, commonly known as Teddy Afro.
For example, on May 2, police detained editor/owner Alemayehu Mahtemework and three staff members of the private Amharic monthly entertainment magazine Enku and confiscated 10,000 magazine copies after Enku ran a cover story on Afro’s controversial arrest and trial. The government accused them of publishing “stirring articles that could incite people” and held them for five days before release. Alemayehu was also charged with threatening public order, and his case remained pending at year’s end. The magazine continued operating and police released the confiscated copies on July 31.
Also on July 29, Mesenazeria reported that its editor-in-chief and deputy editor-in-chief were detained for 32 hours and released on July 26 for printing photos without permission of the two police officers escorting Afro to trial. The journalists were not formally charged.
On August 4, the judge presiding over Afro’s trial charged Mesfin Negash, editor-in-chief of the independent Amharic weekly Addis Neger, with contempt of court after he published an interview with the singer’s lawyer, Million Assefa, in the July 26 edition. The newspaper accurately quoted the lawyer as saying he would file a complaint against high court judge Leul Gebremariam over alleged bias in his handling of the singer’s case. On August 6, the judge sentenced Mesfin to a one-month sentence suspended for two years. The lawyer, Million Assefa, was also found guilty of contempt of court and sentenced to one month and 20 days at Kaliti prison.
Police summoned and questioned Addis Neger journalists regarding four separate stories involving investigative reports.
Following Awramba Times’ extensive coverage of the Movement for Freedom, Democracy, and Justice (Ginbot 7), an opposition group advocating a change in the government by “any means,” the newspaper reported receiving threats on August 4 and 5 that it would be banned and “held accountable.” In addition there were allegations that an internal MOJ memo advocated the same. On August 7, the Addis Ababa Police Commission charged editor-in-chief Dawit Kebede with “inciting the public through false rumors” but released him on bail the same day. Harambe editor-in-chief Wossenseged Gebrekidan was also charged and released on bail following similar coverage of Ginbot 7. There were no further developments in the cases by year’s end.
On August 22, two police officers, one from Addis Ababa and the other from Gondar, arrested Amare Aregawi, editor-in-chief of the Amharic- and English-language newspaper The Reporter, at his office. Police held him overnight in an Addis Ababa police station and then transferred him in a brewery vehicle to a station in Gondar, approximately 470 miles north of Addis Ababa. On arrival, he was transferred to Gondar police custody. The arrest was in connection with a libel case brought by the Gondar-based, ruling-party-owned Dashen Brewery in response to a July 20 story on a labor dispute at the brewery. Amare appeared in court in Gondar on August 27 and was released after posting bail of 300 birr ($29) and spending six days in detention. He again appeared in court on September 1 but learned there were no charges against him, and the bail money was returned to him. The article’s author, Teshome Niku, was taken to Gondar on July 30 to appear in court but was released on bail of 300 birr ($29) on August 1. The rendering of both journalists to Gondar raised concerns about the legality of the action; the press law adopted on July 1 stipulates that defamation cases are to be tried in the locality where the claimed offense allegedly took place, and The Reporter’s registered headquarters is in Addis Ababa. Following his release, Teshome reportedly received anonymous, threatening phone calls.
On November 4, private newspaper Enbilta editor-in-chief Tsion Girma, deputy editor Habte Tadesse, and reporter Atenafu Alemayehu were arrested in connection with an article published October 3 that mistakenly identified the judge in the Teddy Afro hit-and-run case. Tsion was released on October 22 on 2,000 birr bail ($200). Her two colleagues were released October 24 with no charges. Tsionwas convicted November 4 on criminal charges of inciting the public through false rumors and fined an additional 2000 birr ($200).
OnOctober 31, The Reporter editor-in-chief Amare Aregawi was violently attacked in front of his son’s school. School staff found him unconscious andrushed him to the intensive care unit at the hospital. He later recovered and returned to work. The media reported that police arrested one of the assailants and the driver of a taxi planned as a getaway car. The Addis Ababa Police Commission continued to investigate the case at year’s end.
Several journalists remained in exile, including journalists detained following the 2005 elections but released in 2007.
On July 1, the parliament passed The Mass Media and Freedom of Information Proclamation, published in the official Negarit Gazette on December 4. The law prohibits pretrial detention of journalists and censorship of private media, and it recognizes the right of journalists to form professional associations. However, the law allows only incorporated companies to publish print media; requires all previously licensed press to reregister; bars foreign and crossmedia ownership; grants the government unlimited rights to prosecute the media; criminalizes defamation of public officials and increases defamation fines to 100,000 birr ($9,751); establishes “national security” as grounds for impounding materials prior to publication; provides government information officials exclusive discretion to withhold “sensitive” information without judicial review; and maintains the MOI’s absolute authority to regulate the media.
The Ministry of Information was dissolved on October 30. Media reported that the government planned to replace the ministry with a new communications office that would be directly accountable to the prime minister. Although reports indicated the new entity would not be responsible for press licensing, that responsibility had not been reassigned by year’s end.
Regional governments censored the media during the year by prohibiting NGOs and health centers from providing information to, or allowing photography by, foreigners or journalists about malnutrition caused by the mid-year drought.
The government indirectly censored the media by controlling licensing. In the first week of January, the Ministry of Information denied press licenses to Eskinder Nega, Serkalem Fasil, and Sisay Agena, the former editors of banned private newspapers Menelik, Asqual, Satenaw, Ethop,and Abay, who had been detained for 17 months after the 2005 elections and were pardoned and released in April 2007.
On July 2, the same three publishers were fined a combined amount of 300,000 birr ($29,252) in connection with their papers’ coverage of the 2005 elections. The court ordered them to appear before the First Criminal Bench of the Federal High Court in December if they failed to pay. They appeared in court on December 24 and delivered a written petition citing pardon law 395/2004, article 231/2, which stipulates that pardons granted to persons automatically pertain to monetary penalties against them. The court adjourned and is scheduled to reconvene in January 2009.
During the year the government granted licenses to Dawit Kebede and Wosonseged Gebrekidan, two other journalists detained after the 2005 elections and released in August 2007, for two new Amharic-language weeklies, Awramba Times and Harambe.
The government owned the only newspaper printing press.
In June, Ayele Chamisso, member of parliament (MP) and chairman of the Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party (CUDP), filed charges against three private newspapers: Addis Neger, Awramba Times, and now-defunct Soressa. Ayele claimed that the papers used his party’s name for other groups. The editor of Awramba Times appeared in court in November on defamation charges and was released on 2000 birr ($190) bail. He appeared in court again in December. His case and the cases against the other two newspapers were pending at year’s end.
The sustained jamming of Voice of America’s Amharic and Afan Oromo Services, which started in December 2007, largely ended in March. [Continued on next page]
13 thoughts on “U.S. Department of States Human Rights report on Ethiopia”
Good report by the U.S. State Department.
The only problem is that U.S. government needs to stop supporting these thugs and criminals from inflicting so much pain and suffering on 77 million Ethiopians.
Secretary of State Clinton — what are you going to do about these abuses? Actions speak louder than words.
I believe Meles is worse than what is reported here. I do not judge people by their looks, but in Meles’s case, he looks and acts like the devil. Instead of living in the palace this heartless, evil personified man that has killed countless innocent people needs to live in the psychiatric ward.
Ay Amaricanoch , echi min alat , abayin bechilifa ende malet new, ye woyane gif , teworito , tetsifo yemiyalik ayidelem , reportu lay yekerebew ende ene gimit woyane kemiseraw gif 1% enkuwan yemihon ayidelem,
Let us stand up for the release of Bertukan Mediksa. It would be your turn tomorrow.
The US government every year makes such reports of abuses of human rights in Ethiopia. I am not even clear why such kind of reports are required as they have never influenced the decisions of the US government about its relationship with the reportedly abusive government of Ethiopia. The whole purpose appears to be similar to the sympolic act of PONTIUS PILATE WHEN HE WASHES HIS HAND AFTER SIGNING THE CRUCIFICTION OF JESUS. The US only want to show that it has disclosed the unlawful, dictatorial, and abusive acts of the Ethiopian government. That is all.
The US government works hand in glove with such governments but at the same time wants to posture as a defender of human rights.
In the most ironic display of hypocrisy, the US state department requests the 2009 budget to include funding Ethiopia’s despotic dictator to a tune of $472 million. The summary overview concludes “The FY 2009 budget reflects a substantial increase in Governing Justly and Democratically activities including rule of law, political competition and consensus-building as well as civil society programs that are needed to build institutional capacity and facilitate restructuring of political processes to help prepare for national elections in 2010.”
This means, In less than 2 short months since requesting this aid, the same state department is now forced to show this stinging report and admit they have been subsidizing genocidal thugs with US taxpayer’s money. Now the US must be forced to recognize its utter failure in its policy towards Ethiopia by supporting human right violators at the expense of democratic system for the last 18 years. In light of this acknowledgement the US has no choice but change its stance and support the opposition political group by forcing the current regime in accepting internationally recognized democratic openness for the national election next year.
Long Live Ethiopia
Bertu
O’ My God!!! This is really incriminating. I hope and pray that Hillary and Obama will have the chance to read this report. In the era of ‘Yes We can’, this is not a type of a friend we want to be seen with. I also hope that all these alleged killings, disappearances and beatings are factual and well backed by credible witnesses. Africa!!! Cry O’ My Beloved Country!!!! I am saddened by this and depressed. It looks that the country is run by ruthless shadowy mob. If so, then it is too late. Just look at Nigeria and Kenya. Just look at them!!!
The friends of the USA should be ashamed, though lie or falsified the truth. They covered what has hapened in Ethiopia in reality and still hapening today. The state dept did not mention the genocide, murder and crime against humanity that have been published by amnesty, Human Right Watch.
Shame on you USA, We shall never trust you.
The U.S. Department of States Human Rights report on Ethiopia is meticulously exclusive, purposely misleading, and intentionally limited to certain human rights violations in Ethiopia.
It is understandable, however, a person cannot fully investigate his own family for the crime the family has committed, if he does, his family will condemn him for doing so and expel him from his family roots. In the same way, Meles Seitanawi (Zenawi) and his wife Azeb Mesfin are considered by all standards families of the U.S. Department of States, so they are excluded from being investigated by their own family – the State Department Human Rights – for the slaughters of hundreds of innocent Ethiopians in various times, and for such merciless killings, the U.S. Department of States Human Rights has refrained from making Meles Seitanawi and his wife Azeb responsible.
Most of us already know the many abuses that are being committed every day in Ethiopia – abuses such as denying Ethiopian children perishable food donated by responsible organizations, the untimely deaths of the Ethiopian girls in the Arab world, the sell of Ethiopian children for sex and money, the deaths of prisoners in the hands of the prison guards, the disappearances of Ethiopian prisoners, and the arbitrary killings of innocent Ethiopian civilians.
However, I would like to see the U.S. department of States Human Rights implicate Meles and his wife in all the abuses committed in Ethiopia. It is these two individuals who brought all these untold atrocities against the Ethiopian people.
Only these two, these two only – Meles and Azeb – must be persecuted on the evidences the U.S. Department of States Human Rights has just outlined even though it has failed to mention their names as bunch of criminals.
When someone tries to find the main causes of the abuses committed in Ethiopia, one can easily conclude that it is the millions and millions of money that Meles receives from Washington that has created all these abuses. If Washington suddenly stops giving so much money to Meles Seitanawi, most of the abuses in Ethiopia will gradually disappear.
It is ironic that the U. S. Department of States Human Rights is concerned about the abuses of human rights in Ethiopia, and at the same time supporting this ruthless dictator – Meles Seitanawi to run the country, using terror, intimidation, and arbitrary killings.
It is true, historically, America has been very friendly to dictators, such as Fulgencio Batista of Cuba, Duvalier of Haiti, the Shah of Iran, Ferdinand Marcus of Philippine, and Augusto Pinochet of Chile. So, it is unimaginable for U.S. Department of States Human Rights to do a good job on human rights abuses committed in Ethiopia by one of Washington’s friend – Meles Seitanawi.
HYPOCRITICAL!!! That’s what this report is, for my Ethiopian brothers and sisters, administrations change in the US, with them the tactics may change but the objective stays the same, HELP THE US PUPPET AT ALL COSTS. What the Ethiopian people in the diaspora think doesn’t matter to them, all they care about is US interests. Now is the time to wake up, join in the sturggle for true freedom, support all the armed Ethiopian opposition groups, urge them to form a firm united front to save Ethiopia from perpetual slavery to wesern powers. Peace, prosperity and democracy will not come from outside, they are the result of hard struggle only gained by the people themselves.
It is a must read report.
I sincerely believe that Ethiopian Review’s take on this issue is misguided. I do not believe Woyane responded to the State Department’s report. What Woyane responded is to its own inability to block to opposition propaganda. Woyane’s dollar reserves are its historic low, and it is compelled to cut on its expenses. Its expenses to jamm Ginbot 7 radio has become unbearable. As a result it has stopped its jamming. If it cannot jamm the main opposition radio that reaches the rural areas, the army and its security forces, then why should Woyane block web sites that are written in English and reach a very small minority of the elite? Hence Woyane’s decision resulted if it cannot stop opposition radio, it might as well free web sites and get support from the West. As Ethiopians we should be in the look out to see our good accomplishments and give credit where it is due, rather than giving it to the West, which works hand in glove with the ethnic dictatorship. Hence all of us should sustain the pressure by giving more support to Ginbot 7 Radio, by sending news and articles, poetry, and of course money.
We who reside in Ethiopia are not facinated by the content of this message because these are those to which the department got evidences. Extrajudicial killings are rampant here and we all know that it is only a matter of time for these kinds of killings to reveal themselves and the killer to face the court. Though we are pleased with the content of this comprehensive report and we appreciate the effort of the state department, we still look forward to hearing for many other hidden murders commited by the government. It is as i said a matter of time.