One Man’s Attempt to Capture Ethiopian Armenians’ Dying Legacy
By Lilly Torosyan | Armenian Weekly
“TEZETA is a song form famous in Ethno-Jazz. In Amharic (the language of Ethiopia), it translates to ‘my memory,’ but it means much more. It conveys a sense of nostalgia that can be lost in translation,” describes Aramazt Kalayjian, an independent documentary filmmaker living and working in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. His documentary, “TEZETA [The Ethiopian Armenians],” explores the collective memory of Ethiopian-Armenians from their own perspectives, as well as others touched by their profound legacy. He aims to reveal the contributions Armenians have made to Ethiopian culture through the narrative of music and the large role they played in modern Ethiopian jazz.
Despite his disconnection physically and genealogically to Ethiopia, Kalayjian feels a profound connection to all Armenian communities in exile from their nonexistent homeland in Turkey. The unique history of Armenians in Ethiopia—namely, the story of the Arba Lijoch, the 40 Armenian orphans of the genocide who were adopted by King Selassie to be his imperial orchestra, and their contribution to modern Ethiopian music—ignited Kalayjian’s curiosity. “I am not a descendant of the Arba Lijoch,” he told the Armenian Weekly, “but I am a passionate and profound music lover, which is one of the factors driving me to produce this documentary.”
Kalayjian says that his intention is not to prevent the inevitable, that is, the decline of the number of Armenians in Ethiopia. “My documentary simply seeks to tell the phenomenal story of the Armenians of Ethiopia. It will describe the great historical and musical contributions Armenians have had in Ethiopia and bear witness to their current situation,” he explains. However, the bleak situation of the diminishing Armenian community is acknowledged though several examples, such as the country’s only Armenian church, St. Kevork, lacking a priest and a sermon. The deacon of St. Kevork’s is Vartkes Nalbandian, the son of Nerses Nalbandian—a jazz musician and instructor who wrote the first anthem of the African Union, and the great-nephew of Kevork Nalbandian, composer of the first Ethiopian national anthem, which was played until 1974 when the socialists overthrew the monarchy.
Corresponding to the Armenians’ rich involvement in the nation’s music scene, a few Ethiopian musicians have spoken candidly about the legacy of the Armenians, with warm words about the pint-sized community and its vast accomplishments. Alèmayèhu Eshèté, a prominent jazz singer endearingly called the Elvis Presley of Ethiopia, gave glowing praise to his mentor, the aforementioned Nerses Nalbandian, whom he considered as his “second father.”
Unfortunately, Eshèté remains in the minority. “Most Ethiopian lay people, as well as Armenians outside of Ethiopia, are simply unaware of the incredible contributions of Armenian Ethiopians on Ethiopian culture,” Kalayjian disappointedly notes. “Some Ethiopians see an Armenian and assume they are either European, American, or any other ‘Faranji’ (literally meaning ‘French,’ used to describe a foreigner, or ‘odar’ in Armenian). Armenians see this as a nuisance because in their heart, they feel Ethiopian and have lived [in Ethiopia] all of their lives. The only difference is the color of their skin and many people on the street won’t assume their generational presence in Ethiopia,” the filmmaker says.
Kalayjian seeks to “herald and preserve the great contributions Armenians have impressed on the cultural, musical, and historical landscape of Ethiopia” through his documentary, which stands a tough chance of being broadcasted.
In order for the documentary to meet its budget for production, Kalayjian needs to meet his fundraising goal of $10,000 by this Thurs., Aug.9. Contributors may pledge varying amounts, with different prizes at each benchmark, on the project’s personal webpage, where preliminary interviews for the documentary are also posted. For more information about TEZETA and the Kickstarter fundraiser, visit Kickstarter.com and type “Armenian” in the search bar, or follow this link: www.kickstarter.com/projects/552004009/t-e-z-e-t-a-the-ethiopian-armenians.
LONDON (AP) — Tiki Gelana of Ethiopia dodged rivals and rain drops on her way to winning the women’s Olympic marathon on Sunday.
Drenched from head to toe, she soaked up the moment as she crossed the finish line, raising her hands high in the air to celebrate. Gelana navigated the wet streets in an Olympic record time of 2 hours, 23.07 seconds to hold off Priscah Jeptoo of Kenya by five seconds. The previous mark was 2:23.14, set by Naoko Takahashi of Japan in Sydney in 2000.
Tatyana Petrova Arkhipova of Russia captured the bronze in a race that began in heavy rain, saw the sun briefly come out and ended in another downpour.
Typical London weather.
Gelana hardly minded the dreary conditions as she slipped and slid her way to the victory.
“I love running in the rain. I have been doing that since I was a small child,” Gelana said. “I slipped in the middle of the race and my elbow is still injured. But I didn’t feel any pain during the race.”
There were four runners in a bunched pack over the last three miles. But with the finish line around the bend, Gelana made her move, grimacing as she surged to the front. With the rain picking up intensity — going from a light drizzle to a deluge — she kept glancing over her shoulder to see if Jeptoo was gaining ground.
She wasn’t.
No one could catch Gelana as she easily coasted across the line to win the biggest race of her life.
While these were actually favorable running conditions — not too hot — quite a few runners dropped out of the race.
Liliya Shobukhova of Russia — a top contender — stopped halfway through the race with a right leg ailment, while British runner Mara Yamauchi’s day was ended about eight kilometers (five miles) into the competition because of a bruised heel.
Tetyana Filonyuk of Ukraine barely went 100 meters — about as far as Usain Bolt & Co. will sprint later on the track — before calling it a day. There was no reason given for her exit.
Not even the dreary weather could dampen the mood of the crowd, which lined the course holding umbrellas to ward off the rain drops. The country was treated to quite a show on Saturday night, with heptathlete Jessica Ennis, distance runner Mo Farah and long jumper Greg Rutherford all taking gold over at the track.
The British marathoners couldn’t follow up. Their best chance at a medal, Paula Radcliffe — the fastest woman ever in the marathon — didn’t compete because of a foot injury.
Although the marathon traditionally ends inside the Olympic stadium, this one took the runners past some of the biggest landmarks of London: Big Ben, St. Paul’s Cathedral, Trafalgar Square, London Bridge, Tower of London and finally right by Buckingham Palace, which was near the finish.
Jeptoo and teammate Mary Keitany were among the runners who stuck by Gelana for most of the race. Keitany was one of the favorites after winning the London Marathon earlier this year. But this course was much different and Keitany faded near the finish.
Still, Jeptoo tried to encourage her teammate, even grabbing Keitany a water bottle late in the race and handing it to her. Keitany finished in fourth place.
Before this race, Gelana’s biggest win was the Rotterdam Marathon in the Netherlands last April, when she finished in 2:18:58 to set a national record.
Tiki Gelana of Ethiopia won the 2012 London women’s marathon Olympic gold, coming in at 2:23.07
Demonstrators demand issues raised by Ethiopian Muslims be addressed
Ethiopians and people of Ethiopian origin living in the Greater Washington, D.C., area and throughout the United States staged a huge rally on Thursday, August 2, 2012, in front of the US Department of State, according to reports by the Voice of America.
Sheikh Imam Sheik Khaled Omar of Washington’s First Hejira Foundation called on the US government to put pressure on Ethiopian authorities to address the three key issues raised by Ethiopian Muslims, VOA reported.
On the Christian side, Father Philippos of the Holy Synod of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church in exile affirmed that the issues raised by Muslims are just and that the beatings and imprisonment to which they have been subjected to must be condemned, the report concluded.
Please click on link below to listen to the full VOA report in Amharic.
Open Letter to Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton
Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia
This is a critical time for not only the Ethiopian people, but also for the significant global partners. We are keenly aware of U.S. interests in Ethiopia—as it is the largest recipient of U.S. financial aid in Africa—and our shared concerns that it not become the next Syria; however, the U.S. should understand that the Ethiopian people—many of whom are now U.S. citizens—will not tolerate decisions made behind the scenes which support the continuation of autocratic rule by the Tigrian Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF).
Regarding the possible death or serious incapacitation of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, who has been the darling of the west as well as the strongman behind the machinations of the TPLF/EPRDF.
The Honorable Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State
The U.S. Department of State
2201 C Street NW
Washington, D.C. 20520
August 2, 2012
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“There are still too many places in the region and across the continent where democracy is threatened, where human rights are abused, and the rule of law is undermined…. Too many Africans still live under autocratic rulers who care more about preserving their grip on power than promoting the welfare of their citizens. Violent extremism, transnational crime and rampant corruption all threaten democracy …The days of having outsiders come and extract the wealth of Africa for themselves leaving nothing or very little behind should be over in the 21st century.” Secretary of State Hillary Clinton.
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Dear Secretary Clinton
We in the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia (SMNE), a non-political, non-violent grassroots social justice movement, are writing this letter to you, not as an opposition party or as contenders for power, but as an organization, representative of diverse Ethiopians, which has been working since 2008 for conditions conducive to the formation of a just, free and open democratic society, which can undergird a robust economic climate based on inclusive capitalism, offering opportunities to both Ethiopians and their partners.
The SMNE has brought together Ethiopians of diverse ethnicity, religion, gender, political view and regional background under an umbrella organization to advance truth, justice, freedom, equality, reconciliation, accountability, human rights and a healthy economic environment for the people of Ethiopia and beyond. The SMNE has branches in the United States, Canada and the United Kingdom, with chapters in Ottawa, Washington D.C., Melbourne, London, Geneva, Oslo, Stockholm, Tokyo, Brussels and other cities and countries throughout the world, including Ethiopia. You can find us through our website at: www.solidaritymovement.org.
We believe that the future well being of Ethiopia, the Horn of Africa, Africa and our global society rests in the hands of those among us who can put “humanity before ethnicity,” or any other distinctions that divide and dehumanize other human beings from ourselves; inspiring us to care about these “others;” not only because of the intrinsic God-given value of each life, but also because “none of us will be free until all are free.” In light of this, we heartily applaud your above-quoted statement and others made by you this week during your fourth tour of Africa.
Dear Secretary Clinton:
Your words could not have more accurately described Ethiopia under the 21-year autocratic leadership of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and his one-party, crony and ethnic-based government of the Tigrayan Peoples’ Liberation Front (TPLF), operating as the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), which controls every sector of Ethiopian society. To achieve this level of control, this regime has maintained an iron grip on the throats of the people, creating widespread grievances, anger and the resulting simmering tensions that could suddenly erupt due to its tyrannical rule.
Serial human rights violations, the purposeful incitement of ethnic hatred and division, the criminalization of dissent, the closure of all political space, the repression of the media and systems of communication, the use of vague anti-terrorism laws to imprison democratic voices, the use of force, fraud and collusion to seize land, minerals, water and national assets from the people, political control of the judiciary and the TPLF/EPRDF takeover of every institution within Ethiopian society, including religious institutions, have all created an intolerable life for its citizenry accompanied by the subsequent explosion in numbers of Ethiopian refugees seeking asylum throughout the world.
From December 2003 to 2008, as the executive director of the ethnic-based Anuak Justice Council, a human rights organization formed following the TPLF/EPRDF sponsored massacre of 424 Anuak leaders in Gambella, Ethiopia in less than three days—followed by over two more years of human rights violations—we in the AJC and later as part of the SMNE, contacted U.S. elected representatives and U.S. State Department officials regarding the increasing authoritarian nature of the Meles regime in open letters to Senator John Kerry, read.. and Senator Joseph Biden, read… during the last Republican administration and to President Obama, read.., Secretary of Defense Robert Gates, read… and to you, Secretary Clinton, read… all under the current Democratic administration.
Most Ethiopians believed that the change President Obama spoke of during his campaign would change the status quo in Ethiopia, but as we all know, the U.S. foreign policy position on Ethiopia has continued to pump strength and longevity into a brutal regime which is terrorizing its citizenry. This can never be in the interests of the American or Ethiopian people and must be based on short-term convenience; for prolonging this dictatorial regime is clearly counter-productive. Aligning with this brutal regime under the rational of fighting terrorism has empowered the regime’s abuses; angering and radicalizing an otherwise peaceful population. Ethiopians’ concerns regarding an increasingly totalitarian regime were trumped as the TPLF/EPRDF promoted themselves as partners of the U.S. in countering terrorism, piracy and illicit trafficking.
At the same time, the TPLF regime used their increased control to exploit Ethiopia national assets and opportunities with foreign and crony business partners. The result has been to create an unmerited economic advantage to investment partners willing to “do business” the “Meles way.”In other words, that same support the U.S. gave to work with this regime on the War on Terror at the same time opened the path to non-U.S. foreign partners to take hold of the immense economic opportunities mostly closed to more risk-aversive American companies who operated under greater transparency and accountability.
Continuation of the same policies under the TPLF/EPRDF will only further entrench the advantages of those foreign partners who have fewer restrictions in their home nations, let alone in international business practices. How can American companies with ethics, high standards of compliance and a commitment to genuinely partner with Ethiopians in capitalistic ventures engage in the current business climate under the TPLF/EPRDF; particularly if the regime fails to address the root problems of regime-sponsored force, fraud and collusion in the extraction of Ethiopian land, resources and livelihoods from the people? Current claims of record economic growth are highly suspect, but not open for examination or debate under the TPLF/ERPDF.
Dear Secretary Clinton:
If Ethiopia is ever to rise out of poverty, there must be an atmosphere of inclusive capitalism—where the resources are not simply extracted without benefiting the people. This will require genuine democratic governance and new regulatory laws to even out the playing field—a field where American and other diverse global partners are welcome to form sustainable partnerships. The global war against terror and extremism can be fought most effectively through supporting the democratic and economic aspirations of the people. On the other hand, continued support to the status quo will only continue the current economic model requiring risky collusion with the TPLF/EPRDF.
Now that path has suddenly become more dangerous as highly credible rumors have emerged regarding the possible death or serious incapacitation of PM Meles, who has been the darling of the west as well as the strongman behind the machinations of the TPLF/EPRDF. Can the TPLF/EPRDF survive without the one man who has held the regime together by force of personality, the ubiquitous secret police and a vast repressive apparatus?Concerns about the lack of stability of Ethiopia, post-Meles, are causing great anxiety within the ruling TPLF and in western capitals. His absence has already unbalanced the power base of the ruling party, with dangerous implications for Ethiopia as divisions—ethnic, regional and ideological, will widen with unforeseen consequences. Interestingly enough, religious groups—Muslims and Christians—have found greater unity of purpose as leaders within each group support the religious freedom of each other and all Ethiopians, condemning extremism in any form.
The question is how Ethiopia can avert potential disaster during this vacuum of leadership. Ethiopia is of strategic geo-political importance both globally and within Africa. If Ethiopia breaks into turmoil, it could be devastating beyond its borders. We do not expect the U.S. or any other nation to free Ethiopia. No other country frees another; that is the responsibility of Ethiopians who must free themselves. Neither do we expect the U.S. or other nations to operate outside of their own national interests as Ethiopians also seek to operate according to their national interests. However, we do ask free nations to not become a roadblock to the freedom and genuine democratic change sought after by Ethiopians.
In 1991, the U.S. played a strong role in bringing the TPLF/EPRDF into power and we believe the U.S. is again playing a role in the current crisis through people like General Carter F. Ham, Commander, Africom and General Ralph O. Baker, Commander, Combined Joint Task Force—Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA) in order to prevent the explosion of ethnic-based violence; however, the Obama administration must understand that there are other viable alternatives to the TPLF/EPRDF—if allowed some political space—which could prove to be more reliable and to be better long-term partners in promoting peace and stability in the Horn of Africa than one of the most repressive regimes in Africa which has identified with the Chinese model of development without democracy.
This is a critical time of testing for not only the Ethiopian people, but also for the significant global partners. We are keenly aware of U.S. interests in Ethiopia—as it is the largest recipient of U.S. financial aid in Africa—and our shared concerns that it not become the next Syria; however, the U.S. should understand that the Ethiopian people—many of whom are now U.S. citizens—will not tolerate decisions made behind the scenes for the future of Ethiopia which support the continuation of the autocratic TPLF leadership.
Dear Secretary Clinton:
As you have witnessed in the Arab Spring, dictators go, but the people remain. The U.S. should support the democratization of a country of 90 million people rather than preserving the status quo. The status quo is not safer but could jeopardize long-term U.S. national interests in one of the most strategic and conflict-prone regions of the world, with great implications for the Middle East, Europe and Africa. As early as 2009, the International Crisis Group, Ethiopia: Ethnic Federalism and Its Discontents and Genocide Watch have issued warnings regarding the volatility of this region and the vulnerability of Ethiopia to exploding into ethnic-based violence, chaos and state failure. Ethiopians also understand how the widespread grievances could explode without carefully orchestrated change.
Dear Secretary Clinton:
The continuation of ethnic-based leadership within the TPLF, only with a new leader of the party, could trigger a dangerous reaction and the present TPLF will be far less capable of holding the country together over the next months and year should something happen. Instead, the U.S. should be on the right side of history by supporting African leaders who respect their people’s rights. In light of this, we call on you, Secretary Clinton, and Generals Ham, Baker and the US intelligence community, to use this new opportunity presented by Meles’ departure to do the right thing: to stand by the people of Ethiopia.
As you tour Africa and challenge Africans to embrace democracy, will the U.S. support your vision for Africa of which you have been speaking? Will the U.S. make concrete policy changes towards Ethiopia? It is not the time to please Africans with words while obstructing democratic progress on the ground with U.S. endorsement of some other member of the TPLF/EPRDF.This will not work. It is unacceptable; yet, we are willing to work together with all Ethiopians in creating an inclusive Ethiopia for the future.
For years now, we in the SMNE have sought to lay the foundation for the transformation of Ethiopia by challenging the thinking of Ethiopians that has been based on self-defeating tribalism, feudalism, Marxism or colonialism. As we have called Ethiopians to put “humanity before ethnicity” or any other differences and to care about other Ethiopians because “none of us will be free until all are free,” we have seen significant healing of relationships and very real possibilities to avert disaster. However, if well-intentioned outsiders become an obstacle to inclusive freedom, opportunities, reconciliation and the restoration of justice in Ethiopia, our nation’s future will be hijacked once again.
Dear Secretary Clinton:
We respectfully ask you to do the same in Ethiopia as you promised to do in Mali early this week when you said,“We encourage all parties to set aside their differences and work to restore democracy, preserve the territorial integrity of the country, and reject the appeals of violent extremism [including ethnic-based violence].” You added that the U.S. would continue to withhold full development assistance, including security aid, [which could be used against the Ethiopian people] until a democratically elected government is in place.
A window of opportunity exists right now that was not available in 1991. The reformers of Ethiopia you are looking for are here. Right now, there are hundreds of thousands of Ethiopians in the Diaspora, many well educated in western schools that are available to give back to their homeland if there were a genuinely democratic country and if they were given the chance.
We in the SMNE and other Ethiopian stakeholders are here and ready, willing to do whatever we can to contribute to the building of a New Ethiopia that will look forward to all the mutual benefits of healthy and sustainable partnerships in the 21st century.
President Barack Obama
Vice President, Mr. Joseph Biden
U.S. Defense Secretary Leon E. Panetta
U.S. National Security Council Advisor, Thomas E. Donilon,
General Carter F. Ham, Commander, Africom,
General Ralph O. Baker, Commander, Combined Joint Task Force—Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA)
Senator John F. Kerry, Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee
Senator Richard G. Lugar, Ranking Member of Committee on Foreign Relations
Senator Patrick Leahy, Chairman of Subcommittee on Foreign Operations and Related Programs
Christopher A.Coons, Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on African Affairs
Johnny Isakson, Ranking Member of the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on African Affairs
House of Representatives, Chris Smith, Chairman of the Subcommittee on Africa
House of Representatives, Gary Ackerman, Ranking Member of the Subcommittee on Africa
The Fund for Peace today released its 2012 index of failed states. Ethiopia under the boots of the Tigrai Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF) ranked 17th. Countries such as Burundi, Congo, Ertirea and Libya did better than Ethiopia.
Somalia, a much suffering nation invaded by Ethiopia at the behest of the United States, ranked as the number one failed state. Finland ranked as the least failed state at 177.
For the full listing, go to: http://www.fundforpeace.org/global/?q=fsi-grid2012
Peaceful protests continue in Addis Ababa this week among Muslims angry over what they see as Ethiopian government interference. The government sees foreign extremist threat.
With arms raised and wrists crossed, silent Muslim worshippers surrounding the largest mosque in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia’s capital, again today peacefully protested what they call a violent government response to legitimate demands.
The act of civil disobedience from Muslims, who constitute at least one-third of the population, is a rare sign of instability in a country seen by US policymakers as a bulwark against radical Islam in the volatile Horn of Africa region.
Last month, members of a committee mediating the dispute over perceived unconstitutional state interference in Islamic affairs were taken into custody, while unrest broke out on two occasions around separate mosques in the city of around 5 million people.
“We are showing solidarity with leaders who have been arrested but who are strong,” says a demonstrator named Mohammed, referring to the vigil latched onto the end of midday prayers at Anwar Mosque. “They should be released; they were arrested for nothing.” Moments later, nervous friends ushered him away.
Through military interventions in neighboring Somalia, crackdowns against a separatist movement in its Muslim-majority Ogaden region, and now the detention of Muslim activists in its capital, Ethiopia has taken on a role as front-line defense against the spread of political Islam in East Africa. It’s a stance that broadly enjoys support from the West and neighboring countries, but some observers argue that Ethiopia’s hard line may be creating a backlash, strengthening the appeal of insurgents whom it is battling to suppress.
Human rights group Amnesty International called on the Ethiopian government this week to either formally charge or to release those currently in detention. Amnesty also called on the Ethiopian government to investigate allegations of torture of detainees, to allow peaceful protest, and to use “proportionality in the use of force” against demonstrators who turn violent.
For its part, the Ethiopian government justifies its actions by saying that the real troublemakers are a tiny minority of foreign-influence Salafi extremists.
“This group actually deals day and night to create an Islamic state,” says Shiferaw Teklemariam, the minister responsible for religious affairs. “This in the Ethiopian context is totally forbidden and against the constitution.”
Activists scoff at the accusations. Ethiopia is a secular, multi-ethnic state, where Orthodox Christians predominate, they say. How could any Islamist group hope to create an Islamic state in such a country? The dismissal is seconded by Terje Østebø, an academic at the Center for African Studies and Department of Religion, University of Florida, who studies Islam in the Horn of Africa. He says that Ethiopia’s historically oppressed Muslims are enthusiastic backers of the current secular system.
“Islamic reformists in Ethiopia have been very little concerned with politics, and certainly not advocated ideas in the direction of an Islamic state,” he says. “In my numerous conversations with Muslims in Ethiopia, I never came across anyone favoring such ideas.”
Other regional experts lean toward the official line that there are some externally-supported radicals that have hijacked the language of democratic rights to covertly pursue fundamentalism.
Protester demands
The committee’s stated demands are for Islamic council elections to be held at mosques rather than at local government offices; for the government to stop its unconstitutional promotion of the moderate al-Ahbash sect popular in Lebanon; and for the Awalia Mosque in Addis Ababa to be returned to the community from a corrupted Islamic council.
The committee and its followers accuse Ethiopia’s Islamic Affairs Supreme Council of being an undemocratic body packed with government stooges. Shiferaw, the Minister for Federal Affairs, denies any state meddling, saying there has been no promotion of al-Ahbash, and elections that begin on August 26 for two weeks are overseen solely by the Ulema Council of scholars, which he describes as Ethiopian Islam’s highest authority.
On July 13, violence broke out for the first time in the capital since the nine month dispute began, after Muslims at the Awalia Mosque compound ignored warnings from the government to not hold a sadaqa (charity) gathering on the day that African heads of states were in town for an African Union meeting. The real purpose of the event, which was shut down before it began through a police raid, was to plot the Islamic takeover, Shiferaw claims, and the timing was “deliberately provocative.”
“It’s about killing the image of the country and trying to destroy the trust of African leaders in their own capital,” he says. “I don’t think you quarrel with your wife when guests are at the door, if you’re really genuine enough for your wife.”
The government said 74 arrests were made, which was followed a week later by the detainment of the leadership committee based at Awalia. The crackdown, however, did not prevent a huge number of worshippers at Anwar Mosque in the Mercato area on the first day of the holy month of Ramadan a week later, showing solidarity with those arrested. Ahmedin Jebel, a now-detained spokesman for the 17-man committee, said the government’s attitude betrayed its authoritarianism. “Even if Muslims come to the AU summit to protest, if it’s peaceful, it shows Ethiopia is democratic,” he says. “Preventing and attacking shows Ethiopia is undemocratic.”
Unrest followed the next day, instigated by masked extremists penning in worshippers, according to the government. On a Saturday afternoon at one of Africa’s largest markets, all shops were shuttered and riot police patrolled normally heaving streets.
‘They want to label us’
“They want to put our questions aside and label us, saying we have a political agenda, saying we are extremists,” says Ahmedin.
Shiferaw is confident that the incidents have, in his view, unmasked Ahmedin’s group in the eyes of Ethiopian Muslims, draining any support they had. “Heavy education” campaigns are also being conducted on state television to show a strategic alliance between the movement and forces including Somalia’s al-Qaeda-affiliated al-Shabab militia and secular Ethiopian insurgents, he says. “We would like to clear any confusion and grey areas for people who joined them without knowing who they are,” he says. “We will educate them a little bit and they will go home.”
Mr. Østebø says he believes the government has misconstrued the rise in Salafism, which he says is largely a religious movement seeking to purify Islam. “This is not to downplay the potential of such movement becoming a threat to political security and stability, but one should not overlook the fact that representations of Salafism mostly take nonviolent forms,” he says.
Salafists are welcome in Ethiopia as long as they don’t coerce others to join their sect, says Shiferaw. But, at “hotspots” around the country, extremists “bring people to the mosque, they put them to the point of the gun and they request them if you’re not converting yourself to the Wahabi, Salafi sect, you’re gone, you’re subject to be killed,” he argues. Activists say such “wild allegations are the government’s ploy to scare Ethiopians about a rise in extremism, and also score points with international backers.”
While Salafism’s rise has raised tensions there have been “hardly any reports of violent confrontations between so-called Sufis and Salafis,” says Østebø.
“We are Muslims, nobody can divide us,” says Ahmedin.
Bad response to real threat
Medhane Tadesse, an analyst of conflicts in the region, believes the government is making a belated and heavy-handed response to a genuine threat. Ethiopia has historically been a crucible for Islam’s battle with Christianity, and foreign Wahabbist forces have been – and currently are – at work trying to control mosques and now the Islamic council to ensure ascendance, he believes.
“Ethiopia is important because of historical significance, and because of demography, it has more Muslims than Saudi Arabia, it’s a big stake,” he says.
The government needs to make a measured response by empowering Muslims while distinguishing foreign-influenced radicals from those with “genuine concerns,” Medhane says.
“I think it’s a significant event and unless it’s managed in sober and legitimate way through democratic means then it may aggravate,” he says. “The problem of the Ethiopian state historically is rather than playing the role of an arbiter between different interests and social classes it tries to decide, which is counter-productive.”
