Sharing my Night Memories of the 1974 Ethiopian Revolution and the Purpose of my Departure
By Maru Gubena (Ph.D.)
May 20, 2006
Among the multiple sources of Africa’s chronic economic poverty, social and political instability, and the persistent backwardness of the educational and health sectors is the exodus and permanent settlement of Africans: the brain drain. Indeed, millions of highly educated and skilled Africans in the Diaspora today are maturing and living in a world in which they have not been born – in their countries of asylum or immigration. As my own profile clearly illustrates, a large number of the currently maturing African Diaspora left their countries of origin carrying in their minds not just a bag of goals conducive to improving their own personal lives and those of their families back home, but also with a solid aim of returning home within a brief period – a maximum of one or two years. In reality, however, that has not been the case.
Night Memories of the 1974 Ethiopian Revolution and the Purpose of my Departure
As is true for every child, I too had my own personal ambitions, ideas and visions about what I wanted to be and how to become an active and productive member of society – a contributing force to the growth and development of my country, where I had no doubt when I was a boy that I would remain as an inseparable part of Ethiopian society. Oh, yes, I was convinced that Ethiopia was the place where I would spend my entire life. I was not just ambitious but I was also a boy devoted to my studies – to what I wanted to be in the future – and well known for being assertive. As far as I can recall, during the nostalgic period of my childhood, I was often engaged with expansive plans about what I wanted to be, including becoming a famous international attorney and at the same time a moderator of TV and conference debates. Seriously considering and exploring the possibilities to one day become a well-known and highly respected advisor to the head or heads of the government of my country of that memorable period were my sleeping tablets.
The vivid visions and night dreams I had during my childhood related to future socio-political and economic roles and responsibilities were compounded with sweet and tender dreams. Although I never told any of my best friends or family members, I was madly in love with my little neighbour girl named Gonaye, whom I always call “my Goni,” which can roughly be translated as “a good part of me.” As Goni repeatedly told me that she too was in love with me and her future life would be meaningless without me, I wanted to belong to her forever and spend the rest of my life with Goni. To me, at least at that period, there were no any other beautiful girls on earth as beautiful as my little Goni girl. She was not only beautiful, but also soft, loving and most generous. And despite being so young, the words and statements of Gonai were always carefully and wisely crafted and expressed in the most affectionate fashion. Love letters exchanged through trusted family house-guards were our main source of communication.
Whenever there was an opportunity, we met each other in late afternoon or early evening in a shop that was located in our neighborhood. With the limited time Goni and I were allowed to be outside, we made all possible efforts to make our time together enjoyable. We shared our bottles of soft drinks, but never kissed each other in the shop or in public places. We kissed each other through the fence that divided Goni’s house from mine, but only in the evening, when it was getting darker. We never dared to even to talk about sex. And consequently, Goni and I never even saw each other’s bodies without clothes. But since we knew that we loved each other so deeply and belonged to one another, there was no hurry at all for sex. We knew that as soon as Goni and I had completed our studies and had found jobs, we were going to get married, to have a joyful life and have our lovely children. I always lovingly expressed my desire to Goni to have at least six children – four girls and two boys. Goni preferred to have fewer children, only four – two girls and two boys. When we quarreled heatedly and emotionally about the number of children each of us would like to have, the charming and powerful words of Goni, “stop it now my love! You know that time will tell,” had the power to immediately end the discussion.
Indeed, as a teenager, I thought my many plans and vivid visions would make me a productive and responsible member of Ethiopian society. I also I had sweet and loving dreams of becoming a proud husband of my Goni girl and the father of my dream children, living in my own country. Most unfortunately, however, all my plans and night dreams, including the immeasurable true love I had for my Goni were abruptly interrupted by the upheavals of the 1974 Ethiopian revolution.
The 1974 Ethiopian Revolution and the Purpose of my Departure
I left Ethiopia during the upheaval that overthrew the Emperior Haile Selassie of Ethiopia, who had ruled my country for some forty years. Immediately after coming to power, the Ethiopian Revolutionary Provisional Government suspended the longstanding Ethiopian constitution, and arrested all former Ethiopian ministers, army and police generals and those associated with Haile Selassie. Finally, Haile Selassie himself was arrested and killed. The highly accelerated changes that accompanied these events, including the course and direction of the Ethiopian revolution, were appalling – even in some cases most terrifying. Yet, despite witnessing many fearsome events, I initially never thought of leaving my country. Besides, at that time I had no idea how to leave Ethiopia even if I wanted to do so. It was the events of just one night that decided that my life would be spent outside my country – Ethiopia. It was, I think, the second of October 1974. I was not at home; I had gone to spend the night not with Goni but with my best male friend – Melku Bezugeza. As it was then very normal in Ethiopia to sleep in one bed with a male friend, I was sleeping together with my friend in his bed. Yes, Melku was a friend of my childhood and my best friend. We did everything together. When we were together we usually talked almost the whole night, and listened to the news from minute to minute. Because of this habit and our persistent curiosity to know about events and developments both at home and abroad, Melku and I were probably among the first Ethiopians to hear about the murder of about 60 Ethiopian assets of Haile Selassie’s government, including ministers and other officials, from the Ethiopian radio news transmission in the early morning of the 23rd of November 1974. The country was full of fear, tension and uncertainties. No one knew when the soldiers would come, knock on the door as forcefully as they could and snatch one or more family members from a household, including our loved ones or us. During this fearful and most memorable period, Melku and I also became more fearful and dependent upon each other, unwilling to spend a day without seeing one another. Due to the accelerated tempo of structural changes in all areas, the continuing and most indescribable upheaval and the increasing number of young people being taken away and never coming back, Melku and I would go to sleep holding each other as tightly as we could. In those dark and terrifying days, my best friend Melku and I also used to pretend that we were both courageous and determined to defend each other as relentlessly as we could. Yes, Melku and I were good friends, prepared to give everything we had and to die for each other. Especially during the darkest hours each of us used to do our best to give words of encouragement to the other – “don’t be afraid, my best friend. No one will touch you while I am with you, as long as I am alive. Don’t be scared, I am here to defend you,” I said to him. And Melku Bezugeza responded with almost the same words, coming from stammering lips. “Listen, Tilo, someone will dare to touch you only when they see my dead body – when they perceive that I am dead and you have no one to defend you. But as long as I am well, alive and with you, no one is going to do anything to you. I am here to defend you until the end of my life.” These were Melku’s unforgettable words. Someone listening to our talks at that time could have easily seen that the words and statements we made to each other were purely a sign of fear, of being totally terrified by the actions we were witnessing.
Our fears were not baseless. Much to our shock and panic, the soldiers, about seven to nine of them came, started screaming and breaking down doors and everything they found in front of them. Melku and I did not know what to do or where to go. The soldiers were everywhere. But when we began to listen quietly and more rationally, the soldiers were not at our door. They were breaking the doors and property and terrifying the family of Melku’s neighbour. We heard the soldiers asking the mother of the family to tell them the whereabouts of two of her sons – the ones they were looking for. This lady, who was the mother of seven children, insisted that she did not know where her two sons were. I was standing and looking through a small hole in the door of Melku’s bedroom. I saw one of the soldiers pulling out a pregnant daughter of the woman and dragging her outside along the ground with all his power, then standing with his big shoes on her stomach, though one could see clearly that she was carrying a baby. She and her five-month old baby died immediately.
It was that night I made up my mind to leave Ethiopia. Although I have never in my life heard of a more beautiful, a better country with kinder or lovelier people than Ethiopia, I just wanted to disappear. Besides, many of the children of my uncles and aunts who were in my age group, and many of my friends, had already left Ethiopia without saying a word to me, to their friends or family members. Yes, I also felt lonely and helpless without most of my friends.
At the time, as for almost all Africans now living in the Western world, when I finally decided to leave my country I thought it would be just for a few months, or a maximum of one or two years – until the dust of the upheaval that was the Ethiopian revolution had settled. Given the ambitious socio-political and economic plans I had in my mind, combined with the joyful and affectionate relationship I had with Goni – whom I actually had considered as uncontested part of my future life – I never thought, never dreamed of spending a quarter of a century of my life in another country without her and the family members I was fond of, and in a country where I will never be in a position to say “this my county.” But I left Ethiopia without delay and without saying goodbye to my Goni girl, whom I still miss today.
The Future of the Maturing African Diaspora
Almost all of the currently maturing African Diaspora living permanently in the West have stories that are more or less the same, with short-lived plans that were as simple as mine. They initially left their countries to study for a few years, or immigrated thinking it was just for one or two years; they planned to return, get married, and live a better life in their own country or countries. As in my case, the great majority of Africans were forced to leave their motherland by political repression at home. However, in general people who initially thought they would definitely go back home within a few years never did. The reality is that almost all Africans who are now effectively settled in the west are living the same way of life as westerners, with a proper income and proper housing – in some cases a luxuriously organized way of life. Their new habits, combined with the day-to-day personal freedom of the west, mean that reintegration in the culture back home on a limited salary, with uncertain political conditions and limitations on freedom of movement, would not be an easy process.
What is more tragic in recent times is that while almost all of us left our hometowns with the intention of returning as soon as possible to the place where we belong, the possibility of fulfilling the old dream seems now to be very remote, even untouchable, due to the changing political maps in our countries of origin – with the deterioration of political stability, the persistent repression of political opponents and massive human rights violations. Consequently, some Africans may not even want to think about either going back or investing in their countries of origin.
The worsening political trend in recent times in countries like Ethiopia is reaching its climax in an irreconcilable fashion. On top of the existing internal, deadly political instabilities in the countries of the Horn of Africa, we observe new and mounting political turmoil in Ethiopia, in particular due to the measures undertaken by the vicious and power-thirsty regime of Meles Zenawi, aimed at eliminating political opponents and eradicating the people’s political parties from the land of Ethiopia. The killings of over one hundred innocent Ethiopian citizens since the May 2005 national election; the incarceration of our elected leaders; the unlawful mass arrests and torture, the terrorization and beatings of the mothers, wives, sisters and children of those suspected of supporting opposition political parties, have been instrumental in sending a clear message to the maturing and highly educated Ethiopian Diaspora, discouraging any idea of returning to their country of origin and contributing to the alleviation of poverty and helping to improve and expand the much needed educational sector and other aspects that will support the economy of the country.
The forces of political turmoil currently lashing much of Ethiopian society, clouding the economic and political map of my country, and the unacceptable measures undertaken – including unusually cruel methods of arrest, torture and killing – by Meles’s cadres, which have already been denounced both by Ethiopians and the international community at large, are not only becoming a bottleneck to the incalculable potential contributions of the very resourceful Ethiopian Diaspora to the development of Ethiopia. Instead, these forces have created an inextinguishable energizing focus on crafting and shaping complex mechanisms and strategies to challenge the unlawful measures being employed by the ruling party and to wage a peace-oriented diplomatic war against Meles, intend to weaken the economic and military power of the EPRDF and to isolate Meles himself from the wider international community upon which he and his ruling party are exclusively dependent.
It is additionally true that for some of the maturing Ethiopian Diaspora, the prospects for returning home have been darkened by the ongoing massive, atrocious crimes being committed by the ruthless cadres of Meles, as demonstrated by the arrival of the newly produced exodus of compatriot refugees who are joining the maturing Ethiopian Diaspora in their countries of asylum. Indeed, by accelerating the spread of fear throughout the country, the ruling party and its cadres are currently forcing the indispensable economic forces of Ethiopia to leave their country and loved ones. Just as we have seen in other countries with repressive regimes, the ruling TPLF party has been and is still intensively preparing the ground for western governments and private firms, who are unashamedly going directly to Ethiopia and other Africa countries with the aim of bringing more Africans to the west, draining African of brains by bringing out African doctors, nurses and other professionals.
What is most shocking and has in fact become an energizing and harmonizing force for a good number Ethiopians of my generation, whether in Ethiopia or residing in the Western world, those who experienced the unforgettable and painful periods of Mengistu’s era, however, is the fact that in our wildest dreams we had never thought that the spirit of Mengistu’s terror would once again come back to our country to haunt our children – the generation of my daughter.
___________ Dr. Maru Gubena is a political economist, writer and publisher. Readers who wish to contact the author can reach him at [email protected]
May 15, 2005 was marked by an extraordinarily large voter turnout for an unprecedentedly open multi-party election. As we know, the sweetness of that event turned sour; a year later, we suffer from its traumatic aftermath. From the perspective of a caring observer, I propose to take stock of the situation, to ask all to acknowledge possible mistakes, to express appreciation for what has been done, and to begin a year of constructive efforts toward national development and further development.
Let me start with my own deeds and mistakes.
During visits to Ethiopia in January and February of this year, I was able to mediate some communication between the Kaliti prisoners and the Prime Minister; to help secure medical help for some of the prisoners; to discuss with the Prime Minister ideas for furthering democratization and economic development; and to help establish in Awassa a peace center for youth which MP/Professor Beyene Petros described as offering a “novel approach to peace making in this troubled land.â€Â
At the same time, I made a number of mistakes. I said things at various points that upset a number of Ethiopians whom I count as my friends. This led them to accuse me of being a stooge of the EPRDF, an enemy of Tigrayans, an ill-informed partisan of the opposition, and in one case even “the number one enemy of the Ethiopian people.” If I had expressed myself more carefully, some if not all of those hurt reactions could have been avoided.
Let me now mention some achievements and mistakes made by the EPRDF regime, the opposition parties, and the EU observers.
In contrast to previous elections, the EPRDF regime made efforts to offer opposition parties access to the public media. They also took the initiative to invite a number of international observers to monitor the elections. Despite their perception that certain CUD leaders had conspired to change the government by unconstitutional means, the EPRDF leadership encouraged them to take their seats in Parliament and thereby secure immunity against charges. And when CUD electees failed to do what was necessary to take over the administration of Addis Ababa, they extended the deadline for such accession more than once.
On the other hand, the government sent away some of the legitimate election observers. They made a rash decision to impose martial law the very evening of Election Day. The provocative event at Addis Ababa University that led to the first violence in early June was not investigated. Their security forces reacted too extremely to post-Election protests, when government security forces killed or wounded a great number of innocent civilians. They escalated antagonism with dangerous statements likening the opposition to genocidal forces elsewhere in Africa.
In contrast to previous elections virtually all the opposition parties participated in the 2005 election. They thereby set a wonderful precedent for future engagement in the national political process. They also showed statesmanship in their decision not to make resolving the disputes over contested seats a precondition for their participation in the Parliament.
On the other hand, to the detriment of that process, some winning opposition candidates cut their participation short. They refused to take the seats in Parliament to which they had been duly elected, despite the unanimous judgment of two public meetings in July with the most educated and mature elements in their constituency that they should do so. They refused to assume their official responsibilities for governing the city of Addis Ababa. They called for protest actions in November that led to the deaths of several civilians and policemen.
Some of those who refused to take their seats in Parliament are now in prison. Insofar as anything they did was actually in violation of the law, I believe it important to respect the forms of a systematic, independent–and, we hope, speedy–judicial review of their deeds as a step toward advancing the role of an independent judiciary in this country. On the other hand, following the trial and its outcomes they should publicly and officially be encouraged to rejoin the national political process.
It is important, finally, to acknowledge the contributions of all those Ethiopians and foreign observers who undertook the arduous task of serving as observers in that historic election. To be sure, some members of the European Observers Election group erred by rushing to judgment prematurely and otherwise acting in an unprofessional way, committing violations of their code of conduct which officers of the EU subsequently acknowledged. Those actions had significant adverse consequences for the aftermath of the election, for which I believe Ethiopian citizens have had to pay an enormous price.
It is understandable that each of the parties holds on to the injuries suffered in this complicated historic episode. My recommendation would be to follow the example of forgiveness that Ethiopian leaders have traditionally shown to those who harmed them. All must forgive, because the nation must move on.
Ethiopians must work together to face their daunting challenges: poverty and unemployment; food insecurity and famines (see Getz #6); poor and insufficient education; distressingly inadequate medical care; inter-ethnic conflicts; environmental degradation; and cultural renewal. Ethiopia must strengthen her position as a voice for peace and stability in one of the most tragically conflicted regions of the globe. These great challenges require the collaboration of Ethiopians of every ethnic and religious background and every political persuasion, including numerous fellow citizens in the Diaspora.
Despite the upsurge of ethnic politics in the past generation, it is abundantly clear that the bonds of Etyopiyawinet are alive and well. Indeed, they may in many quarters be stronger than ever. I salute the people of Ethiopia for maintaining those bonds and for carrying on with their traditional attachment to justice, their cheerfulness in adversity, and their determination to carry on. I say with all my heart: Idme le-hulatchu, idme le-Etyopiya!!
The Kinijit leaders who are unjustly languishing in Kaliti jail are sending out a message this weekend to all Kinijit worldwide committees announcing their selection of a new leadership that will lead the party until they are released.
The new leaders are Ato Daniel Assefa (a prominent member of the 60-member CUD council in Addis Ababa, currently on a working visiting in the U.S), Ato Andargachew Tsegie (member of Kinijit-Europe leadership, who was instrumental in designing Kinijit’s organizational structure before the May 15 elections), Dr. Gebrye Wolderufael (a prominent physician residing in the Washington DC area), Major Joseph Yazew (current chairman of the Kinijit North America), Ato Berhane Mewa (current secretary general of Kinijit North America), and Dr. Moges GebreMariam (a physician and current treasurer of Kinijit-North America).
The new leaders will divide responsibilities among themselves, but previously the Kinijit leaders in Kality made it known that Ato Andargatchew Tsige, with his intimate knowledge of Kinijit’s organizational structure and manifesto, as well as his personal knowledge of all key Kinijit activists through out Ethiopia and around the world, is best suited to head the leadership group.
This Warden Message is being issued to inform U.S. citizens that local police confirm that there were at least nine explosions in Addis Ababa today. The explosions occurred in the following areas: Piazza, Mercato, Old Airport, Granary/Confusion square and near the Black Lion high school. The explosions resulted in at least one death and several injuries. There have been no reports of American casualties.
The U.S. Embassy in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia reminds Americans to thoroughly check your immediate surroundings, maintain security awareness at all times, avoid suspicious or unattended packages and remain vigilant in public areas. Please be particularly vigilant on Monday, May 15, the first anniversary of the parliamentary elections.
The U.S. Embassy in Addis Ababa will continue to monitor developments and, as appropriate, provide periodic updates on the current situation on the Embassy’s website at http://addisababa.usembassy.gov.
U.S. citizens living or traveling in Ethiopia are urged to register with the U.S. Embassy in Addis Ababa or through the State Department’s travel registration website, , and to obtain updated information on travel and security within Ethiopia. By registering, American citizens make it easier for the Embassy to contact you in the event of an emergency. The U.S. Embassy is located on Entoto Avenue in Addis Ababa; telephone (251-(0)11) 124-2424; emergency after-hours telephone (251-(0)11) 124-2400; fax (251-(0)11)-124- 2435; web site .
Updated information on travel and security for Ethiopia may be obtained from the Department of State at 1-888-407-4747 within the U.S. and Canada, or at 1-202- 501-4444 from other countries. U.S. citizens should consult the Consular Information Sheet for Ethiopia, the Worldwide Caution Public Announcement, the East Africa Public Announcement, and the travel publication A Safe Trip Abroad, all of which are available on the State Department’s Internet site at.
The dream France is fostering is one of vision… a powerful concept that moves countries, leaders and people to accomplish great things, especially in transforming their lives and those who live in their societies. To be meaningful, a vision (foresight) must be designed to respond to the real needs of real people at a given time in history. A vision must be shared, clearly understood, owned and, must be able to mobilize spirits, energies, talents, resources and capabilities of people. As critical, a vision must be translated into action.
Translating vision into action requires mindsets and behaviors that are directly related to values and principles. These would include:
•Shared Purpose
•Art of Leadership, including organizational acumen
•Team Work/Collaboration
•Mutual Trust
•Mutual Respect
•Integrity and Honesty
•Transparency and Openness
These values and principles will be discussed in greater detail in Part II of this paper. In Part I, we will diagnose the context and the arguments of why the democratization process in Ethiopia must be pursued with wisdom, patience, perseverance, strategic thinking—always using the National Agenda and Unity of Purpose as guide posts.
Context
When the Chinese popularized the vision that the “people can move mountainsâ€Â, they believed and trusted the capacity of the Chinese people to achieve great things by harnessing the creativity and wisdom of the people. Look at where China is today. When President Kennedy vowed that Americans will put a “man on the moon,†he believed in the scientific capacity and determination of the United States to do just that. History proved him right. When Nelson Mandela vowed that South African blacks will achieve majority rule and democracy, he believed in the capacity, determination and commitment of the people to free South Africa from Apartheid. He lived to witness a multi-racial democracy that has won the admiration of the global community. When Gandhi challenged the British with his wise strategy of “peaceful resistance,†he believed in the resolve of the people of India to break the chain of colonialism and racism. Today, India is on the way to becoming an economic colossus. It is not too long ago that Martin Luther King made his “I Have a Dream†speech and mobilized the hearts and minds of millions of people around the globe and changed the course of history.
Whatever example we may cite, it is clear that charting and pursuing visions and goals that respond to the real political, economic, social, diplomatic and cultural needs of a society are absolutely critical to any country or people. There are no short cuts to achieve them. They cannot be achieved without mutual trust and respect. They cannot occur without leadership & organization. They cannot be accomplished without participation and inclusion of those that can and should be included. They cannot be achieved without persistence, sacrifice, collaboration and team work.
What does sustaining the National Agenda of Democratization mean to us?
Under the political leadership (s) of the Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party (CUD/P) and the United Ethiopian Democratic Front (UEDF), the Ethiopian people witnessed sharp differences in vision and goals between the ethnic-based political and social architecture of the Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and these Opposition parties. The Opposition Parties offered the Ethiopian people a contrasting vision of an all inclusive, peaceful, pluralist, progressive, democratic, free-market oriented and unified Ethiopian society in which the rule of law and the settling of disputes peacefully will be the norm. The Opposition Parties challenged the leadership of the EPRDF to demonstrate the legitimacy of its Governance in political, economic, social, diplomatic, cultural and development policies and practices. The Ethiopian people were given contrasting and sharply differing choices. We now know the choices they made and the adverse consequences that followed.
The May 15, 2005 General Elections were therefore contrasts in vision and practice between the Governance of the EPRDF and the aspirations and hopes of the Ethiopian people as presented by the two major Opposition Parties in general and the CUD/P in particular. As in other countries, the May 15, 2005 General Elections–relatively free and fair up to that point–offered the Ethiopian people a historical opportunity to express their voices in shaping their future. A year ago, 26 million Ethiopians cast their ballots rejecting the legitimacy of the EPRDF. The onslaught against the leaders of the Opposition, civic society, youth, party supporters and others by the regime begum when it became clear that the vast majority of the Ethiopian people rejected its political, economic and social hegemony and leadership.
Almost a year later, the EPRDF leadership remains as intransigent as ever. It continues its scorched-earth policy of repression in order to perpetuate its political and economic dominance. It continues extra-judicial procedures and practices–fabricating false charges against the CUD/P leadership, journalists, civic leaders and youth. It continues to reject the call of the international community to release all political leaders and to begin dialogue with the Opposition. It cleverly and systematically crafts alternative, dependent, submissive and nominal parties loyal to EPRDF. In doing this, it has found and recruited short sighted and easily swayed allies. This is not, at all surprising. A regime that has lost legitimacy resorts to machinations to sustain itself. In many respects, the EPRDF has begun to resemble the Dergue during its fading phase.
At the same time, the Ethiopian people have shown a remarkable determination to sustain the democratization process at all costs. Many innocent Ethiopians have lost their lives for a noble cause. Equally important, Ethiopians in the Diaspora continue their allegiance to the people’s cause and vision. This persistence and determination will ultimately result in achieving a new, democratic, pluralist and progressive Ethiopian in the years to come.
As we observe the first anniversary of the May, 2005 Elections, it is critical that we make note and reiterate the eight (8) Point Preconditions that the leadership of the CUD/P issued as part and parcel of the democratization process. These are highlighted below:
1. The Restructuring of the Election Board into an Independent body;
2. Freedom of and access to All Media;
3. Independent legal system (free of EPRDF party control);
4. An Independent Commission to investigate the killings of innocent Ethiopians;
5. Non-involvement of armed forces or police in political affairs;
6. Reinstatement of Parliamentary procedures and Governance of Addis Ababa in accordance with the verdict of the people;
7. Release of all political prisoners; and,
8. Independent commission or body to adjudicate the above.
These points and principles remain as valid today as they were then. They are part of the democratization process that we should continue to defend.
What are the vital reasons for sustaining the democratization process?
Pretensions aside, Ethiopia’s economic, social and cultural development show persistent poverty. Despite massive foreign assistance totaling more than US$21 billion over the past 14 years, and the recent significant debt relief, the current Government has failed to better the lives of ordinary Ethiopians.. It is even unable to feed the poorest of the poor. There is ample evidence to show that its agriculture based development strategy has not produced the promised outcomes. In a most recent and thorough study on Poverty in Ethiopia, the authors identified the following structural issues, and indicators of failure under the EPRDF:
1. The Gross Domestic Product per capita today is “still slightly above the levels in the early 1970s, underscoring the deep-rooted nature of poverty;â€Â
2. “The micro and macro evidence paint a picture of limited to no decline in consumption poverty (food and other consumables) since l992);â€Â
3. “The agricultural sector (EPRDF’s economic policy foundation) barely kept up with rural population growth,†despite heavy donor contributions to the tune of US$21 billion since the current regime took power;
4. “Poverty in urban areas increased despite substantial growth in the services sector—largely fueled by Government expansion.â€Â….This expansion in Government expenditure did not benefit the urban poor. On the contrary, the beneficiaries remain to be EPRDF loyalists who invest in selected industries, services and locations, including housing, manufacturing, transport, banking and mining extraction. The current regime’s investment, financial and monetary policies have created a growing urban inequality that any visitor to Addis Ababa and other cities would witness. Party affiliated and supported enterprises continue to benefit from Government procurement policies and practices. There is hardly a level playing field for non-EPRDF loyal Ethiopians regardless of nationality, religion or gender. Sadly, donor contributions of billions of dollars have not benefited the poor, especially rural Ethiopia. In fact, the beneficiaries are largely EPRDF party affiliated and run enterprises, leaders and loyalists.
5. The regime’s loss of Addis Ababa in the May 15, 2005 Elections is in part a manifestation of growing nepotism, corruption, lack of a level playing field for all Ethiopians, and therefore growing and sharp inequality. EPRDF lost legitimacy in Addis Ababa and else where in the country because it proved to be incapable and unwilling to respond to the economic, social and political needs and aspirations of the Ethiopian people. This was at the center of the debates during the elections that the Opposition parties surfaced and the public supported through its voice.
6. Today, HIV/AIDS afflicts at least 1.5 million Ethiopians. A total of 539,000 Ethiopian youth are AIDS orphans, one of the largest in Sub-Saharan Africa.
7. “There is a startling correlation between poverty in Ethiopia and the lack of educational achievementâ€Â, especially among girls and women;
8. “At 55-60 percent, pre-school child stunting remains among the highest in Sub-Saharan Africa…†This stunting of Ethiopian children will affect the potential contributions of a future generation of our youth, and therefore the productivity of the national economy;
9. Ethiopian women are among the most disempowered in the world. “With over 75% of women having received no education at all– compared to men at 50%–, the lack of access to educational opportunities for Ethiopian women is one of the major limiting factors in tackling endemic poverty. A Government that cares about its people will devote resources in tackling this limiting factor, instead of investing heavily in national defense, security, intelligence and in its members. The EPRDF does not have the interest, the commitment or the motivation to introduce and implement social policies that address the needs of the vast majority, including women.
10. Despite the demonstrated impact of education in reducing poverty and creating the conditions for sustained growth, Ethiopian society continues to suffer from an educational policy that is ethnic based, narrow in scope and depth, nepotistic and not responsive to the economic and social needs of the country. The study concludes that “education attainment in Ethiopia remains limited “
11. Ethiopians actually suffer from a double phenomenon under the EPRDF. Highly educated and trained Ethiopians leave the country for better and more secure lives abroad. Because of unfavorable political, economic and social policies, Ethiopia is unable to benefit from its investment in human capital. The brain drain is one of the most important results of the current policies of the EPRDF. Second, universal education at the primary level remains to be a pipe dream. On average, male adults complete 1.8 grades; and females complete .88 grade– less than first grade.
12. Numerous examples from the East Asian and other experiences suggest that education is the most critical variable in attaining sustained development. “The empirical study suggests that bringing all female adults to at least a 4th grade education could reduce poverty by 12 percent. Education will help households adopt new technologies and thus enhance productivity in agriculture, etc.†In addition, educated women are most likely to encourage their children to go to school and stay in school. The benefit is therefore not limited to women’s productivity; it is also a sure way of enabling the young to be educated and productive. Educating Ethiopians and creating a good political and governance environment within our country to retain and enable them to participate in all sectors of the economy are sure ways to fight poverty. No amount of foreign aid will be a substitute to this reality.
13. Ethiopia’s single most important capital asset is its people. The attainment of education, the retention and reentry of the thousands of Ethiopians in the Diaspora are vital for Ethiopia’s economic, social and cultural development. Sad, but true, internal objectives in social capital formation and institution building will be virtually impossible as long as the current political architecture of exclusion, disempowerment, and lack of pluralism, democratization and participation remain illusive.
14. The above and numerous other examples suggest that it will be impossible for Ethiopia to reach the United Nations mandated Millennium Development Goals (MDGS) of halving poverty (reducing poverty by half), by 2015. This said, a real break through in the political regime impasse–namely, freeing political prisoners, allowing the democratization process to take roots, and creating the conditions for peace and reconciliation….will mobilize and empower all Ethiopians in shaping their country’s future, and in meeting the MDGS. Without peace, national reconciliation, an all inclusive and democratic political system, Ethiopia’s future will remain bleak. The donor community should be aware that poring good money after bad money does not support the poor in Ethiopia. In fact, there are ample indications that the largesse from the donor community is routinely siphoned to enrich what we call the EPRDF inner club.. The donor community needs to recognize that without good governance–the establishment of genuine democracy in our country–foreign assistance will have little impact in tackling poverty in Ethiopia. Meantime, the EPRDF needs to assume total responsibility for our country’s dependency and poverty.
15. It is therefore clear that the EPRDF has failed in meeting the hopes and aspirations of the Ethiopian people. For this reason, sustaining the democratization process of May 15, 2005 is not a choice. It is a necessity. That is why the National Agenda has to be our guiding post.
The dream France is fostering is one of vision… a powerful concept that moves countries, leaders and people to accomplish great things, especially in transforming their lives and those who live in their societies. To be meaningful, a vision (foresight) must be designed to respond to the real needs of real people at a given time in history. A vision must be shared, clearly understood, owned and, must be able to mobilize spirits, energies, talents, resources and capabilities of people. As critical, a vision must be translated into action.
Translating vision into action requires mindsets and behaviors that are directly related to values and principles. These would include:
•Shared Purpose
•Art of Leadership, including organizational acumen
•Team Work/Collaboration
•Mutual Trust
•Mutual Respect
•Integrity and Honesty
•Transparency and Openness
These values and principles will be discussed in greater detail in Part II of this paper. In Part I, we will diagnose the context and the arguments of why the democratization process in Ethiopia must be pursued with wisdom, patience, perseverance, strategic thinking—always using the National Agenda and Unity of Purpose as guide posts.
Context
When the Chinese popularized the vision that the “people can move mountainsâ€Â, they believed and trusted the capacity of the Chinese people to achieve great things by harnessing the creativity and wisdom of the people. Look at where China is today. When President Kennedy vowed that Americans will put a “man on the moon,†he believed in the scientific capacity and determination of the United States to do just that. History proved him right. When Nelson Mandela vowed that South African blacks will achieve majority rule and democracy, he believed in the capacity, determination and commitment of the people to free South Africa from Apartheid. He lived to witness a multi-racial democracy that has won the admiration of the global community. When Gandhi challenged the British with his wise strategy of “peaceful resistance,†he believed in the resolve of the people of India to break the chain of colonialism and racism. Today, India is on the way to becoming an economic colossus. It is not too long ago that Martin Luther King made his “I Have a Dream†speech and mobilized the hearts and minds of millions of people around the globe and changed the course of history.
Whatever example we may cite, it is clear that charting and pursuing visions and goals that respond to the real political, economic, social, diplomatic and cultural needs of a society are absolutely critical to any country or people. There are no short cuts to achieve them. They cannot be achieved without mutual trust and respect. They cannot occur without leadership & organization. They cannot be accomplished without participation and inclusion of those that can and should be included. They cannot be achieved without persistence, sacrifice, collaboration and team work.
What does sustaining the National Agenda of Democratization mean to us?
Under the political leadership (s) of the Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party (CUD/P) and the United Ethiopian Democratic Front (UEDF), the Ethiopian people witnessed sharp differences in vision and goals between the ethnic-based political and social architecture of the Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and these Opposition parties. The Opposition Parties offered the Ethiopian people a contrasting vision of an all inclusive, peaceful, pluralist, progressive, democratic, free-market oriented and unified Ethiopian society in which the rule of law and the settling of disputes peacefully will be the norm. The Opposition Parties challenged the leadership of the EPRDF to demonstrate the legitimacy of its Governance in political, economic, social, diplomatic, cultural and development policies and practices. The Ethiopian people were given contrasting and sharply differing choices. We now know the choices they made and the adverse consequences that followed.
The May 15, 2005 General Elections were therefore contrasts in vision and practice between the Governance of the EPRDF and the aspirations and hopes of the Ethiopian people as presented by the two major Opposition Parties in general and the CUD/P in particular. As in other countries, the May 15, 2005 General Elections–relatively free and fair up to that point–offered the Ethiopian people a historical opportunity to express their voices in shaping their future. A year ago, 26 million Ethiopians cast their ballots rejecting the legitimacy of the EPRDF. The onslaught against the leaders of the Opposition, civic society, youth, party supporters and others by the regime begum when it became clear that the vast majority of the Ethiopian people rejected its political, economic and social hegemony and leadership.
Almost a year later, the EPRDF leadership remains as intransigent as ever. It continues its scorched-earth policy of repression in order to perpetuate its political and economic dominance. It continues extra-judicial procedures and practices–fabricating false charges against the CUD/P leadership, journalists, civic leaders and youth. It continues to reject the call of the international community to release all political leaders and to begin dialogue with the Opposition. It cleverly and systematically crafts alternative, dependent, submissive and nominal parties loyal to EPRDF. In doing this, it has found and recruited short sighted and easily swayed allies. This is not, at all surprising. A regime that has lost legitimacy resorts to machinations to sustain itself. In many respects, the EPRDF has begun to resemble the Dergue during its fading phase.
At the same time, the Ethiopian people have shown a remarkable determination to sustain the democratization process at all costs. Many innocent Ethiopians have lost their lives for a noble cause. Equally important, Ethiopians in the Diaspora continue their allegiance to the people’s cause and vision. This persistence and determination will ultimately result in achieving a new, democratic, pluralist and progressive Ethiopian in the years to come.
As we observe the first anniversary of the May, 2005 Elections, it is critical that we make note and reiterate the eight (8) Point Preconditions that the leadership of the CUD/P issued as part and parcel of the democratization process. These are highlighted below:
1. The Restructuring of the Election Board into an Independent body;
2. Freedom of and access to All Media;
3. Independent legal system (free of EPRDF party control);
4. An Independent Commission to investigate the killings of innocent Ethiopians;
5. Non-involvement of armed forces or police in political affairs;
6. Reinstatement of Parliamentary procedures and Governance of Addis Ababa in accordance with the verdict of the people;
7. Release of all political prisoners; and,
8. Independent commission or body to adjudicate the above.
These points and principles remain as valid today as they were then. They are part of the democratization process that we should continue to defend.
What are the vital reasons for sustaining the democratization process?
Pretensions aside, Ethiopia’s economic, social and cultural development show persistent poverty. Despite massive foreign assistance totaling more than US$21 billion over the past 14 years, and the recent significant debt relief, the current Government has failed to better the lives of ordinary Ethiopians.. It is even unable to feed the poorest of the poor. There is ample evidence to show that its agriculture based development strategy has not produced the promised outcomes. In a most recent and thorough study on Poverty in Ethiopia, the authors identified the following structural issues, and indicators of failure under the EPRDF:
1. The Gross Domestic Product per capita today is “still slightly above the levels in the early 1970s, underscoring the deep-rooted nature of poverty;â€Â
2. “The micro and macro evidence paint a picture of limited to no decline in consumption poverty (food and other consumables) since l992);â€Â
3. “The agricultural sector (EPRDF’s economic policy foundation) barely kept up with rural population growth,†despite heavy donor contributions to the tune of US$21 billion since the current regime took power;
4. “Poverty in urban areas increased despite substantial growth in the services sector—largely fueled by Government expansion.â€Â….This expansion in Government expenditure did not benefit the urban poor. On the contrary, the beneficiaries remain to be EPRDF loyalists who invest in selected industries, services and locations, including housing, manufacturing, transport, banking and mining extraction. The current regime’s investment, financial and monetary policies have created a growing urban inequality that any visitor to Addis Ababa and other cities would witness. Party affiliated and supported enterprises continue to benefit from Government procurement policies and practices. There is hardly a level playing field for non-EPRDF loyal Ethiopians regardless of nationality, religion or gender. Sadly, donor contributions of billions of dollars have not benefited the poor, especially rural Ethiopia. In fact, the beneficiaries are largely EPRDF party affiliated and run enterprises, leaders and loyalists.
5. The regime’s loss of Addis Ababa in the May 15, 2005 Elections is in part a manifestation of growing nepotism, corruption, lack of a level playing field for all Ethiopians, and therefore growing and sharp inequality. EPRDF lost legitimacy in Addis Ababa and else where in the country because it proved to be incapable and unwilling to respond to the economic, social and political needs and aspirations of the Ethiopian people. This was at the center of the debates during the elections that the Opposition parties surfaced and the public supported through its voice.
6. Today, HIV/AIDS afflicts at least 1.5 million Ethiopians. A total of 539,000 Ethiopian youth are AIDS orphans, one of the largest in Sub-Saharan Africa.
7. “There is a startling correlation between poverty in Ethiopia and the lack of educational achievementâ€Â, especially among girls and women;
8. “At 55-60 percent, pre-school child stunting remains among the highest in Sub-Saharan Africa…†This stunting of Ethiopian children will affect the potential contributions of a future generation of our youth, and therefore the productivity of the national economy;
9. Ethiopian women are among the most disempowered in the world. “With over 75% of women having received no education at all– compared to men at 50%–, the lack of access to educational opportunities for Ethiopian women is one of the major limiting factors in tackling endemic poverty. A Government that cares about its people will devote resources in tackling this limiting factor, instead of investing heavily in national defense, security, intelligence and in its members. The EPRDF does not have the interest, the commitment or the motivation to introduce and implement social policies that address the needs of the vast majority, including women.
10. Despite the demonstrated impact of education in reducing poverty and creating the conditions for sustained growth, Ethiopian society continues to suffer from an educational policy that is ethnic based, narrow in scope and depth, nepotistic and not responsive to the economic and social needs of the country. The study concludes that “education attainment in Ethiopia remains limited “
11. Ethiopians actually suffer from a double phenomenon under the EPRDF. Highly educated and trained Ethiopians leave the country for better and more secure lives abroad. Because of unfavorable political, economic and social policies, Ethiopia is unable to benefit from its investment in human capital. The brain drain is one of the most important results of the current policies of the EPRDF. Second, universal education at the primary level remains to be a pipe dream. On average, male adults complete 1.8 grades; and females complete .88 grade– less than first grade.
12. Numerous examples from the East Asian and other experiences suggest that education is the most critical variable in attaining sustained development. “The empirical study suggests that bringing all female adults to at least a 4th grade education could reduce poverty by 12 percent. Education will help households adopt new technologies and thus enhance productivity in agriculture, etc.†In addition, educated women are most likely to encourage their children to go to school and stay in school. The benefit is therefore not limited to women’s productivity; it is also a sure way of enabling the young to be educated and productive. Educating Ethiopians and creating a good political and governance environment within our country to retain and enable them to participate in all sectors of the economy are sure ways to fight poverty. No amount of foreign aid will be a substitute to this reality.
13. Ethiopia’s single most important capital asset is its people. The attainment of education, the retention and reentry of the thousands of Ethiopians in the Diaspora are vital for Ethiopia’s economic, social and cultural development. Sad, but true, internal objectives in social capital formation and institution building will be virtually impossible as long as the current political architecture of exclusion, disempowerment, and lack of pluralism, democratization and participation remain illusive.
14. The above and numerous other examples suggest that it will be impossible for Ethiopia to reach the United Nations mandated Millennium Development Goals (MDGS) of halving poverty (reducing poverty by half), by 2015. This said, a real break through in the political regime impasse–namely, freeing political prisoners, allowing the democratization process to take roots, and creating the conditions for peace and reconciliation….will mobilize and empower all Ethiopians in shaping their country’s future, and in meeting the MDGS. Without peace, national reconciliation, an all inclusive and democratic political system, Ethiopia’s future will remain bleak. The donor community should be aware that poring good money after bad money does not support the poor in Ethiopia. In fact, there are ample indications that the largesse from the donor community is routinely siphoned to enrich what we call the EPRDF inner club.. The donor community needs to recognize that without good governance–the establishment of genuine democracy in our country–foreign assistance will have little impact in tackling poverty in Ethiopia. Meantime, the EPRDF needs to assume total responsibility for our country’s dependency and poverty.
15. It is therefore clear that the EPRDF has failed in meeting the hopes and aspirations of the Ethiopian people. For this reason, sustaining the democratization process of May 15, 2005 is not a choice. It is a necessity. That is why the National Agenda has to be our guiding post.
