Once again, the twin spectres of drought and starvation stalk the land of Ethiopia. UN sources suggest that four million Ethiopians now need what they call “emergency assistance,” while another eight million need what is more vaguely described as “food relief.”
Already, thousands of people are dying. The first to expire are the very young and the very old. In some areas of the country, people are dying of starvation and malnutrition while their goats and sheep get fat eating crops that will not be harvested until late September.
Few saw this coming. Two years ago, Ethiopian officials boasted that food surpluses would allow their country to sell corn to neighbouring Sudan. The government has been investing more than a sixth of its budget in agricultural development, far above the average in other African countries. Child mortality has been reduced by 40%, and the agricultural sector has been growing by 10% annually over the last few years.
But in this part of the world, as Prime Minister Meles Zenawi has said, “one unexpected weather event can push us over the precipice.” Only 1% of Ethiopia is irrigated, meaning that a lack of rainfall can produce catastrophic results for the five-out-of-six Ethiopians who eke out a living through subsistence agriculture.
Famine-relief food distribution is never a straightforward affair in an African country. Those (mostly southern) regions where voters did not support the regime in recent elections typically complain that they are cheated of food aid at the expense of more “loyal’ parts of the country in the north.
Inter-regional friction is no stranger to Ethiopia. Five hundred years ago, Cushitic-speaking Muslim tribesmen from the desert plains of (what is now) southeastern Ethiopia and the borderlands of Somalia declared a jihad and attacked the Semitic-speaking Christian highland kingdoms whose emperors claimed descent from Solomon and Sheba. With the timely help of Portuguese musketeers under the leadership of the son of Vasco da Gama, the southerners were repelled. The next 400 years of Ethiopian history led to a gradual domination and conquest of these southern tribes, who were vanquished once and for all by the last Emperor of Ethiopia, Hailie Selassie.
Selassie himself was overthrown by a group of Marxist revolutionaries, who plunged Ethiopia into a brutal civil war. Then came the famous drought of 1984, which brought us We Are the World.
One of the reasons so many people starved in Ethiopia during that time was that the ruling regime would not let food from food-rich areas go to food-poor areas — because the latter were dominated by opponents of the government. Nor would they allow people to migrate from food-poor to food-rich districts. “Starve or submit” became the watchword of this new regime.
The Derg, as this new regime called itself, was then ousted by a coalition of central and northern Semitic-speaking Ethiopians who considered themselves Marxists. But when they came to power, the Berlin wall had fallen already — so they made peace with the West, joined the war on terror, and started taking baby steps toward liberal democracy and the liberalization of their economy.
Nevertheless, the country remains riven by old conflicts. The governing elites are suspicious of the southerners, especially their newfound interest in radical Islam.
It comes as no surprise that, in the current crisis, some of the worst-affected and most neglected areas are in the southeast corner of the country, where Muslim peasants have been in open rebellion for over a decade.
According to “Radio Freedom” — operated by the rebel Ogaden National Liberation Army — on July 4, 2008, at least 13 Ethiopian government soldiers were killed; 15 others were reportedly killed in an attack in the Galalshe district. The Ethiopian government claims these rebels get support from sympathetic Arabs, and has accused Qatar of meddling in Ethiopia’s internal affairs. (Qatar, for its own reasons, supports the neighbouring Red Sea state of Eritrea, which just a few years ago fought a border war with Ethiopia and expresses support for Ethiopian rebels of Somali ethnicity in the southeast of the country.)
Ethiopia has neither confirmed nor denied that such attacks have taken place on its soldiers. But either way, it is understandable that Ethiopian government employees may be less than enthusiastic about personally overseeing food aid in the southern parts of the country.
Exacerbating these regional frictions, and this year’s extreme weather events, are what may be considered the two root causes of the famine: population growth and land tenure.
In 1984, during the height of the drought and civil war, Ethiopia had just under 34 million inhabitants. The population now stands at 77 million: In just more than one generation, the population of the country has doubled. Despite the government’s investment in agriculture, overall investment in education has gone down, which stifles the possibility of rural innovation. And, although overall food production has increased, the World Bank has noted that per capita production has declined. That is to say, each peasant produces less food than he once did. Even during good years, 6% of the rural peasantry is supported by government-and donor-delivered food relief.
After the murder of Hailie Selassie by the Derg in the early ’80s, the government revolutionized the land-tenure system by giving peasants enough land to till according to the number of children they then had. This simplistic tenure system has been kept intact by the present government. Peasants do not have title to their own plots, and there is an incentive to get more land by having more children to till it. But there is little incentive to make that land more productive: Farmers are fearful that if they invest in any aspect of land improvement they could lose their plots to local elites with political connections.
As peasants do not own their own land, they cannot use it as collateral to get loans they need to buy seed or fertilizer, which could in turn be used to create a food surplus to be used in case of drought. They also are denied the right to sell their land and move somewhere else– to a more fertile region or to the city to try their luck in urban occupations.
More food aid will help prevent mass starvation in Ethiopia in the short term. But in the long-run, it needs something else: a peasantry with the same right to own and control their land that most farmers in the world take for granted. Freed from government shackles, they will unleash a green revolution that will feed their families.
(Geoffrey Clarfield, a Toronto-based writer, can be reached at [email protected])
EDITOR’S NOTE: This could be the beginning of the end of the Woyanne vampire regime. The people of Ethiopia stand in solidarity with the brave Somali freedom fighters. Ethiopian freedom fighters such as EPPF, ONLF, OLF, and TPDM will finish off Woyanne once they get their acts together — hopefully soon.
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By Andrew Cawthorne
NAIROBI (Reuters) – Nearly two years after being driven from Mogadishu, Islamists have re-taken swathes of south Somalia and may have their sights again on the capital.
The insurgents’ push is being led by Al Shabaab, or “Youth” in Arabic, the most militant in a wide array of groups opposed to the Somali government and military backers from Ethiopia, an ally in Washington’s “War on Terror”.
“Shabaab are winning. They have pursued a startlingly successful two-pronged strategy — chase all the internationals from the scene, and shift tactics from provocation to conquest,” said a veteran Somali analyst in the region.
“Before it was ‘hit-and-run’ guerrilla warfare. Now it’s a case of ‘we’re here to stay’,” he added, noting Shabaab was “flooded with money” from foreign backers.
The Islamist insurgency since early 2007, the latest instalment in Somalia’s 17-year civil conflict, has worsened one of Africa’s worst humanitarian crises and fomented instability around the already chronically volatile Horn region.
Shabaab’s advances are galling to Washington, which says the group is linked to al Qaeda and has put it on its terrorism list. Western security services have long worried about Somalia becoming a haven for extremists, though critics — and the Islamists — say that threat has been fabricated to disguise U.S. aims to keep control, via Ethiopia, in the region.
Some compare the Somali quagmire to Iraq in character, if not scale, given its appeal to jihadists, the involvement of foreign troops and the tactics used by the rebels.
In August, in its most significant grab of a gradual territorial encroachment, Shabaab spearheaded the takeover of Kismayu, a strategic port and south Somalia’s second city.
This month, its threats to shoot down planes have largely paralysed Mogadishu airport. And in recent days, its fighters have been targeting African peacekeepers.
“The only question is ‘what next?” said a diplomat, predicting Shabaab would next seek to close Mogadishu port and take control of Baidoa town, the seat of parliament.
Analysts say Islamists or Islamist-allied groups now control most of south Somalia, with the exception of Mogadishu, Baidoa where parliament is protected by Ethiopian Woyanne troops, and Baladwayne near the border where Addis Ababa garrisons soldiers.
That is a remarkable turnaround from the end of 2006, when allied Somali-Ethiopian Woyanne troops chased the Islamists out of Mogadishu after a six-month rule of south Somalia, scattering them to sea, remote hills and the Kenyan border.
The Islamists regrouped to begin an insurgency that has killed nearly 10,000 civilians. Military discipline, grassroots political work, youth recruitment and an anti-Ethiopian Woyanne rallying cry have underpinned their return, analysts say.
With the Islamists split into many rival factions, it is impossible to tell if an offensive against Mogadishu is imminent. Analysts say Shabaab and other Islamist militants may not want an all-out confrontation with Ethiopian troops, preferring to wait until Addis Ababa withdraws forces.
WORLD “NUMB” TO SOMALIA
Ethiopian Woyanne Prime Minister Meles Zenawi is fed up with the human, political and financial cost of his Somalia intervention, but knows withdrawal could hasten the fall of Mogadishu.
The insurgents may also resist the temptation to launch an offensive on Mogadishu until their own ranks are united.
“Opposition forces at the moment are internally debating whether or not it’s time for a major push,” the diplomat said.
Meanwhile, the rebels attack government and Ethiopian Woyanne targets in the city seemingly at will. Of late, they have also been hitting African Union (AU) peacekeepers, who number just 2,200, possibly to warn the world against more intervention.
Estimates vary but experts think Ethiopia has about 10,000 soldiers in Somalia, the government about 10,000 police and soldiers. Islamist fighter numbers are fluid but may match that.
The Islamists’ growth in power has gone largely unnoticed outside Somalia by all but experts. For the wider world, Somalia’s daily news of bombs, assassinations, piracy and kidnappings has blurred into an impression of violence-as-usual.
Even this week’s horrors, including shells slicing up 30 civilians in a market, registered barely a blip outside.
“The world has grown numb to Somalia’s seemingly endless crises,” said analyst Ken Menkhaus.
But “much is new this time, and it would be a dangerous error of judgement to brush off Somalia’s current crisis as more of the same,” he said. “Seismic political, social, and security changes are occurring in the country.”
The United Nations has been pushing a peace agreement in neighbouring Djibouti that would see a ceasefire, a pull-back of Ethiopian Woyanne troops — the insurgents’ main bone of contention — then some sort of power-sharing arrangement.
Diplomats see that as the main hope for stability, and moderates on both sides support it in principle. But Islamist fighters on the ground have rejected the process, and negotiators failed to agree on details last week.
A U.S. expert on Somalia, John Prendergast, said the world had taken its eyes off the conflict at its peril.
“Somalia truly is the one place in Africa where you have a potential cauldron of recruitment and extremism that, left to its own devices, will only increase in terms of the danger it presents to the region, and to American and Western interests.”
One effect of the conflict impinging on the outside world is rampant piracy off Somalia. Gangs have captured some 30 boats this year, and still hold a dozen ships with 200 or so hostages.
The violence is also impeding relief groups from helping Somalia’s several million hungry. Foreign investors, interested in principle in Somalia’s hydrocarbon and fishing resources, barely give the place a second thought in the current climate.
(gfpc) The German government is increasing its financial support for Ethiopia by 40 Percent despite strong accusations raised against that country by human rights organizations. This was announced by the foreign ministry in Addis Ababa following last week’s negotiations between the governments of Germany and Ethiopia. The German Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development will allocate 96 million Euros over the next three years – one of the ministry’s largest development budget subventions. For years the Ethiopian government has been heavily criticized for committing crimes against humanity. After coming to power in 2005 through electoral fraud, the government ordered the shooting of hundreds of demonstrators. It is still being accused of torture and summary executions. Numerous opponents and independent journalists were forced to flee the country. Recent reports have accused the Ethiopian army of kidnappings and the murder of civilians in the East of the country. The development budget increase corresponds to Ethiopia’s geo-strategic significance, which the German ambassador to Addis Ababa particularly stressed in a strategy paper. As a western ally, the Ethiopian army is also involved in the war in Somalia. Ethiopian soldiers are being trained in Germany.
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40 Percent Increase
As the foreign ministry in Addis Ababa announced, the German-Ethiopian government negotiations ended last week with a new agreement on German development subventions. The German Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ) pledges 96 million Euros covering the next three years – one of the largest subventions granted by the ministry. Ethiopia is one of BMZ’s “Priority Partner Countries”. In government negotiations in March 2005, Ethiopia opened its doors to hundreds of German specialists, who have been working since, under the guidance of the BMZ and its front organizations, in key positions in the Ethiopian economy and administration, assuring Berlin substantial influence.[1] Already in 2005, Berlin pledged 80 million Euros for the following 3 year period. Only 69 million were actually paid because the European Union had imposed financial limitations because of Ethiopia being accused of crimes against humanity.[2] The subventions pledged last week amount to an increase of 40 Percent.[3]
Overshadowed
Human rights organizations’ strong accusations have overshadowed the intensification of German-Ethiopian cooperation since it began in 2005. The accusations commenced already two months after the government negotiations were ended in May 2005, when the government was only able to survive parliamentary elections by committing massive electoral fraud. The ensuing protests were suppressed with brutal force. By the end of that year, the number of demonstrators killed by Ethiopian repressive forces had been estimated at around 100 – obviously an error. An Ethiopian parliamentarian committee of inquiry discovered that 193 people were killed and 765 wounded. But in the final report, submitted in November 2006, the committee claimed it could not find evidence of the use of excessive force by the repressive authorities. This is not surprising. After having refused to sign this report in the presence of Ethiopian President Meles Zenawi, both chairmen of the committee, fearing for their lives, fled the country.[4]
Departures and Arrivals
Whereas a growing number of opponents and independent journalists are fleeing the country,[5] more and more German specialists are arriving in Addis Ababa on behalf of German development organizations. Since 2005, Ethiopia is given – by far – the highest priority job offers on the list of the Association for Technical Cooperation (“Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit,” GTZ) and of the Center for International Migration and Development (“Centrum für Internationale Migration und Entwicklung”, CIM). Both organizations are implementing the government accords of 2005 and are holding several hundred key positions in this East African country’s economy and administration. Berlin is ignoring the human rights organizations’ protests against politically motivated arrests, torture, maltreatment and summary executions at the hands of Ethiopian repressive forces. In the fall of 2005 the state financed Institute of African Affairs (IAA) in Hamburg renounced its report critical of Addis Ababa.[6] The German government is granting nearly uncontested support to the Ethiopian regime.
Cannot Be Negotiated
A complaint of the CDU/CSU caucus of the German Bundestag in March 2008 has been until now somewhat of an exception. But the complaint is not of torture, previously alleged by Amnesty International, but of the jamming of state financed Deutsche Welle and Voice of America radio stations. “The right to free speech and information is a non-negotiable fundamental right,” affirmed the speaker for cultural and media policy of the CDU/CSU caucus in the German Bundestag regarding the intolerable jamming of radio programs in the service of western foreign policy.[7]
Mutual Alliance
While ignoring the issue of human rights, the German Ethiopia policy is carefully safeguarding its foreign policy interests based upon Ethiopia’s strategic importance, which has been documented in detail in an October 2006 report by Claus Dieter Knoop, the German Ambassador in Addis Ababa (german-foreign-policy.com reported [8]). According to the report, this East African nation is playing a “strategic role” for the precarious water supply in North East Africa: Four-fifths of the Nile’s water originates from sources in Ethiopian. Given the fact that Ethiopia has a substantial number of Christians, it is also placed in the role of a front line state vis-à-vis the Arab peninsula. But it is the protection of the maritime commercial routes off the East-African coast that is of “special German interest”, according to Knoop. This immense importance is underlined by the deployment of the German navy off the Horn of Africa.[9] For a year and a half, Ethiopian troops have been trying to help a pro-western “government” in Mogadishu to take control over the coastal nation of Somalia, showing that Addis Ababa seeks not only regional hegemony for itself but is also willing to serve western interests. The alliance between Ethiopia and the West – including the USA – is a sustainable mutual alliance.
Conspiracy of Silence
The fact that human rights organizations have been strongly criticizing the Ethiopian army’s warfare for months seems to be of little importance. Already last fall, Human Rights Watch declared that “by widely and indiscriminately bombarding highly populated areas of Mogadishu with rockets, mortars and artillery” Ethiopian troops were violating international law and have been “deliberately shooting and summarily executing civilians.”[10] Human Rights Watch recently published a new report that is strongly criticizing the Ethiopian army’s activities in the eastern part of the country. In its battle against rebels in that region, Ethiopian troops have committed war crimes and crimes against humanity, subjected civilians to torture and executed at least 150 of them, the organization writes. The West is guilty of a “conspiracy of silence around these crimes.”[11]
Threatening to Ban
It is not yet clear how long human rights organizations can continue their research in Ethiopia therefore breaking this silence. President Meles is preparing a law aimed at heavily restricting NGO activities with a threat of being banned. If the law is passed after the parliamentary summer recess, “the activities of aid organizations would be restricted if not made impossible,” a speaker of Caritas International said in a discussion with german-foreign-policy.com. This would also apply to human rights organizations. In the course of the recently concluded negotiations, the German government objected to this projected law but still pledged new subventions – a clear sign to Meles that Berlin will not seriously resist.
Arms Exports
Despite Ethiopian war crimes, Germany will not only continue furnishing financial development subventions, but also maintain the training program for the Ethiopian military, which began in 2002. The most recent example is the participation of an Ethiopian staff officer in the current “Training course for general/admiral grade staff with international participation” (LGAI) at the Bundeswehr’s Leadership Academy in Hamburg. According to the most recent arms export report, not only small arms but even, for the first time, communication equipment is being exported – with official approval – to Ethiopia, despite the war the Ethiopian army is waging not only in Somalia but against rebels at home. It is not yet known whether there is direct contact between the Ethiopian invading army in Somalia and the German war ships cruising off the Somali coast.
[1] see also Key positions and Berater
[2] Vorrang für Menschenrecht und Meinungsfreiheit in Äthiopien; Pressemitteilung der CDU/CSU-Bundestagsfraktion 17.03.2008
[3] Germany pledges 96 million euro to Ethiopia; Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Ethiopia 18.06.2008
[4] amnesty international Deutschland: Jahresbericht 2007. Äthiopien. amnesty schreibt über die Proteste: “Die meisten Opfer waren von Kugeln der Armee oder der Polizei getroffen worden. In einigen Fällen hatte man ihnen in den Rücken geschossen, als sie zu fliehen versuchten, andere waren offenbar von Heckenschützen ins Visier genommen worden. Mindestens 17 Insassen des Kaliti-Gefängnisses, überwiegend wegen gewöhnlicher Straftaten einsitzende Untersuchungshäftlinge, aber auch einige politische Gefangene, waren im Zuge der Ereignisse wegen mutmaßlicher Unterstützung der Demonstranten oder wegen Fluchtversuchs in ihren Zellen erschossen worden.”
[5] Dies dokumentieren ausführlich die Jahresberichte von Amnesty International und Human Rights Watch sowie viele Berichte weiterer Menschenrechtsorganisationen.
[6] see also Indispensable Rights
[7] Vorrang für Menschenrecht und Meinungsfreiheit in Äthiopien; Pressemitteilung der CDU/CSU-Bundestagsfraktion 17.03.2008
[8] see also Sonderbericht
[9] see also Deutsche Marine steht vor Kommando im Indischen Ozean, Ölversorgung, Sonderbericht and Seemacht (I)
[10] Somalia: Kriegsverbrechen in Mogadischu; Human Rights Watch 13.08.2007. See also Stabilizing Factor
[11] Ethiopia: Army Commits Executions, Torture, and Rape in Ogaden; Pressemitteilung von Human Rights Watch 12.06.2008
I read your letter to Senator Russ Feingold, Representative Donald Payne and to all Members of Congress of the United States.
Let me examine the pertinent points contained in the letter, discarding the irrelevant, in order to build-up your case, with respect to the proposed Bill S 3457 by Senators Feingold and Leahy, and the earlier Bill HR 2003 that passed in the U.S. House of Representatives.
Basically, your opposition to the Bill is based on the assumption that it will lead to the loss of sovereignty; hence Ethiopia will be a “protectorate” of the United States. Your assertion is farfetched.
The question is whose sovereignty? The people or the ruling elite? Which of the two? The people of Ethiopia do not have sovereignty throughout their history. Sovereignty is the prerogative of the ruling elite, in our case, Meles Zenawi, Sebhat Nega and Berket Simon, who are the sovereign power in the exercise of it. Virtually, sovereignty rests within the ruling circle domain.
Mr. Tecola, if the U.S. Senators genuinely stood on the side of the people, unlike the Executive branch of the U. S. government, what is the harm? The Bill will attempt to restrain and curb the tyranny and abuse of power by Meles and Company.
Have you forgotten the post-2005 election crackdown on the position and supporters by the regime? What lesson can be drawn from the consequences of that horrendous episode? In the uneven balance of power between the government and the opposition, as well as the uneven level of playing field and rule of the game, you said, “the problems Ethiopians have with the government of Meles Zenawi is the business of Ethiopians, and solving our problems and fighting our fights by ourselves,” than seeking external aid. Such a cursory remark is hallow and empty rhetoric. TPLF itself came to power with considerable external aid. It is sustained by external aid. And there are many examples in the world. Your TPLF supporters, including yourself paraded in the corridors of the U.S. Congress to influence the position of the U.S government against the Mengistu regime.
Let me be clear, that I have supported the 1974 popular revolution, but I was not a supporter, or sympathizer of the Mengistu regime, then, nor for EPLF/TPLF either. What is the difference between Tecola Hagos and AL Mariam and his associates? Infact, the latter is on the side of history.
Being self-righteous, you are of course; negative to examine the other side objectively. To be fair, one key aspect of a difference between the two regimes, — the constitution of Ethiopia under Mengistu was voted by the people in a referendum, while the constitution of Melse Zenawi was voted by hand picked members of the National Assembly, the people of Ethiopia. In the process, the people of Ethiopia were excluded. Now, Mr. Tecola, your concern in the guise of sovereignty, is the threatening sovereign power of the troika, Zenawi, Nega and Simon. Real sovereignty is the prerogative of the ruling elite of TPLF, not the people of Ethiopia.
Anther point, Why are you posturing as an Ethiopian super patriot? Or perhaps a true Tigrean patriot? Are you trying? To save Melese and Company, in order to preserve the Tigrean hegemony over the rest of the Ethiopian people? Your patriotism about greater Ethiopia, which it was historically is, a veil to conceal your narrow Tigrean nationalism. It amazing fashion, you sound jingoistic. Why all this fuss? Fundamentally, the passing of the Bill [if it pass], in the Senate will facilitate in establishing some of the eight points enunciated by the Coalition for Unity and Democracy [CUD], now Unity Justice and Democracy Party], and other leaders lead, to “an independent judiciary, the media, the Electoral Board and the role of the armed forces/ security, and other demands, will not undermine the interest of the Ethiopian people. On the contrary, it will lay down the groundwork for building democratic institutions, to insure liberty, democracy and the rule of lows. The people of Ethiopia seek freedom to choose their leaders. They want to think and assemble and to express their views freely. They must be free first to be imbued with sovereign rights that come with all the attributes of a sovereign nation. Unfortunately, they are not free now. It requires enormous sacrifice and struggle. You are indulging in fantasy and abstract theory that has no relevance to the people. The relevance of sovereignty is to the ruling circle, which are the beneficiary of it, mainly, Meles Zenawi, Sebhat Nega and Berket Simon.
The seventeen years of suppression and subjugation of the people is all there to see, coupled with poverty, disease and hunger. What should be clear to any impartial, reasonable and rational human being is, in the 21st century, the people of Ethiopia are not citizens. They are subjects of TPLF/EPRDF rule. It must also be clear, that there is a distinction between `state` and `nation`.
Mr. Tecola, why do you really care about the survival of Meles and Company? It seems that you want to circle the wagon with your Tigrean compatriot. That is your real concern. This phenomenon is a curse to be avoided, not only by the Tigreans, but all the different nationalities of Ethiopia. It is a manifestation of backwardness and reactionary outlook. You deliberately grouped the oppositions along with Ethiopia’s historic enemies, such us Egypt, Sudan, Saudi Arabia, Syria etc… this is a misrepresentation and distortion, devoid of objective reality. What you are asking the opposition is to surrender to the Melse` rule. It is tantamount to that, and the message is clear.
The problem with you, as stated in your book, Democratization? Ethiopia [1991-1994] “My views are rather more inspirational, rendered from the heart than analytical.” I will add that your brain is subordinated to your heart; hence you are inconsistent, irrational, contradictory and arrogant. Sometimes, you have the tendency to jump into the river against the tide and vise versa, without principle and character of integrity. Do you remember what you wrote in your web site a few years ago, that Ethiopians are incapable of resolving their problems, and as result, they are killing each others? Thus, as an alternative, you have suggested a “bold vision”, [As you put it] that Ethiopia to be ruled by foreign nationals, specifically, American and British academics, including Bill Gate, one of the richest people in the world, for the transition period, until the Ethiopians matured with a democratic political culture. How does your “bold vision” Correspond with your concern for the loss of “sovereignty” and Ethiopia as a “protectorate” of the U.S.?
Remember also what you stated, in your book, “what is in existence at this moment in Ethiopia is the concentration of power in the hands of a tiny group of people, a government controlled and run at will by Meles Zenawi and his close associates with no meaningful accountability”, and further more you stated that “what remained in power since 1991 is an illegitimate power structure, a reestablishment of Feudalism and autocracy dressed in new symbols with the descendants of yesterdays Feudal warlords as the main actors in this sickening political tragedy”.
How about now? Have you detected a paradigm shift? Or is the pendulum swinging back for reconciliation with Melse, in anticipation of a reward to heal your wounded ego, pride and ambition? You have already indicated in your letter, that you “are urging and advice the Ethiopian government to seek new initiatives”, concerning the impending Bill as well as the Eritrea issue in the U.S. Senate. Along the way, you are also pushing a new idea that the “Ethiopian Ambassador in Washington D.C. has failed in his mission to protect the sovereignty and dignity of Ethiopia”. To be exact, you are seeking the removal of the Ambassador and the sovereignty and dignity of the elite in power.
Finally, you have forwarded another incredible suggestion that “AL Mariam and his associates, including Senator Feingold and Representative Payne to be prosecuted with criminal charges under the Ethiopian penal code for undermining the economic vital interest and sovereignty of Ethiopia”.
This is a strange and absurd suggestion, and it seems that you are mentally unstable. I suggest you need a clinical psychiatric evaluation.
UNIDO Holds High-level Dialogue on Accelerating Poverty Reduction and Economic Growth in Africa
VIENNA, AUSTRIA – The Director-General of UNIDO, Mr. Kandeh K. Yumkella, will lead a high-level dialogue on “Accelerating Poverty Reduction and Economic Growth: Transforming African Countries into Tiger Economies”, on 22 September 2008 during the High-Level Meeting of the United Nations General Assembly on Africa’s Development Needs.
President Jakaya Kikwete of Tanzania and Prime Minister Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia, are expected to deliver the keynote statements. Ms. Asha-Rose Migiro, UN Deputy-Secretary-General, will open the high-level dialogue with statements to be given by Mr. Stefano Manservisi, Director-General of the European Commission’s Development Cooperation, Ambassador Olukorede Willoughby, Chief Executive Officer of the New Economic Partnership for Africa Development (NEPAD), Mr. Namanga Ngongi, President, AGRA, Ms. Patricia Francis, Executive Director, International Trade Centre, Mr. Abdoulie Janneh, Executive Secretary, Economic Commission for Africa, and Mr. Charles Gore, Special Coordinator, UNCTAD. Mr. Cheick Sidi Diara, Under Secretary General, Office of the Special Adviser on Africa will give the concluding remarks.
Drawing on relevant experiences from the newly industrialized countries in Asia and elsewhere, the high-level dialogue will discuss how the current growth momentum in Africa can transform African countries into tiger economies and thus accelerate the process of wealth creation and poverty reduction in the continent. The panel of speakers will also discuss how international and regional cooperation, including South-South cooperation, can help facilitate inclusive and equitable growth in Africa; how the requirements of rapid economic growth and environmental protection can be reconciled; how domestic financial resources may be better harnessed for development; how increased participation in international trade can boost the growth momentum in Africa; and how agricultural development can stimulate broader economic growth while enhancing food security, reducing poverty, and preserving the environment.
The meeting is being organized by UNIDO in cooperation with the Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA) and the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD).
For more information, please contact:
Mr. George Assaf
UNIDO Spokesperson, UNIDO
Tel.: +43-1-26026-3489
EDITOR’S NOTE: In the past 16 years, the Meles parasitic regime led Ethiopia into more poverty, more war, more disease and more misery. For Ethiopia to be on the path of development, greedy, homicidal, lawless dictators like Meles must never be allowed to come to power. Ethiopia can be a prosperous nation in just one generation under a good governance. The following is taken from the Woyanne-owned Walta Information Center.
Prime Minister Meles Zenawi has recently given an interview on socio-economic and political developments of the country. The full text of the interview, which was published in The Ethiopian Herald in three parts, is presented as follow:
Question: The Ethiopian Millennium has been celebrated for the past 15 months and now we are almost at the concluding phase of the celebrations. This period marks the beginning of the Ethiopian Hedasse. How do you define and describe the Amharic word Hedasse?
PM Meles: The Amharic word Hedase means “renaissance” in English. It is to be recalled that the civilization of Rome and Greek prevailed for hundreds of years in the European history. Due to various social and political factors, the golden civilization era demised and gave its way to a period historically known as “The Dark Ages”. After the end of this epoch European civilization recuperated and the Europeans called this special juncture in their history the time of “Renaissance”.
When we relate the word “Renaissance” with the Ethiopian context, we remember that civilization reigned in every corner of Ethiopia for centuries. Gradually, this marked state of socio-economic progress began to deteriorate and Ethiopia finally ended up under the category of poor countries. Like what happened in Europe, that great era of Ethiopian civilization was replaced by the Dark Ages. The Dark Ages of Ethiopia is over and we are now in the beginning of Ethiopia’s Renaissance.
Question: What are the foundations and challenges of Ethiopia’s Renaissance?
PM Meles: Ethiopia’s Renaissance bases itself on several core foundations. The major ones are mapping out feasible development agenda, creating a common platform where all stakeholders jointly work for the realization of the development goal as well as forging and facilitating favourable conditions for national consensus among the public on the principles of development and good governance. Building the execution capacity and raising capital are crucial to make this state of common national consensus pragmatic and viable.
Viewed from the point of Ethiopia’s long history, our renaissance is at its infancy stage. As starters, we faced several challenges in our journey towards ensuring Ethiopia’s Renaissance. Devising the right development and good governance direction were a challenge in itself. After we mapped out our path of development at the EPRDF organizational conference, we had to struggle stiffly to make the development agenda acceptable and comprehendible among the public at large. We passed all the challenges that we faced in our journey and managed to register record-high development achievements over the past consecutive five years. Thus, the renaissance overcame the daunting challenges and is now moving forward with stability. This does not mean that the renaissance will not encounter other forms of challenges in the future. However, it is inevitable that it will succeed finally, once it beats all impediments ahead of it.
Question: It is to be known that Ethiopia envisages being among middle-income countries in the new millennium. To what extent is the international condition conducive to realize this national vision? What do you think are the major challenges in this regard?
PM Meles: The new millennium covers the next one thousand years. In the coming hundred years Ethiopia should be categorized not only under middle-income countries but should join the group of developed nations. The country will be among middle-income states within the next 20 to 30 years.
Under this era of globalization, there could, in fact, be some challenges to be extricated from abject poverty and become a middle-income country. We are not still a major actor in the international market. We are simply hopefuls. The international market is like an ocean rocked by violent waves. The current international fuel and food price hike is part of this wave. One has to be cautious, farsighted and vigilant while crossing this turbulent ocean.
Question: How do you view the current state of development in rural parts of the country? Is there an enabling environment to press ahead with the development endeavours? What will be the government’s focus of attention in this regard?
PM Meles: We believe that a development-oriented politico-economy has been created in the rural areas of the country. This means farmers in the rural localities have already realized that they should use modern technologies, work day in and day out, and raise their agricultural productivity in a bid to improve their standard of living. In other words, the farmer came to know well that the only way out of the quagmire of poverty is speeding up the ongoing development activities. They are also aware of the fact that they should fully engage themselves in market-led development endeavours promoting the culture of using select-seed and other modern farming technologies.
The farmers are achieving a major attitudinal change and are convinced that they can move fast from a hand-to-mouth production to a higher standard of living. Apart from attitudinal change, the farmers made significant improvement in terms of development-oriented political economy. It is now the successful farmers who are molding and guiding the attitude of the public in rural localities. Farmers with success in development are also assuming the leadership in several rural Kebeles. Other farmers are following suit. The attitude and the leadership have changed. Development infrastructures are expanding fast. Due to these and other reasons, there is already conducive development atmosphere in rural parts of the country.
I would say that we are not even near to the growth that we intend to achieve in the area of agriculture. Concerning wheat production, for instance, some farmers produce over 60 quintals of wheat per hectare. However, the average production is 20 quintals. Thus, following the methods employed by successful farmers we need to scale up the average wheat production to 40 – 50 per hectare. Using modern technologies and best practices as well as implementing the scaling up strategy we can expedite agricultural production growth.
Question: How do you describe the results of the efforts exerted to address the basic development demands of people in the urban areas? What are the similarities and the differences between the development activities in the rural and urban areas as well as the degree of benefit drawn from the development efforts?
PM Meles: Encouraging development activities are being witnessed in urban areas over the past few years. However, there are some differing aspects when compared to the objective reality in rural parts. As I mentioned earlier, we have created a development-oriented political economy in rural areas that is instrumental in bringing about swift development. There is also a change of attitude and leadership. The development infrastructure is well facilitated in rural localities.
On the contrary, developmental attitude is beginning to materialize a little late. We cannot say that the concept of development is adequately instilled in every segment of the urbanites. This is one of the reasons for the yawning gap in the results. In fact, the infrastructure in the urban areas is better. The difference is that developmental attitude and leadership have not yet been sufficiently prevailed in urban areas. These problems should be addressed effectively. We don’t dare to say that such kind of attitude was in place even in rural areas when we conducted the reformation conference of our organization. Such attitude for development expanded and gathered pace over the past three and four years. We believe that the expansion of micro- and small-scale institutions would enable many urbanites to have role models, whom they would want to emulate. From our experience during the past few years, we can say that the urban society will move towards attaining developmental attitude. Conditions will, for sure, be created whereby the urban people would be zealously inspired and committed for development. I don’t think the task will be as such daunting.
Question: It is known that our country is registering rapid economic stride. However, a severe form of inflation is affecting especially low-income segments of the society. How do you describe the results of the measures taken by the government to curb the ever rising inflation?
PM Meles: The major cause of the current inflation and price hike has a global dimension. The second has to do with the constraints in the marketing system of our country. It is rather difficult to overcome the pressure of the international market. The government has been taking long- and short-term measures, which it believes would address the situation.
The long-run solutions also apply in tackling the problem in the middle term. The short-term solutions could not be taken as sustainable remedies. One of the middle-term solutions is regulating monetary circulation in the economy. Such steps are bearing fruits and the monetary circulation is being controlled. Its impact on the inflation would be quite visible in the coming Ethiopian year.
Taking radical measure against the second cause of inflation, i.e., constraints in the marketing system, takes some time. One of the measures that we took in this regard is importing wheat and distributing the product to the local market in sufficient quantity. Some 1.5 million quintals of wheat is being transported to the country. The wheat is being sold at several towns. Currently, at least the price of wheat is decreasing. According to the prediction, the prices of other food grains such as maize will also decline. An additional 1.5 million quintal of wheat is purchased and is expected to arrive at the port after 10 days. This makes the total purchased wheat three million quintals. The purchase of the wheat will go on up until the price is stabilized and we manage to keep the excess in our reserves. We do hope that the planned procurement measures will adequately stabilize the prices of food grains.
Question: The Ethiopian defence Forces are in Somalia to help the Somalia government ensure sustainable peace and stability. What are the achievements in this regard? When will Ethiopia withdraw its army from Somalia?
PM Meles: Our army had two major missions in Somalia. The first one was to deal with extremist groups there, who cause clear and present danger to Ethiopia and overtly declared a holy war (Jihad) against our country. This mission of our army was accomplished within few weeks.
The second mission was supporting the Somalia government to ensure lasting peace and stability in that country. In addition, the Ethiopian army shouldered a lofty responsibility of building durable peace in Ethiopia and the Horn as a whole by shuttering the backbone of the subversive groups in Somalia. We were not alone in breaking the backbone of extremists. We had allies and partners. The Somalia transitional government and its allies were with us. We cannot say “goodbye” to these allies leaving them alone without helping them to be self-sufficient in taking care of their problems. This is not only the question of morality, but it also sends a bad signal to other allies not to take us as trustworthy partners in the future. Thus, we had to support our allies in our capacity.
International organizations including the African Union (AU) as well as the people of Somalia had wholeheartedly supported our intervention in Somalia. Especially AU’s unreserved support in this regard should not be taken lightly. Both AU and the United Nations told us not to withdraw our army hastily risking the safety and security of Somalia and its people. They asked us to stay there until they send their peacekeeping missions to Somalia. We could not turn a deaf ear to such requests of the AU, which always stands by the noble causes of Ethiopia. We stayed in Somalia up to now for the aforementioned three major reasons.
Only staying in Somalia does not bring about the desired result. We don’t also believe that war is the sole option. We have three strategies to ensure sustainable peace and stability in Somalia.
The first strategy is political solution both inside and outside Somalia. By inside solution, I mean solving clan disputes in every locality of Somalia. The Somali people themselves held a national conference in Mogadishu to solve clan-based conflicts at a national level. They moved encouraging stride in this regard. Resolving disputes among clans residing in the outskirts of Mogadishu is a key to ensure durable peace in the City. Thus, we have put in place a clear strategy that promotes peace talks, negotiations and reconciliation among the various Somali clans. On the other hand, there are jihadists under the umbrella of the so-called Union of Islamic Courts outside Somalia. There are also devotee religious groups that could jeopardize the security of the Horn. Distinguishing the pious groups from the jihadists and drawing them to the peace track is part of our strategy. Hence, we had been exerting efforts to ensure peace inside Somalia and in the neighborhood.
The second strategy was rebuilding the Somali government. By the time we intervened in Somalia, the government had not even a police force and an effective army. There was not a legally established tax collecting institute. It was the thugs who were gathering taxes. Thus, we had to rebuild Somalia’s army, police force and tax collecting organizations to enable the Somalis be self-reliant in ensuring their own peace and security.
Our third strategy is exerting utmost efforts to convince the international community to back up the decision of the African Union and take over the responsibility of bringing peace and stability in Somalia through the United Nations.
Our three strategies achieved various results. If we take, for instance, the case of negotiations, currently the Mogadishu negotiation has moved an encouraging distance. The negotiation envisaged to be held in Kisemayu has failed. Concerning peace negotiations held outside Somalia, several factions that split from the self-styled Al-Shebab terrorist group have already started peace talks with the transitional government and signed a first round agreement. This, indeed, is a huge stride.
With regard to rebuilding the Somalia transitional government, we trained a significant number of members of the Somali police and defence forces. They are building their capacity step-by-step. But, we cannot say that the task of rebuilding the Somalia transitional government has gone with the required pace.
Successful diplomatic activities were also undertaken to convincing the international community to take over the responsibility of bringing peace and stability in Somalia. Peacekeeping troops of Burundi and Uganda are already in Somalia. However, the required number of peacekeepers that should be deployed to Somalia is 8,000. The contingent deployed so far is not more than 1/4th of the required number. The United Nations is extending support to Somalia in various forms including relief assistance.
As to when the Ethiopian troops leave Somalia, first we had to foil the Jihad launched against Ethiopia. We accomplished this within three weeks. The reason that we stayed in Somalia, after we accomplished this mission has to do with ensuring durable peace in Somalia and the Horn in general. Staying there is not a must. We can pull out our army anytime we like and station it along the border to protect ourselves. But, as I mentioned earlier we have several commitments. We are responsible to the African Union and the United Nations. We are responsible to the people of Somalia. We should beat the challenges and show in practice to our Somalia allies that we are there for them in time of need. We will evaluate the pros and cons of staying in Somalia regularly. Our decision for withdrawal will be based on such evaluations. We can’t set abrupt deadline now. Our decision will take into account existing objective realities.
Question: Some international media exaggerate minor problems in Somalia and present distorted news stories. What is your comment on this issue?
PM Meles: The problem is not only exaggerated reporting. Exaggeration could be made only on existent phenomena. For example, reporting the death of two people as the massacre of 20 could be labeled as an exaggeration. But, reporting the death of 40 people in a situation where a single shot has not been fired is not exaggeration. It is rather fabrication. When we examine why some Western media are engaged in fabrication, the answer is that they don’t have a reporter on the spot. In such situations, these media resort to depend on the extremists and their spokespersons as a source of information and simply put the news on air without bothering to filter it out and check for its accuracy. On the other hand, there are some media outlets which have a hidden political agenda behind such fabrications. These are elements that hate to see the stabilization of the Horn following Ethiopia’s intervention. One of these groups is the Eritrean regime, which is publicly involved in such defamation activities against Ethiopia. There are also other groups that are covertly working and wishing for the destabilization of the region. These elements are now using their media as a tool to realize their hidden political agenda.
Question: Many predicted that war was imminent between Ethiopia and Eritrea after the withdrawal of the United Nations peacekeeping mission from the Ethio-Eritrea border areas. Why did not the Eritrean government launch a war of aggression against Ethiopia after the pull-out of the peacekeepers?
PM Meles: Because it can’t! On the first place, war did not occur along the Ethio-Eritrean border line for two reasons. The first is that the Eritrean government clearly knows the deadly reprisal if it tries to invade Ethiopia again. It is well aware that it does not have the capacity to go ahead with its intention of invasion. That is why Eritrea did not launch a war of aggression. On the Ethiopian side, although we are capable of doing it, we are not interested in it. We want peace. In short, war did not flare up because the Ethiopian defence force is not interested and the Eritrean army is not capable. If this status quo goes on and unless the Eritrean army brings about a radical change overnight, I don’t think there will be war in the region. What Eritrea chose in this regard is a proxy war. We have a strategy to thwart such destabilizing approaches.
Question: EPRDF is expected to hold its organizational conference soon. What contribution will the conference have to speed up the country’s ongoing renaissance efforts?
PM Meles: I think the conference will have a paramount importance in this regard. If we take the 4th EPRDF conference, it was a historical milestone in that it clearly defined the development and democratic reformation journey of the country. I would say the 4th EPRDF conference was the greatest organizational conferences held so far. In the 5th conference, EPRDF designed the right peace, development and democratization direction and made a commitment to putting this into practice and achieve huge success. In fact, the country registered a rapid development in the two years after this conference.
In the 6thEPRDF Organizational Conference held in 2007, we resolved ourselves to ensure the continuity of the country’s economic development in the ensuing three years. We managed to realize this over the past two years. The 7th EPRDF Organizational Conference [underway in Hawassa] will devise viable mechanisms instrumental in keeping the pace of the economic growth rate and making it over 10% on the one hand; and, overcoming the current inflation up until next year on the other.
Therefore, the EPRDF organizational conferences held so far have had immense importance in changing the living standard of our people for the better as well as accelerating the country’s development, democratization and good governance efforts. I do believe that the present conference will be equally important.
Question: Rumors of drought are being widely spread at a time when the country is fully embarked on extensive efforts to ensure the continuity of its economic development. What is the real situation in this regard?
PM Meles: There is a threat of drought in some parts of the country, especially in Somali regional state, which is prone to recurrent shortage of rain. As it is known, the region is inhabited by a pastoralist society and we cannot say that successful development activities have been undertaken as it is done in the majority of other rural areas. As a result, the region is affected by drought for two years in a row and there was a toll on the livestock.
In the Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples’ State, excess rainfall damaged standing crops. Although there are two farming seasons in the region, due to shortage of ‘belg’ (small rainy season) rains, production has declined. Notwithstanding the aforementioned instances, there is a bumper harvest in most parts of the country. Thus, the magnitude of the drought is limited and our economy has not stopped from thriving.
However, some parties have tried to exaggerate the extent of the drought and use the situation as smoke-screen to further their agenda. Some of them oppose the government’s land policy and use every loophole to tarnish the government’s policy. Others are not happy with draft proclamations such as the recent bill related to non-governmental organizations and grab every opportunity to taint the reputation of the country.
In fact, there is shortage of rain in some areas like Konso in the South and some localities of East Amhara and Tigray regional states. However, in most parts of the country there is adequate distribution of rainfall. Given the current distribution of rain, we believe that there will be an increase in agricultural production. We are supporting in various ways citizens affected by shortage of rain.
Question: Educational facilities are being widely expanded all over the country. What measures are being taken to maintain the quality of education?
PM Meles: Concerted efforts have been exerted over the past few years to maintain the quality of education. Concerning primary and secondary schools, education quality upgrading programme has been formulated and is being implemented step-by-step. The program incorporates such components as maintaining the standard of teachers, supply of various teaching materials and communications technologies. In fact, the programme is not implemented equally in every parts of the country. The execution of the programme is encouraging in some areas while it is delayed in others. Education expansion strategy involves customization and application of best practices and experiences from areas with success in other localities. This strategy is being implemented in the education, health and agricultural sectors.
In this regard, we are trying to use the vast experience and expertise of the Germans. Efforts are being made to revise the technical and vocational training strategy. Some technical and vocational training institutes have undertaken commendable and exemplary jobs. Activities are being undertaken to bring those at the back to the forefront. Reform measures are also being taken to upgrade the quality of education offered by institutes of higher learning. In a bid to train more high school teachers, efforts are underway to intensify 2nd and 3rd degree programmes in collaboration with foreign universities. To this effect, agreements have been signed with best universities in India and South Africa. According to the agreements, Indian intellectuals will train our teachers in information and communications technology. Efforts are being made to involve academicians in South Africa, too. Thus, the education quality upgrading strategy encompasses the levels starting from primary education up to third degree level.
Question: How do you describe the status of good governance in urban and rural areas? Is there a difference in its implementation? If so, where does the difference emanate from?
PM Meles: The level of good governance differs in urban and rural areas. The basis of good governance is development-oriented political economy. There is favorable development-induced politico-economy in rural areas. This means the areas are also enjoying enabling environment for good governance. In fact, good governance is an ever-continuing and improving task. There is no such thing as “once and for all” as far as the process of good governance is concerned. Good governance is done by human beings and every human endeavor has its own limitations. The limitations are always open for improvement. There is a fertile ground in rural areas to bring about a radical change in good governance due to the above stated factors.
In urban areas, the change in political economy is moving with slower pace. The move itself started only few years ago. On the other hand, good governance is a complicated issue in urban areas. It is not as easy as in rural areas. Thus, it is believed that the task of ensuring good governance in urban areas will be a tougher one. However, I do believe that within the next two and three years a marked change will be witnessed in urban areas in respect of good governance. Question: What should be the role of the public in the enhancement of good governance?
PM Meles: Good governance means public participation. It could not be conceived in other context without public involvement. We are saying there is favorable condition in rural areas for good governance because the people there are actively participating in an organized manner in development efforts and good governance activities as well.
In fact, the interest of the urban people to involve in good governance endeavors is encouraging. Even the people of Addis Ababa, who had various reservations against EPRDF previously, practically proved that they were willing to be part of the solutions to the problems of good governance. In this regard, the government is expected to organize and coordinate the public so that they would be able to seek solution to their problems. Taking the vast experience of rural areas and Addis Ababa’s limited experience into account, we are planning to ensure the full participation of the urban people of other towns in good governance efforts in the next two years.
Question: A new press and information law has recently been approved and put into effect. Some people say the law would affect the multi-party system of the country. What is your comment in this regard?
PM Meles: This law has been formulated based on best international experiences and practices. All concerned bodies and stakeholders have deliberated at length on the draft law before it was endorsed and enacted. The draft law has been enriched by comments and suggestions of various professionals. It was also debated on different forums.
The basic objective of the press law is not dismantling the multi-party system. Rather, it is designed in such a way that it could share its contribution in the efforts geared to enhance and further bolster the multi-party structure. So long as its major objective is ensuring multilateralism, the existence of some rhetoric prone to several interpretations is not as such a pressing problem. We can adjust some minor flaws here and there during the course of the law’s implementation.
Question: Conflicts are being witnessed in some regions along border areas. What are the causes for the repeated occurrences of such border disputes? What is the government’s intention to settle this problem in a sustainable manner?
PM Meles: The major cause behind such disputes is not the issue of border; rather it is mainly related to development problems. Such conflicts usually happen when there is a better development activity in one side of the border, and absent on the other side. Such brawls could also arise when there is imbalance between the population and the available inhabitable area on the one side of the border and people in the overcrowded area migrate to the other side of the border. Competition to get access to pasture and water for cattle could also be one source of conflict.
Although the underlying cause for the brawls is related to development, there are also administrative and leadership drawbacks that exacerbate the situation. A marked limitation of capacity was observed in several contentious areas to effectively settle the conflicts. There are also certain instances of lack of commitment to ensure the rule of law. Therefore, ensuring sustainable development is a key solution to resolve conflicts in border areas. Building conflict resolution capacity of administrative bodies, taking legal measures against administrative malpractices and unwillingness to abide by law could also be used as short-term remedies.
(The Ethiopian Herald)
Translated by Mulualem Dembegna from Addis Zemen, Amharic Daily, issue of September 11
