Ethiopia under the corrupt dictatorship of Meles Zenawi ranks 123rd out of 128 countries in economic competitiveness, according to a report released by the World Economic Forum’s 2007 report. No matter how much the state-controlled media talk about fake progress, the facts outlined in the report indicate that Ethiopia’s economy is growing backward. The only thing that is expanding in Ethiopia is Meles Zenawi’s pocket.
I was invited by our Oromo brothers and sisters through the Oromo-American Citizens Council to speak at the Second Annual International Oromo Human Rights Conference on “Conflict in East Africa and the Current Human Rights Situation.” I was to address the subject of human rights violations in Ethiopia with a special focus on the Anuak as well as to assess the risk of genocide and further human rights violations against other ethnic groups in the Horn of Africa.
I was very pleased to participate because I am fully committed to speak up for the betterment of the Oromo, whom I know have been the targets of countless human rights abuses for many years, based on their ethnicity and the desire of each consecutive government to subdue and control this largest of ethnic groups, accounting for 40% of all Ethiopians. These abuses include extra-judicial killings, arbitrary detentions, torture, disappearances, false imprisonment and threats and intimidation along with more subtle forms of repression reflected in the lack of health services, infra-structure and access to economic, political and educational opportunities.
I was very aware that like the Anuak in the Gambella region, our Oromo neighbors, whose land nearly surrounds us, have suffered so greatly that many Oromos have formed a liberation front and have sought for their independence from Ethiopia in self-protection and in a desire for self-determination. Even though I personally believe in a non-violent solution to the crisis we face, I also would have been very willing to come if the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) had been the ones to invite me to speak as I understand how committed they are in working for the betterment of the Oromo after suffering so greatly and for so many years—first under Haille Selassie, then Mengistu and now under Meles Zenawi! This kind of government that destroys large segments of its own civil society in order to advance their own self-interests, cannot continue and we must look for immediate solutions.
I thank the Oromo political and civic groups for giving me the privilege and honor of presenting my own views on how I believe this war for freedom and justice can be fought. As I make my comments, I do not speak as an expert, an elder or as an Oromo scholar who has been studying this for years. I know that some of you may disagree with me, but this should not interfere with us continuing to struggle together to find common ground where we can work together. We must recognize the truth that as humans, none of us is ever 100% right—only God can be that. I accept that limitation myself so that I may also be open to others as well, just like I am asking of you.
We can easily agree when the Oromo tell us that they have been colonized, hated and enslaved within Ethiopia. We can also agree when the Oromo tell us that they have been denied their rights and called Galla—or slaves, across the country, just like the Anuak or the other darker-skinned ethnic Ethiopian people have been called Baria—or slaves. It is not even necessary to debate this as everyone knows it and these people know it better because they are the ones who have felt the pain! However, if we focus on the past too much, we can never move on as we will never forgive or let go of many justifiable reasons for our anger.
On the other hand, if we forget our past, we will repeat it as we will never learn from our mistakes. Both can lead to a destructive cycle of oppressing or being oppressed—exactly what we have been living with for many years and centuries. Neither option will ever free us. Instead, the question for today is—how can we move on without forgetting, finally getting out of this downward cycle and moving on? I think this conference is a good starting place to have this discussion and this is why I look forward to talking more with you.
After I arrived in the Twin Cities, I met for supper with a number of leaders in the Oromo community, along with non-Oromo westerners. It also was my first opportunity to meet the former President of Ethiopia, Negasso Gidada, an Oromo himself who grew up in Dembedollo about 45 kilometers from Gambella and who is now an elected independent parliamentarian from that area. We all talked, not about politics, but about life in general.
The next day, we went to the rally—“Oromia Shall Be Free,” sponsored by the International Oromo Youth Association with support from other groups as well. The purpose of the rally, as they stated in their literature, “was to address the injustices and hidden ethnic cleansing directed at the Oromo” and “to get fair and balanced media attention on the situation of Oromo refugees in Somalia and the Horn of Africa.” When I arrived at the rally, close to a thousand Oromos were already walking by the Minnesota State Capital building.
Several things really struck me. First of all, I was impressed with the number of people and their signs. The signs read: “No Justice in Ethiopia,” “Ethiopian Government Persecuting Oromo,” “Genocide of Oromo,” “No Peace in Ethiopia,” “No Freedom in Ethiopia,” “Meles is a Terrorist and Should Not Be Supported by the US Government,” “TPLF Government Persecuting Oromo Students,” and many, many more signs. I had seen many similar signs at other rallies by Ethiopians in Canada, in the United States and in Europe, but what was very absent was any sight of the Ethiopian flag, even though Ethiopia was repeatedly referred to in the signs as not having peace, justice or freedom.
Instead, most everyone had an Oromia flag and most signs were written in English. In addition, I was struck by the fact that there were only Oromo present at the rally. I did not see anyone from any other Ethiopian ethnic groups. As the majority of Oromo youth leaders began to speak, it was mostly in Oromiya, but I could still understand parts of it, but not as easily as I understand Amharic. However, because this is the language of the majority ethnic group of Ethiopia and because the Oromo people are our neighbors to Gambella, this language is high on my list to learn and to master in the future.
Following the speeches from the youth leaders, one of the majority leaders of the Minnesota State Legislature spoke. He said, and I paraphrase, “We will work with you to make sure that justice comes to your homeland. We hear your voice. The people of Minnesota will stand by you until you gain freedom and justice in your homeland, just like you enjoy here… We don’t want the Oromo to only have peace and justice in Minnesota or in the US, but we want you to have peace and justice in your home country of Ethiopia.” At this point, a good number of people in the audience corrected him and said, “Don’t say Ethiopia, say Oromia!” He then corrected himself and said, “Africa,” but never said Oromia.
I then was introduced to speak. The following is a synopsis of my two addresses, the first at the rally and the second as a panel member at the meeting. I have also included some additional thoughts I wanted to clarify. “Thanks to the Oromia community for inviting me to say a few words. I came all the way from Canada to be here with you today. Some of you may wonder why I am here. The reason is because of the injustice in Ethiopia and above all, I am here as one of you—to be with my people. As I have said many times, you are my people because when I say “my people,” it does not mean only Anuak, but it means all the people of Ethiopia.
Most of you may not know how I got involved in human rights. It was not a plan, but it was a reaction to a horrific event when the Ethiopian government defense forces killed Anuak people in the Gambella region. I was very close to many of those who were massacred and since this time, I have been compelled to do what I can to change the system that is responsible for these atrocities, the current EPRDF government of Ethiopia!
Many Anuak have fled for safety to Sudan or Kenya, but the truth is, we are citizens of a country that does not have the right to kill and oppress my fellow Anuak or any other of its citizens and I want to do my best to make sure they did not die in vain. Why is this my approach?
Because they had lived in Gambella and then were killed in Gambella! Where is Gambella? It is inside of Ethiopia. Who killed them? The government of Ethiopia! So today, all of you who are here to protest the killing of your people, I ask you—where were your people killed? In Oromia. Where is the Oromia region? It is in Ethiopia. Who killed them? The government of Ethiopia!
Whether we like it or not, the killing, suppression and oppression of our people within Ethiopia has united us as one against a government that is killing Oromo, Anuak, Banishangul, Welayta, Shekicho, Tigrayans, Amhara, Afar, Sidamo, Ogadenes and we can work together not only against the evil system held up by the current EPRDF government, but also to prevent others just like it from rising up, believing it is “their turn to dominate the rest of us.”
After all, Woyane are not only Tigrayans, but there are Woyane from every Ethiopian ethnic group. The Woyane have succeeded in unifying, much better than have we, but for all the wrong reasons! For instance, there are Oromo Woyane, Anuak Woyane, Amhara Woyane, Sidamo Woyane, Ogaden Woyane and so forth who then rule over their own people as members of the EPRDF. The same thing was accomplished under the previous government of Mengistu. The Dergue was portrayed as being dominated by Amhara, but in fact, there were Dergue “puppets” and sympathizers from most every ethnic group who were then used to advance the control of Mengistu.
On the other hand, we know that there are many Tigrayans, Amhara, Afar, Sidamo, Banishangul, Ogadenens and so on in each of these and other groups who would make excellent neighbors, community members, friends or even family members let alone colleagues in this struggle for freedom, justice, equality and peace!
But some of us have never been even introduced to each other before, like those in the Ogaden or Afar regions who did not even know the Anuak existed! They are more like us than those who call themselves Anuak or Oromo, but perpetrate injustice against us as Woyane members.
If Woyane can unify, why can the rest of us not unify, especially when we consider how our blood is already mixed through centuries of intermarriage with many in our Ethiopian or even African or Middle Eastern families! Why should we not learn from our oppressors who seek supporters from every ethnic group in order to gain power and control over us! The Woyane are working very hard to make us forget that the blood we will pass on to our future generations cannot be tested for its ethnicity—it will only show itself as being the blood of humanity!
For example, here I am as an Anuak, speaking to Oromo about an issue very critical to both of us—human rights abuses being perpetrated against us by the government of Ethiopia and its supporters. If we were in Ethiopia, what we are doing right now would be impossible. Our unity of purpose would be very threatening to the government and they would want to stop us. Some of us, regardless of whether we were Anuak or Oromo, would not make it home from here. By now, many might be dead or arrested because Ethiopia is not like Minnesota. Ethiopia is a country where you are not allowed to peacefully protest like you are now doing in front of the capital building of this great state.
Brother and sister, we have more in common to unite us than do we have differences that divide us. If we concentrate on that commonality, we could free our people and our country. For so long, the people of Oromia have suffered a great deal and the suffering of the Oromos did not just start after the May election of 2005. In fact, the struggle of the Oromo started before I was even born, in 1972, when the OLF was formed as a way to resist the human rights abuses against your people being perpetrated by the government. Now it is under the government of Meles.
An example of injustice against the Oromo even came out of the genocide of the Anuak when six Oromo soldiers were falsely blamed for the massacre of the Anuak in December of 2003 even though they were stationed no place near to Gambella until months after the killing when they were moved to the region. They were considered discardable scapegoats for the EPRDF. I was incensed at this injustice. In addition to the Oromo being falsely blamed, so were our Gambella brothers and sisters, the Nuer, and even other Anuak when the blame should rest with the EPRDF!
I know about your suffering and that you are fighting against its root cause—the injustice being perpetrated against you by the EPRDF. So are the Anuak doing the same as are countless other individual groups. I want you to know that in your fight that you need not fight alone. I will fight along with you, at your side. However, we need more Ethiopians to come along side of us to fight with us against this injustice that is oppressing, suppressing and killing Ethiopians all over the country.
Our history indicates that we have been isolated from each other, fighting the same opponent, but doing it alone. We have been doing it haphazardly and mostly ineffectually, from many various fronts. The evidence of our frustration is in the many years of our struggle. As long as we fight our battles alone, we will not win the war. Instead, we are not only prolonging the suffering of our people, but we are actually contributing to the destruction of everyone who lives in Ethiopia. We know that what this government fears the most is unity within our ethnic groups and unity among differing ethnic groups.
Think what could happen if the Oromo, being the majority ethnic group, became united as one so you could speak with one voice. You could possibly bring this government to the end by yourselves. However, think about what could happen if the Oromos joined with other ethnic groups! Our victory could be more certain
than ever. Think what it will take to sustain that victory for the future generations who we would want to live in peace and harmony with their neighbors. To win such a battle for lasting justice, we have to first think differently and then do things differently. This is what I’m going to talk about now.
When the Anuak were killed in 2003, most of the Anuak who lived in Minnesota came to protest in front of the Minnesota State Capital, just where you are standing today. The truth is, there were no Oromo or any other Ethiopians from other ethnic groups standing by their side. Today, when you are rallying here, I see that most all of you are Oromo. Yet, we know that as we speak, others—from most every Ethiopian ethnic group—are being killed today such as our Ogaden brothers and sisters. After we rally today, we will go home, but tomorrow the Ogadenis may be standing in our place—alone, without support from others suffering in the country.
A series of protests by individual groups will not have close to the same impact that we could accomplish if we were all standing here together at the same time—united by our common humanity rather than divided by our ethnicity or from what region we come. We should be united by our Ethiopian-ness and our African-ness!
I know that some of you here might not be happy about what I am saying because from looking out at you, I cannot see one single Ethiopian flag, but only Oromia flags. There is nothing wrong with the Oromia flag at all, but we are missing the big picture by not having an Ethiopian flag here. Even if Oromia some day is going to become its own country, until it does, it is still within the borders of Ethiopia. To those people who do not know where Oromia is and what this flag represents, it will be very confusing, especially as you urge westerners to replace your country name, Ethiopia, with Oromia while still carrying placards that call for freedom in Ethiopia.
I am not disclaiming the horrific injustices that have been done to the Oromo people, but there is another way we can approach this. An example is to have an Oromo flag as well as an Ethiopian flag for I believe that what has happened in Ethiopia cannot be solved by isolating ourselves from Ethiopia as a whole. Ethiopia is like a hut in which we live. If we get hurt inside our hut, we do not have to burn down the entire hut or abandon it, but instead, we work to change or move the thing that hurt you inside the hut.
In other words, we do not have to give up on Ethiopia itself, especially now when so many within the country are calling for substantial change. If Oromos add their voice to that of many others, Oromos and others may be able to accomplish shared goals that would otherwise be impossible.
Admittedly, we have a lot of work to do to change our situation, but the spirit of discontent is spreading across the country and many are motivated in ways never seen before. We need to work hand in hand with other Ethiopians in acknowledging either the wrongful acts committed against us or the wrongful acts we have committed to others so we can reconcile and live in harmony with each other. Most of us have good reasons to run away and isolate ourselves, but is that the best plan?
For instance, when I was in Ethiopia, I could not count how many times I have been called Baria—or slaves but that did not lead me to go somewhere where I would not be called Baria. Just because I am called Baria, should I give up my rightful place and run away? I say no. The reason is that I believe I should instead educate those people who do not know the equality of all humanity and that degrading others comes out of their own sense of inadequacy, not mine.
As I have said before, a garden with only one color of flower will never be as beautiful as a garden with a rainbow of colors. I must make an effort to win their minds in this way. This is the same in America where we have African Americans who were enslaved, but they wanted to figure out how to free themselves and yet how to continue to live together. The problem of Ethiopia is not with the flag, the soil, the mountain, desert, or the hills; it is with the thinking and actions of Ethiopians who should not be able to bully everyone else like an abusive husband or father who pushes his family out of their legitimate home. Such an abuser needs to be stopped and held accountable.
It is time for the oppressed people to confront the bullies and exploiters of Ethiopia, no matter what ethnic group, region or political party they represent, even our own. Unfortunately, it is easy for the oppressed to become the next oppressors. Instead, we need to address the root problem of injustice by creating an attitude that values and includes all people and groups as valuable members of our society. To do this, we must uphold the rule of law and policies that protect us from ourselves. We must understand the preciousness of each person inside or outside of our groups while acknowledging the potential for evil and selfishness within each of us so that we can more honestly, fairly and equitably administer a society that provides for the protection and rights of all people and groups as equal under the law.
To my brother and sister, some of you may not like what I just said, but that is okay. I feel that the only way we can improve this situation is to be honest with our ideas and to not avoid having these controversial discussions. Through them we might come up with better solutions. As we do, let us love and embrace each other as God would have us do. What Ethiopia needs is not more hatred or division, but more love, respect and acceptance. We have much to correct and much to forgive.
We have many damaged relationships that we can repair if we are willing to start reaching out to those people who have hurt us or put us down or to those whom we have hurt. I have been hearing more and more people agree that what we need is a new Ethiopia—a better Ethiopia than the Ethiopia of today. To build this kind of country, like I have already said, t will require a new thinking and some compromise. Each of us will have to give up some of the things after which we have strongly sought.
For instance, the world we live in has become more of a shared world where the walls between groups are being broken my shared economic interests, improved technology and increased communication with the world outside our national borders. Many are forming new coalitions and partnerships for their mutual benefit.
We must ask ourselves whether it is in our best interests to further isolate ourselves from others. For self-protection it may be better in order to survive, but if we can join together and correct what is threatening our survival, we may be able to come up with something far superior to retreating inward.
We can learn from America where fifty states have become one country or from Europe where many countries that used to fight and kill each other have now become a union with a shared common values, interests and even a common money—the euro. Together, as united people groups, they have become a louder and more powerful voice in the world. I believe that the Ethiopia of tomorrow must be along these lines. That Ethiopia must be one where no one ethnic group claims they are more Ethiopian than the other. Any who live within the borders have equal claim based on the Ethiopian soil upon which they live, not because they are a member of any one dominant ethnic group like Amhara, Tigray or Oromo. We are all Ethiopians. We are all Africans. We are all human beings. We should be concentrating on that.
Our action should emphasize not only overcoming ethnic divisions but as well substituting a new identity a Pan-African bond whereby all peoples consider themselves as being inextricably linked to the earth of Africa.
It is Mother Africa which defines us and gives us a sense of place not the lines on a map demarcating Ethiopia. Until people shed the nation-state reference in Africa, divide and rule and playing off one group against another will prevail. After all, original man and woman came from Africa and then peopled the world. We are not Ethiopians, rather we are Africans. What we are seeking is not a new regime but for the first time an African status independent of any particular government or nation-state. It is our African-ness which unites us not the lines of Ethiopia on a map. Our leaders should not divide Africans from themselves. To be African is to be unified automatically.
If we want to survive as a people, we have to put our humanity before our ethnicity. This is the only way we can become greater people and a greater country. To accomplish this, you have to start by loving and accepting yourselves as God loves you so that you can better love your families, your communities, your ethnic group, your country and all of humanity as equally worthy of God’s love and care. We can defeat all this injustice only with one weapon and that weapon is love.
Know that others may not understand this principle and instead believe that in order to survive, that they must dominate others for their own self-interests so as to fill their empty hearts and souls with things that will never satisfy. Instead, we are called to love God and to love others as we do ourselves. In the future, will we cry only for ourselves or will we join with others in their grief, helping them to overcome the source of their suffering?
I believe this is the only way to stop a government who triumphs over us by singling each of us out, fighting us one at a time? Instead, we must join together, caring for each other. This is what Ethiopia lacks. This is what Africa lacks. Go home and make a difference in someone else’s life. This is a duty that God has given to each of us. An individual acts can add up to big actions for change. Be activists and agents for positive change. Be informed and challenged the evil system of destruction. Look forward with hope. Be inspired and truest the Movement for New Ethiopia.
This world is temporary. Do not live as if it is the end. Show others how to live life well. This world has so much injustice, but few who are willing to become fighters for justice, not only for themselves, but for others as well. You have a choice how you will live during the limited days God has given to you. Will you continue to be divided and to have hatred towards your Ethiopian brothers and sisters or will you use these days to make a positive difference to our children and grandchildren, trusting in God to guide you?
Africa is known as the Dark Continent where we kill each other in vengeance for our suffering or where we exploit our neighbor when given our turn at power. At the time of the massacre of the Anuak, I was living in Canada and had started the Gambella Development Agency in an effort to help bring new development to the Gambella region. In addition to relatives and friends, many of those Anuak killed were people with whom I had been closely working.
When I called the US State Department to alert them to what was going on, the woman who answered passed off my urgent request for help as she told me, “People are been killed in Africa all the time! Africans are killing each other all over the continent! We can’t do anything!” She then hung up the phone. Seven minutes later, I called her again and she said, “Why are you calling me again?
I can tell by your accent that you’re the same person.” I told her there were US citizens in the midst of the killing. All of a sudden, her attitude totally changed and she was asking me to help her locate all the necessary information to send in US Marines who later intervened on their behalf of these American citizens!
Now, we can be upset with her focus on the citizens of her country—Anuak Americans—or with her negative impression of Africa, but rather than waste our time responding to that, we must each ask ourselves some questions. How are we contributing to prolonging this image of Africans as being people who kill or are killed, who exploit or are exploited, who oppress or are oppressed?
More importantly, we must ask ourselves how we can stop it. Let us be people who God can use to change Ethiopia into a new Ethiopia and a new Africa. We cannot wait and hope someone from the outside will do it for us. It is up to us, with God’s help!
We can learn a lot from the biblical story, the children of Israel are in exile in Babylon, defeated and demoralized. Nehemiah goes to King Artaxerxes of Babylon, the foreign king under whose rule the children of Israel have had to live. Nehemiah reports,”… So the king said to me,’ Why is your face sad, since you are not sick? Why should my face not be sad when the city, the place of my ancestors’ graves, lies waste and its gates have been destroyed by fire?’” Nehemiah asks permission to rebuild Jerusalem.
Upon receiving it, he goes to Jerusalem and gathers the Survivors still in and around the city. “You see the trouble we are in, how Jerusalem (Ethiopia and Africa of today) lies in ruins with its gates burned down. Come, let us rebuild the wall of Jerusalem (Ethiopia and Africa), so that we may no longer suffer disgrace.” “So they committed themselves to the common good”. Nehemiah 1-2.
This is the prophetic call after the exile. The Jewish people are dispersed. They have no land and no home; this is the beginning of the rebuilding of their ancient city. What is the relationship to our situation in Ethiopia or Africa? Ethiopians or Africans have sacred land and home overflowing with brutality, hatred, lies, death, pain and destruction and this is the beginning of the rebuilding of their ancient land of Africa, the birth place of humanity.
I leave you (my fellows Ethiopians) with this challenge. How should you and I respond for the betterment of all the people of Ethiopia so justice overflows from East to West, from South to North parts of this ancient land of Ethiopia and then comes back to bless and support us all? The choice is ours and the time is now! May God bless the Oromo people and enable you to become soldiers of love, justice, equality, peace and unity!
Thank you.
By Maru Gubena
(This paper was written in early 2000, and was published in Ethiopian Review Magazine and other Ethiopian newsletters at that time. Although the text is almost a decade old, the issues analyzed are still current and fresh.)
It is difficult if not impossible for most of us to assess the effects, including the loss of human lives, the displacement of a large number of people, and the impact on economies, of the still unsettled Ethiopia-Eritrea conflict – a most unfortunate war that is said to be a result of border dispute. To make such an assessment and be able to present relatively balanced figures on the repercussions of the war, one would certainly require a proper and probably lengthy study, including access to government documents in both countries and the cooperation of officials. In general terms, however, it is clear (as many observers have indicated) that if it is allowed to continue the war will have a devastating effect on the people of the two countries. Additionally, based on the experience of the past two years, one might also argue strongly that this unexpected war has deeply affected both day-to-day interactions and general social relationships between the people of two countries – so badly that deep seated hostility has reached a point that may be difficult, if not impossible, to reverse.
One cannot deny the existence of the tensions and resentments towards each other that have been present since the inception of the very idea of a separate state of Eritrea. During the 1980s – which marked the intensification of the armed struggle between EPLF/TPLF and the former dictatorial regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam – various hostile elements (including the distortion and misrepresentation of events and the history of Ethiopia, and quite disparaging statements directed at both Ethiopian and non-Ethiopian historians), were used as tools to gain sympathy and assistance from the international community with the overall goal of achieving an independent state of Eritrea and helping the TPLF to take power in Addis Ababa. In the same period, both EPLF and TPLF worked successfully to gain not only sympathy but also the financial, material and moral support they needed from the West. Later, the early 1990s, with “new leaders” in Ethiopia and Eritrea – at the time, regarded as role models for African leadership – marked a dramatic revival of diplomatic and economic relations with the west.
What is obvious to many of us today is that the desired objectives of both movements (being in power) have been achieved, but without any thought for the future direction of the countries and people they wanted to lead. That is, without developing the sort of vision that is an indispensable part of leadership. Instead, those in power appear to have had a hidden, deep-seated animosity towards each other, which they did not want to disclose to their people. Instead, the two leaders made countless statements in their endless speeches and in addressing many regional and international gatherings, saying they were peacemakers. There would never, never be war between the countries under their leadership; they were not only peacemakers in their own countries but also forces for regional stability, in countries including the war-torn Somalia, the Sudan and even further, to Central and probably even Southern Africa. They said they had taken power because they wanted to free their people from endless conflicts and from the yoke of military dictatorship; to bring an accelerated economic prosperity; and to make people in the region happy and proud of their countries and themselves. Nevertheless, Ethiopians remain unconvinced. Instead, they resisted from the beginning, in an attempt to make their views clear to the international community. There was opposition to the arrangements and agreements between the two regimes in Asmara and Addis Ababa, as well as to the ethnic policies of the Ethiopian government. Since the change of power in Ethiopia that coincided with the independence of Eritrea, Ethiopians, especially the Amhara, have become outcastes, rarely given higher level governmental responsibilities and kept in the dark regarding arrangements between the two countries. In fact, little or no information was given to “outsiders”. Ethiopians who were worried about the new directions being taken in Ethiopia were constantly accused by the regimes in Addis Ababa and Asmara, and also by donor countries and major NGO communities, of either being associated with Mengistu’s regime or of regretting the loss of power by the Amhara, who had been in power throughout most of Ethiopia’s history.
After fighting as hand and glove with TPLF against Mengistu’s regime, Eritreans (living both in Ethiopia/Eritrea and abroad) had at least a brief period in which they could enjoy freedom of movement. Also they, rather than Ethiopians, held the highest governmental and non-governmental positions in Ethiopia. They also had the privilege of advising and helping the TPLF (then called the Ethiopian Transitional Government) to craft strategies and policies in an effort to keep Ethiopians out of Ethiopia’s national and international activities and affairs. As can be seen from speeches and papers presented by Eritreans at many conferences devoted exclusively to Ethiopia, as well to the media in Africa, Europe and the United States, Eritrean intellectuals and professionals indeed behaved as the uncontested official representatives of Ethiopia. Eritreans today probably regret the many roles they played on behalf of the government of Ethiopia during the early 1990s. It is becoming clear that their behavior was not based on a rational assessment and a responsible attitude towards the future wellbeing of the people of these two countries.
Apart from protesting about human rights issues, Ethiopian intellectuals and professionals, on the other hand, produced little or no effective efforts to organize an effective, operational and respected voice capable of embracing Ethiopians and their issues. It is unfortunate that no effort was made to create and use such a vital and indispensable force, capable of linking the energy, knowledge, skills and expertise of Ethiopians living at home and throughout the international community. It is probably not wrong to see the past 15 or 20 years as a missed opportunity. The past two decades have been experienced by Ethiopians as a period of humiliation, characterized by a drastic reduction in the status of Ethiopia and Ethiopians in the international community – with increasing dependence on the outside world and external charities. Unfortunately many Ethiopians have spent this painful period mainly haggling with each other over largely irrelevant matters such as the future leadership of social and political groupings or organizations.
One of the frustrating factors that contributed greatly to the inability of opposing Ethiopian groups to form and shape a united force capable of challenging the regimes in Addis Ababa and Asmara has been the open handed support provided by western countries to both Ethiopia and Eritrea, while little or no attention was given to Ethiopians with opposing views. Western governments were eager to assist the two leaderships, because they were convinced they could do business with them. Long-term political stability in Ethiopia and Eritrea was expected. The presence and the active involvement of the United States was more obvious than that of other countries and its financial assistance, especially to Ethiopia, was said to be quite substantial. US–Ethiopia relations, however, were not limited to diplomatic relations and economic assistance. The United States was actively and publicly engaged in strengthening and shaping a combined regional force involving Uganda and the two countries that were now in conflict with each other. This was aimed at weakening and replacing the Islamic government of Sudan with “moderate” individuals or groups willing to work cooperatively with the west and embrace its economic models. It is also believed that, despite internal tensions and human rights violations, the IMF and the World Bank were and probably still are more open to lending large amounts to the Ethiopian government than to other governments in the region. Yet despite the involvement of donor countries and the provision of substantial financial and military support, and the wide-spread presence of western institutions and NGOs (the latter were largely in Ethiopia), it would be wrong to assume that donor countries were interested in the general well-being of the people, the issues facing rural people and the urban poor of the two countries. In fact it was evident that foreign powers had little or no interest in helping to craft a reliable framework or final agreements regarding Eritrean independence that would have been conducive to a lasting peace. There was also little interest in the many other issues related to future relations and cooperation between the two countries. Since the change of power in May 1991, as far as one can recall, no single western country or department official has shown any concern for human rights violations in either country. No concern was shown when thousands of Ethiopians were forced into exile; when those few Ethiopian public figures who managed to escape Mengistu’s seventeen years of terror were forced to languish (some have already lost their lives) in prison because their views differ from those in power. To convince the world, government officials call their victims criminals. They say these people have been jailed because of criminal activities. Government officials display weapons (secretly placed by government representatives in the backyard or house of a political opponent of the regime) to journalists and the media. Meanwhile Ethiopians have continuously attempted to make the international community aware of Ethiopians who have been killed or jailed and kidnapped or are victims of political repression by the governments in Addis Ababa and Asmara. Multiple sorts of evidence, including lists of names of victims of human rights violations, have periodically been presented to various western ministerial departments and concerned major western institutions and NGOs by national and international human rights organizations. The leaders of donor countries, however, remain reluctant to become involved; they have kept a deaf ear to the daily cries of Ethiopians.
Despite the persistent outcry of Ethiopians regarding massive human rights violations, the present leaders seem to have had the power to convince both diplomats and the rest of the international community, saying it was their predecessors who committed inhuman acts; but they themselves claim to be the backbone of human rights organizations. And despite what must have been longstanding and growing animosity, both leaders were also capable of creating the impression for the outside world that their mutual friendship and cooperation would last for generations. Just three weeks before the official outbreak of war, when foreign journalists asked if he were aware of tensions and anxieties between Ethiopia and Eritrea, the Prime Minister of Ethiopia, Meles Zenawi, indicated that he saw such rumors and gossip as the talk and dreams of enemies, of those who have nothing better to do than spread rumors. He said they were jealous of Ethiopia–Eritrea, and their strong and immovable friendship built on the basis of brotherhood and respect for each other. But this wasn’t true. The two leaders were engaged in making fools of us. The deep-seated animosity that had existed for many years became too much to cover up. It exploded in May 1998, spreading throughout the two countries in a highly accelerated fashion. Many friendly donor counties reacted to this news with surprise and disbelief. For the United States, the outbreak of the war was more than disappointing – it was a slap in the face. But for the INF government in Khartoum, the news was received with relief; it expressed its joy by simply saying “you see, Allah is always with us.”
Inside sources stated that, because the hate and hostile attitudes towards each other were so strong and had built up over many years, the war between the two leaders will not come to a peaceful end. They added that a peaceful resolution of the conflict would definitely affect the existing power structure and in fact the very chance of survival of each leadership. Thus, the two leaders must insist on maintaining the current course, at least their war of words.
Looking at the overall outcome and the painful conditions and experiences that the people of the now two countries have lived through in the last three decades, one tends to conclude that we are all the losers, with little or no prospect of future recovery. The goals that were said to be expected to come from war did not materialize. The obvious results of these years are instead the continuation of the war itself, the loss of more and more human lives, and the production and dissemination of elements that help the leaders to increase the animosity among the people, to help perpetuate their own power. And people listen to the leaders; they are used as instruments.
What has been more surprising, depressing and even shocking in recent times, however, is the instrumentality of intellectuals in the production and distribution of material that has helped to worsen the already existing animosities among the people of Ethiopia and Eritrea. The irrational approach of Ethiopian and Eritrean intellectuals and professionals to the complex and longstanding issues that face us, as well as the people at large, strongly indicates our willingness and readiness to be used as followers and tools of those in power who are interested in keeping people in conflict. We also seem to be incapable and/or unwilling to engage with each other and to look for ways to discuss our problems rationally and constructively. The continuation of the war at home and the increasing animosity towards each other have greatly contributed to the breakup of many marriages (even among those living abroad); many people who used to be good friends do not see each other anymore. But is this the best way to influence people? Is this what we want? In the search for possible strategies to peace and future relations between the people of the two countries, the education we received both at home and abroad (some of us with advanced degrees) seems in some cases more a detriment both to us and the people at large than a force that delivers the anticipated positive contribution.
It appears that our emotion has become exceedingly dominant over our rationality. The techniques we use in attempting to explain our views are often harsh, destructive to both current and future relations between people. Our views and attitudes towards each other are so full of hate and cruelty that we may not be able to reverse or repair the damage in the near future. Ninety percent of writings presented in various newspapers, magazines and web sites for reading or, rather intended for a deeper understanding of their grievance with a particular intention of getting sympathy from the international community contain only emotions and animosities. Texts seem to be written only with the objective of winning the battle and controlling the disputed area; defeat and kill the targeted enemy and then organize a huge party to congratulate those who achieved that. Such emotional articles, full of distortions about day to day events in our home countries and attempting to humiliate leaders and other government officials, are being produced and distributed (in my view) without the slightest thought of any responsibility for short and long-term consequences.
Of course people are being killed and others are suffering as a result of the endless conflict, but again, the loss of so many lives, the painful experiences and events are a clear result of our own creations, deeds and hostile attitudes towards each other. In other words, everything we have to deal with at present is the result of our own desire to achieve certain goals, spurred on by the force of emotion, whatever the cost. The question is again: Have our actions put us where we want to be?
As an illustration, Professor Jordan Gebre-Medhin’s characterizes (Ethiopian Review, Feb. 1993: 27) those who disagree with measures undertaken against the Ethiopian people and with the political and territorial arrangements reached between the two regimes as “Ankober chauvinist,” constituting a repressive campaign to make their dream of greater Ethiopia a reality. Professor Jordan’s article contains many disparaging statements, which does not encourage non-Eritrean readers. Professor Jordan concludes his article by instructing us to read his book for more information.
In the more recent Eritrean Studies Review (volume 3, number 2, 1999, published by Red Sea Press, Inc., and devoted to the Ethiopia–Eritrea war, with articles exclusively written by Eritreans), Professor Jordan again appears to make all possible efforts to add fuel to the existing tensions between the government in Addis Ababa and the Oromo people. In his attempt to convince us, Professor Jordan sees the source of the current Ethiopia–Eritrea conflict as the TPLF’s ambition for the “revival of Tigrayan hegemony” as seen under Emperor Yohannes IV. Jordan states that “Emperor Yohannes and the TPLF made extensive use of the Oromo peasants as the bulk of their army in their invasion of Merb Melash (Eritrea). The centralized states of Emperor Yohannes were built by slave trade from the populous Oromo region. The slaves were shipped to Europe and North America through the Red Sea.” To be able to control Eritrea. He sees exactly the same activity and the same objective as the overall aim of TPLF today: to gain and control access to the Red Sea. Jordan concludes by saying that “already under this Eritrean leadership two regimes in Ethiopia have fallen. If history teaches a lesson it is that the TPLF is marching headlong toward the same abyss into which its predecessors have fallen”. Regrettably, in his review of Jordan’s article in the same volume, Professor Tekie Fessehatzion, Editor of ESR, cites this article as “ insightful.”
It is not at all clear to me which period of Eritrean leadership and previous leadership in Addis Ababa Jordan refers to. Jordan of course mentions names of authors, including well-known names who write on Ethiopian history. But specific books, years and pages are not provided. Such vague, unverifiable analysis can hardly be expected from individuals such as Jordan. In fact it comes across as a bit of creative writing, with bizarre references intended to blackmail both the past and present leadership of Ethiopia. Such distortion and hostility suggests a total immaturity. One thing is clear: this sort of thing will never bring people closer. We will all remain the losers, without being able to help either ourselves or the people.
Another illustration of the growing animosity between the people of the two countries is the following. Since the war erupted, the official representatives of the two countries have been engaged in highlighting and explaining the causes that led to war to the Ethiopian and Eritrean communities residing in the West, to the best of their ability. Such gatherings are typically organized with the intention of arousing emotions, as well as getting moral support and financial contributions from the communities. The officials of each country do their best to convince community members to be on their side, and to share their attitude that their government has been forced to armed confrontation by an aggressor and invader, to defend the country and the well-being of the people.
I myself have attended some of these meetings, both in Europe and in the United States. Two or three weeks before one of the events in which I was a participant, a videocassette showing the bombardment of Mekele was distributed to the Ethiopian community. It graphically pictures the ravaging effects of the war, such as bodies of children who have been killed and wounded. During the meeting the Ambassador and other officials, who had come a long distance to inform us, asked the conference audience if we had already seen the film of the bombardment. A good number of people said “yes”, with a tone of sadness. But one young lady, who said she was from Mekele, said loudly, “yes, I saw it ten or more times.” She went on to tell her story very emotionally to the attentively listening government officials and conference audience: “I was married to an Eritrean man and have three children. Immediately after I saw the videocassette, however, it became clear to me how cruel those people can be. I realized my three children will never, never be a part of me. Because they have an Eritrean father. Two weeks ago, I left my children with their father. I am now living alone. And I will never, see them again”. Because her emotion was so high there was silence for some time among conference participants, and probably many sad emotions as well.
There are many more such instances; we have been witnessing them since the outbreak of the Ethiopia–Eritrea war. Meanwhile it seems to me we have been imposing a restriction on ourselves, so that we do not ask questions, such as whether our current enterprise of spreading hate and animosity against each other is the best way to fulfill our goals and dreams. In my view, they are not. As the past four decades have shown, not even a small section of the population of the two countries has experienced a positive effect as a result of the struggle or the animosity. Instead, almost all of us have clearly been the losers. Not only have we lost family members, also we have witnessed the repeated humiliation of our country and people as a result of frequently returning famine and hunger; and growing poverty, partly as consequence of the diversion of money and human resources into the military. Finally, we have seen the weakening and loss of our many common social and cultural elements. In summary, recovery would be easier if we could work together, but it will be extremely difficult if not impossible to restore the many sided cultural forces that have tied us together over centuries, unless we are willing to begin approaching our issues and problems rationally and to take measures to correct the mistakes we have made.
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The author can reached at [email protected]
Statement by Senator Leahy on the the Senate floor today.
After the overthrow of Ethiopia’s brutal former Prime Minister Mengistu, Prime Minister Meles Zenawi ushered in a period of hope and optimism. On May 15, 2005, Ethiopia held its first open multi-party elections. The international community praised the people of Ethiopia for an astounding 90 percent voter participation rate, an encouraging beginning to a new political process. The Ethiopian people deserve a democratic process in which opposition parties can organize and participate, and journalists can publish freely, without fear of arrest or retribution. Unfortunately, as it turned out, the 2005 election was not the turning point many had hoped for.
Early polls suggested the opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party would make gains in the Ethiopian Parliament that could threaten the control of Prime Minister Meles’ ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front. These reports were followed by credible allegations of manipulation of the vote-counting process. When the government finally announced results that assured its continued hold on power, thousands of people took to the streets in protest. The police arrested over 30,000 people and some 193 people were killed. Although most of the protestors were released soon after their arrest, 70 opposition leaders and journalists remained in prison.
Following these events, I wrote to Ethiopia’s Ambassador Kassahun Ayele and officials at the State Department to express my concern with the imprisonment of the Ethiopian politicians. Human rights organizations and other international figures condemned the detentions and urged Prime Minister Meles to release them. These efforts were to no avail.
Some detainees remained in jail for over two years before being brought to trial in a manner that was incompatible with international standards of justice. Last month, they were convicted of such vague charges as “outrage against the constitution” and “inciting armed opposition.” They were stripped of their rights to vote and to run for public office. Several were sentenced to life in prison. Nothing was done to prosecute the police officers who fired on the protesters. The situation had gone from bad to worse.
Then suddenly, less than two weeks ago, the Ethiopian Government announced the pardon and release of 38 opposition leaders. I am pleased that Prime Minister Meles heeded the pleas of the Ethiopian people and the international community and released these prisoners. The fact is, none of them should have been arrested or tried in the first place. Their release was long overdue and is welcome.
I hope the government acts expeditiously to release the remaining political detainees, and bring to justice police officers who used excessive force. I also hope the negotiations that resulted in the prisoners’ release will lead to further discussions between the government and the leaders of the opposition, to ensure that their political rights are fully restored and that future elections are not similarly marred.
While this news is positive, it comes at a time when journalists and representatives of humanitarian organizations report human rights abuses of civilians, including torture, rape and extrajudicial killings, by Ethiopian security forces, including those trained and equipped by the U.S., in the Ogaden region.
Congressman Donald Payne, Chairman of the Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health, and a vocal defender of human rights and democracy in Ethiopia, inserted into the Congressional Record a June 18, 2007, New York Times article that described these abuses.
This situation is also addressed in the Senate version of the Fiscal Year 2008 State, Foreign Operations Appropriations bill and report, which were reported by the Appropriations Committee on July 10. The Appropriations Committee seeks assurance from the State Department that military assistance for Ethiopia is being adequately monitored and is not being used against civilians by units of Ethiopia’s security forces.
We need to know that the State Department is investigating these reports. We also want to see effective measures by the Ethiopian Government to bring to justice anyone responsible for such abuses.
Unfortunately, it appears that the Bush administration has made little effort to monitor military aid to Ethiopia. It is no excuse that the Ethiopian military has impeded access to the Ogaden, as it has done. In fact, this should give rise to a sense of urgency. If we cannot properly investigate these reports, and if the Leahy Law which prohibits U.S. assistance to units of foreign security forces that violate human rights is not being applied because the U.S. Embassy cannot determine the facts, then we should not be supporting these forces.
As if the allegations of human rights violations were not enough, the New York Times reported on July 22 that the Ethiopian military is blocking food aid to the Ogaden region. The article also claimed that the military is “siphoning off millions” of dollars intended for food aid and a UN polio eradication program. A subsequent article on July 26 indicated that the World Food Program and the Ethiopian Government have reached agreement, after weeks of discussions, on a process for getting food aid through the military blockade to civilians in the Ogaden region. But the same article also reported that regional Ethiopian officials have expelled the Red Cross.
Mr. President, during the Cold War we supported some of the world’s most brutal, corrupt dictators because they were anti-communist. Their people, and our reputation, suffered as a result. Now the White House seems to support just about anyone who says they are against terrorism, no matter how undemocratic or corrupt. It is short sighted, it tarnishes our image, and it will cost us dearly in the long term.
Prime Minister Meles has been an ally against Islamic extremism in the Horn of Africa, for which we are grateful. But there are serious concerns with Ethiopia’s U.S.-supported military invasion of Somalia. It has led to some of the same problems associated with the Bush Administration’s misguided decision to invade Iraq without a plan for leaving the country more stable and secure than before the overthrow of Saddam. Iraq’s partition now seems only a matter of time, and it is hard to be optimistic that Somalia a year from now will be any more secure, or any less of a threat to regional stability, than before the influx of Ethiopian troops.
Ethiopia is also a poor country that has faced one natural or man-made disaster after another, and the U.S. has responded with hundreds of millions of dollars in humanitarian and other assistance. We have a long history of supporting Ethiopia and its people, and we want to continue that support. But our support to the government is not unconditional. We will not ignore the unlawful imprisonment of political opponents or the mistreatment of journalists. We will not ignore reports of abuses of civilians by Ethiopian security forces.
I yield the floor.
By Jake Grovum
The Minnesota Daily
Remedan Yuya fled Ethiopia to escape the hardship and strife brought upon the Oromo people by the Ethiopian government. Dr. Negasso Gidada, an Oromo himself, served as president of that government from 1995 to 2001. He is currently a member of the Ethiopan parliament.
[Photo by Ryan Callahan]
Dr. Negasso Gidada, president of Ethiopia from 1995 to 2001, speaks Thursday at the second annual International Oromo Human Rights Conference in Coffman Union’s Great Hall at the University of Minnesota.
“When I saw him, what I feel, (he is) somebody who tried to kill me, who tried to hunt me back home, I escaped from that,” said Yuya, an activist and Oromo Studies Association member. “My sisters, my brothers, my mom, my father, because of him, disappeared. Then, how can I tolerate (him) over here?”
Last week, hundreds of Oromos attended two conferences at Coffman Union to discuss human rights issues facing the Oromo community in Ethiopia.
Gidada spoke at both conferences; Yuya attended one.
“When Sept. 11 happened, I was a student in college. I was made sick by that day because of all the people dying in America,” Yuya said. “That’s the same I feel when I see (Gidada).”
The situation in Ethiopia
The Oromo people have faced persecution in Ethiopia since a transitional government gave way to the
Tigray Peoples’ Liberation Front in the mid-’90s, under Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and the TPLF have remained in power ever since.
“We had party members in the countryside who were beating people, for example taking out the whole village, maybe about 5,000 people, and have them sit down in the sun for five days,” Gidada said. “(They were) accusing them of hiding the (Oromo Liberation Front) people and they were violating the human rights of the whole village.”
The Oromo Liberation Front works for the human rights of the Oromo people. In Ethiopia, membership in the group is viewed as illegal by the governing regime.
Gidada said while he was president there were approximately 25,000 Oromos held as political prisoners for five or six years.
“I know that in 2000, when the new president was elected … he gave amnesty to about 1,000 people,” he said. “The rest, we don’t know where they are.”
The U.S. Department of State issued a human rights report on the Ethiopian government in 1999. The report said the government’s human rights record “generally was poor,” and despite improvements, “serious problems remain.”
In the Ethiopian government, the presidency is mainly a symbolic position which serves as head of state, but Gidada said he participated in all decisions made by the ruling party.
Gidada said he is prepared to accept personal and collective accountability for human rights violations.
“How many have died … are crippled … in prison and how many have run away to other countries because of the brutality of the government, I do not know exactly,” he said. “What I can only say at the moment is I am very sorry.”
Last week’s conferences, The International Oromo Human Rights Conference and the Oromo Studies Association annual conference were both co-sponsored by the University’s Oromo Student Union.
There are an estimated 12,000 to 15,000 Oromos living in the Twin Cities and more than 90 percent have refugee status, according to the Oromo Community of Minnesota.
Oromo students react
Oromo Student Union secretary, Hussein Waliye, lived in Ethiopia while Gidada was in office. Waliye said his father was imprisoned “pretty much for being Oromo.”
“Every time and anytime they want, they’d just put him in jail,” he said. “Every night, even though we were little kids, we would be sitting in the house wondering what’s going to happen to our dad.”
Eventually the government gave his father a final notice to leave the country. Officials threatened him, saying if they suspected he was involved with the OLF, he would be killed.
Gidada also played a role in the formation of the current government during four years of transitional government. Because of this, Waliye said Gidada has significant responsibility.
“Him coming here and saying sorry and then criticizing the current government doesn’t make any sense to me, because he’s the one that put this government in place,” he said. “I have more blame on him than any Ethiopian president that came after him because without him (they) wouldn’t be able to stand on their feet today.”
Oromo Student Union President Gada Beshir said he once shared that distrust of Gidada and other members of the regime. But a trip to South Africa changed his mind. There, he studied the way that country reconciled following years of apartheid.
“Going to South Africa, personally, that changed me around 180 degrees,” Beshir said. “I would like to see a true reconciliation commission based on the South African model that brings the society together.”
Despite his optimism for the future of Ethiopia, Beshir admits Gidada’s apology is not enough for him to forgive.
“As a student leader, I decided to tolerate him and accept him,” he said. “When it comes to the excuse and apology that he made in front of the public, I just know that’s not enough.”
Community reaction
Oromos make up nearly 40 percent of the Ethiopian population, according to the CIA’s World Factbook.
Because he is Oromo, Gidada’s role was part of the reason why the regime was able to gain power, Nuro Dedefo, chairperson of the OLF in the United States, said.
“Because he held that status (he) gave legitimacy for the TPLF regime,” Dedefo said. “He’s a doctor, he should know better man, he should know better.”
While Gidada’s position was largely ceremonial, Dedefo said the former president could have done much more while in power.
“He should speak up for the human rights violations committed against the Oromo people,” he said. “Once he left the office, whatever he says doesn’t fly in my eyes because of the action that government committed. He was part of the regime; he is responsible.”
Barbara Frey, director of the University’s human rights program, was seated alongside Gidada on the panel held Thursday at the International Oromo Human Rights Conference.
“I found it quite extraordinary that the president chose to come here knowing that he would probably face criticism from his own ethnic community,” she said. “It was a very powerful, the most powerful moment in the event, when he personally apologized for his role.”
President of the Oromo Studies Association Dr. Gobera Huluka, said Gidada brought a necessary point of view to the conference.
“I am the most idealistic person who believes in the free flow of ideas,” he said. “That is the only way we can understand our enemy; we can understand ourselves and we can understand our friends.”
Watch a video of interviews with Dr Negasso and other participants of the conference. Click here.
By Stephanie Hanson
Council on Foreign Relations
After Ethiopia’s December invasion of Somalia to vanquish Islamic militants, many observers labeled Addis Ababa a proxy of the United States, and a few even called it a “puppet.” Both labels implied the United States was an unseemly ally. Now, after the Ethiopian government’s recent attempt to put dozens of opposition politicians to death and reports of military abuse of civilians (HRW), Washington may be starting to balk at its close relationship with Addis Ababa.
Ethiopia receives nearly half a billion dollars in U.S. aid each year as well as military assistance. Yet the Ethiopian government has shown little inclination to improve a dismal record on human rights, as well as a history of unresponsiveness to international pressure on its domestic policies. When Ethiopian prosecutors jailed over one hundred opposition politicians and journalists after 2005 parliamentary elections, international donors—including the United States—put $375 million in aid on hold. By mid-2006, Ethiopian prime minister Meles Zenawi still refused to release the prisoners. “U.S. concerns about terrorism in Somalia led diplomats to accept a status quo they concluded would not change and to get on with business,” writes Terrence Lyons in a Council Special Report on the Horn of Africa.
Since then, Ethiopian authorities have been accused of further harsh measures. Last month, Zenawi announced a crackdown on the Ogaden National Liberation Front, a separatist movement in the country’s eastern Ogaden region. Some aid officials and diplomats now claim the government is blocking emergency food aid (Reuters) to the region. Ethiopia’s military—one of the largest and best-trained in Africa—has been accused of widespread domestic abuses (NYT)in villages in the Ogaden, including civilian executions and gang rape.
Ethiopia is an “important partner for the United States,” writes Horn of Africa expert John W. Harbeson, but “joint counter-terrorism initiatives must be kept separate from Ethiopia’s struggles with democracy and its continuing pursuit of a post-imperial political identity.” The U.S. Congress clearly agrees—it recently passed an amendment cutting $3 million in assistance, and pending legislation would put strict conditions on remaining aid. Yet the Pentagon is “dead keento boost [Zenawi’s] armed forces,” writes the Economist.
Some in the U.S. government may have qualms about Ethiopia’s undemocratic behavior, but it has been a reliable ally in the tumultuous Horn of Africa. While tensions simmer between Ethiopia and Eritrea over a disputed border, rebels wage regular attacks in Mogadishu, Somalia’s capital. The Ethiopian military had hoped to withdraw months ago, but it remains mired (WashPost) in the city battling insurgents on behalf of Somalia’s weak transitional government. In an Online Debate, Sadia Ali Aden of the Somalia Diaspora Network and Terrence Lyons agree that Ethiopia must withdraw from Somalia. Lyons argues that the U.S. relationship with Ethiopia could help promote peace in the region, but Aden calls it “a grave impediment to lasting peace in Somalia,” arguing that Washington’s partnership choice “may further radicalize the region.”