I would like to add my voice to the ongoing debate and exchange over the creation by some opposition parties of a coalition titled “Alliance for Freedom and Democracy.†The initiative has generated a chain of diverse, contradictory, and sometimes heated reactions, ranging from surprise to outright support and rejection. Unsurprisingly, TPLF supporters reject or downplay the alliance, arguing that it is unnatural. For them, the alliance cannot last because it can never overcome the incompatibility between the CUDP’s and OLF’s political agendas. Among the supporters, there are those who show some anxiety: they demand for more clarification as to the political program of the alliance; in particular, they would like to know whether the OLF has abandoned its secessionist goal. Those who fully support the agreement do so because they consider it as a significant advancement on the democratic road. It shows the choice of resolving conflicts, however serious they may be, through the democratic process rather than through imposition. Moreover, they see such an alliance as the best way to shorten Meles’s regime by effectively countering his divide and rule policy.
These are all valid reasons for supporting AFD, but they fall short of indicating the social dynamics that pressured the CUDP and the OLF into reaching such an agreement. When agreements occur between political parties that exhibit great disparity both in terms of ideology and political programs, we must suspect that they are involved in a strategic planning projecting some substantial gains, if not final victory. I maintain that the May election, its results, and the shortsighted crackdown of the Meles regime combined to bring about the new strategic thinking.
In the eyes of the CUDP, if there is one thing that the election results confirmed beyond any doubt is that the party is not only the most powerful force of opposition, but also a national force. The ethnic ideology and political structure of the Meles regime was shaken, not by other ethnic parties, but by a party transcending ethnic organizations and ethnic political agenda. This was nothing short of a renewal of Ethiopian nationalism, the very one that organizations, such as the EPRP, the MEISON, and even the Derg, had represented, it is true inconsistently, after the collapse of the imperial regime. The essential result of the May election is, therefore, the official consecration of a strong national party.
The emergence of a strong national party explains the alliance. So long as the CUDP enjoys the support of a large number of Ethiopians, ethnic parties, including the OLF, which claims to represent the largest ethnic group, need not be excluded. Instead, they should be co-opted into the democratic process, which is unlikely to result in any secessionist outcome, given the unbroken and unbreakable presence of Ethiopian nationalism, henceforth incarnated by a tangible organization. What the alliance expresses is the self-confidence of the CUDP, self-confidence that emerged from the May election.
The overwhelming victory of the CUDP in the Addis Ababa election denotes its national stature, obvious as it is that the composition of the capital city is a sample of Ethiopia’s class and ethnic diversities. Had the CUDP operated in conditions free of the restrictions of the TPLF in the rest of the country, an appreciable number of people would have given their support. The strength of the CUDP came from its economic agenda, which set off nothing less than an alliance between various classes, all equally frustrated by the ethnic oligarchy controlling power and wealth in Ethiopia.
For its part, the OLF agreed to form the alliance because of the understanding that a national force has indeed emerged. To ignore the CUDP would be tantamount to saying that nothing new has happened in Ethiopia. Something great did happen: for the first time, a government was defeated through an electoral process, an event that invited political parties to serious revisions under pain of becoming irrelevant. Not to take account of the outcomes offered no other alternative than the endorsement of the disruption of the democratic process. One such outcome is the CUDP. And the more the TPLF attacked and imprisoned CUDP leaders, the more the party appeared as the true opposition to an increasing number of Ethiopians, including the Oromo. The crackdown only succeeds in expanding the identification of Ethiopians with the CUDP.
Let us go further. The OLF knows that by itself it will never threaten the TPLF regime. The need for alliance is flagrant; so is the fact that the CUDP is the only force that can seriously challenge the TPLF. Herein lies the puzzle. Given the CUDP’s political agenda, people rightly wonder whether the alliance means that the OLF has given up its main goal. If yes, the sacrifice does not seem worthwhile, since the OLF could have obtained a similar arrangement with the TPLP. That is why many Ethiopians suspect that the OLF is not sincere, that the agreement is simply a tactic to get rid of the TPLF so as to realize its secessionist goal.
Again, these interrogations fail to take into account the watershed created by the May election. Because the CUDP represents a large and inclusive movement, it alone is able to play the democratic game, thanks to which the OLF thinks of emerging as a major force. To the extent that the TPLF represents the sectarian interests of a few ethnicized cliques, it cannot play by democratic rules, all the more so now that the May election definitively took away from its leaders the illusion that most peasants and suppressed ethnic groups support their system. In other words, for the first time, the OLF saw the possibility of a genuine democratic process in Ethiopia. With the claim to represent the largest ethnic group in Ethiopia, the OLF could no longer push aside this unique opportunity. The opportunity does not necessarily mean secession; what it does mean is a concrete possibility for the Oromo to finally gain the real place they deserve in Ethiopia.
For both of them, then, alliance appeared as a win-win solution. If my analysis is correct, that is, if both the CUDP and the OLF agreed because of their respective confidence in the democratic process, then misgivings about the alliance should wither away in favor of support. As I have already indicated in various articles, behind the ethnicization of politics in Ethiopia there is nothing but elite conflicts. A perfect illustration of this is the paradox of the ethnicization of Tigrean educated elite. I say “paradox†because Tigray, the birth place of the Kibre Negast, is the source of Ethiopian nationalism.
For the purpose of dismantling the Showan hegemony and mobilizing popular support, a sector of the Tigrean educated elite baptized Tigray a nation even though no records exist that even remotely allude to a time when Tigray existed outside Ethiopia. Once the defeat of the Derg achieved, we saw the TPLF leadership easing itself into the position of new ruling elite. To give a lasting guarantee to their rule, the new rulers designed and applied the system of ethnic federalism. The system had one defect, but a colossal one: it could assure the persistence of the TPLF rule only by going against democracy, especially by holding down the two largest ethnic groups, namely, the Oromo and the Amhara.
This exclusion was reason enough for both ethnic groups to come together earlier, but mutual suspicion and, especially, the lack of democratic institutions did not create a situation where they could say that an alliance is worth trying. It is imperative to understand that this alliance cannot hurt in any way the Tigrean people without losing its democratic essence. On the other hand, as a minority group, the best way for the Tigrean people to protect their legitimate rights is to fully participate in the democratic process, and they cannot do so unless they champion, once more, Ethiopian nationalism. Otherwise, the attempt to have a special status leads nowhere but to supporting directly Meles’s rhetoric of accusing the CUDP of anti-Tigrean feelings, nay, of genocide.
Once this demonizing stand is adopted, I see no other way out than ethnic confrontations, which will benefit no one, certainly not the Tigrean elite. The fact that Meles’s repressive method seems to prevail should not blind us to the fact that the regime can survive only by developing a system of government akin to the defunct apartheid regime in South Africa. Participation in this malefic design will kill Tigray as we know and admire it. By the way, I don’t exclude the possibility of nationalist and farsighted Tigreans finally coming together and doing what is necessary to resume the interrupted democratic process.
The way out is clear enough: understand ethnicity for what it is, namely, not so much incompatibility between peoples as expression of elite conflicts, and you will see that democracy is its most elegant and final solution. The struggle for and the establishment of a genuine system of power-sharing should announce the decline of ethnicization. Such a decline means the emergence of a win-win situation for everybody, for the Oromo, the Amhara, the Tigreans, the Somali, etc. Only under the protection of unity or Ethiopian nationalism does diversity lend itself to democratic treatment.
AFD (Alliance for Freedom and Democracy) arrived with a bang and took almost everyone by surprise. Its birth had already generated strong reaction among all the stakeholders. Several articles and commentaries were written in this short period of time; mostly pro, a few against. Its arrival is welcomed by the majority as a beacon of hope, but a few others dismissed it as an unworkable venture; for some this was capitulation for the OLF, for others it was surrender for the CUDP. Some thought it will bring overnight the demise of EPRDF, and others feared it as an alliance against the Tigrai. This was an interesting week not short of opinions.
This Alliance is misunderstood by some quarters from its very outset. In a country accustomed to politics of zero-sum game this is not surprising. The essence of AFD and the revolutionary concept underlying it need to be captured and expounded, and the zero-sum fallacy underlying some of the criticisms should be exposed. It’s only if we understand the rationale for its creation that we can appreciate its implication and criticize its shortcomings. From what I have seen AFD is both praised and denigrated for the wrong reasons.
At the beginning I will in particular address Oromo groups, both those who support and oppose the formation of AFD. The Oromo people’s struggle has come a long way. Today, even if controlled by the TPLF, we have Oromia as a politico-administrative reality. Today, the brutal repression aside, Oromia’s children learn in their own language and more or less exercise their culture. Today, we have OLF, an organization that has, not only acquired a great deal of experience, but also earned a great respect among our people as well as beyond. Compared to the past, our people’s struggle has reached such a stage that even the ruling group could rule us only by using our own people. Given where we were about 30 years ago, this is one stage forward, but now we have to move beyond this. The TPLF, with all its state machinery, the army, the security and the bureaucracy, cannot rule Oromia without OPDO, and cannot undo Oromia without inviting a great danger to itself. Our new rulers have become in some curious ways the prisoners of our potential might; they are not free to act the way they want to. In short, it could be safely said that, if not impossible, it is very difficult for any force to dismantle Oromia. Oromia is today a reality that exists, and it is here to stay.
Two interdependent deductions could be made from this; the first from the Oromo side and the second from the angle of non Oromo political forces. Even, as some predict, if AFD resulted in exclusively bringing CUDP to power (mind you this is a big if and the chance of that happening is very minimal), would this be an end of Oromia? To this lingering question in the mind of many Oromos in Diaspora, my answer is, “absolutely not!†Even assuming for a moment that CUDP will try to do this, there is no way that this will be an easy ride for CUDP. To conclude that CUDP could easily dismantle Oromia, we have to assume that our people will not fiercely resist this. For me this assumption is preposterous. In fact, rather than fighting to achieve something new, people fight more fiercely when you try to take away from them what they already have. The Oromo are “given†some rights on paper and they want nothing short of making the promise for self-government real. Thus, the fear that the AFD will empower the CUDP, which will in turn lead to dismantlement of Oromia, is unfounded or highly exaggerated.
The existence of Oromia as a politico-administrative unit the last 14 years, and the support it has generated among the Oromo population has also implication on the other non Oromo political protagonists in Ethiopia. If democratic rule follows the fall of TPLF, it means that such major undertaking as dismantling the existing structure should be done democratically. Given the commitment that the Oromo people have for Oromia, I fail to see how this could be achieved democratically without the blessing of Oromos. If the Oromos agree to this in a democratic way, so be it. But the basic point is this: Any force or organization that has any ambition of becoming a national organization will not attempt to do this for the simple reason that it would not want to alienate Oromos. Democratic power basically means vote, and the Oromos have a lot of it that any organization would like to court; and that is the beauty of democracy. Of course, the question that follows is, “what if these forces want to achieve this undemocratically, i.e., by way of force or trickery?†This would be inviting a civil war in Ethiopia. After the fall of TPLF not many would want to go there. I believe that the commitment of our people and the strength of our political organization would be a great disincentive from indulging in this. And even if there are some foolhardy who would attempt to achieve this, given where we are today, they will not be successful. Thus, notwithstanding the declaration of this intention by some at this stage, no one who would come to power would attempt to implement this unless they are insane.
The above is based on the worst case scenario, and does not at all imply that CUDP will try to dismantle Oromia unilaterally. I can understand that not to alienate some of their supporters the leadership might not want to come out and clearly state that they are not against the existing structure. But the reasonable amongst them do recognize, even if they may not like it, that this is something here to stay. They have come into terms with it as an existing reality. This is one reason why the CUD platform left this to the decision of the people instead of taking a stand on it. To summarize, the two deductions are: The Oromo people would strongly resist any effort to dismantle Oromia as a politico-administrative entity, and the knowledge that the Oromo people would strongly resist dismemberment will restrain other forces from attempting this (cost factor).
Because of the above, there is no need to dwell on the fear of Oromia’s demise with the very remote possibility of CUDP’s coming to power alone. The danger to the existence of Oromia is not as serious as some want us to believe. The TPLF tries to paralyze the initiative by exaggerating the danger coming from Amharas, and we should not fall prey to it. This brings me to the second point of criticism of the AFD from Oromo angle. I have heard comments along the following line: “TPLF’s program is closer to OLF, therefore, OLF should have formed alliance with TPLF rather than with CUDP,†or something to that effect. I totally reject this line of thinking because unwittingly it is predicated on the assumption that we are destined to choose between TPLF and CUDP. The Oromo is no longer a force forced to choose between the two but a real force on its own merit. Besides, it is only when you vote that the question of whose program is close to you is of paramount importance, you look at the program of a party and choose the one that is close to your belief. When you are the contender for power it is not in all situations the cardinal point. The question for us today should not be whether it is TPLF or CUDP that is better to rule us. The question should rather be, “what situation will bring us closer to be masters of our own affairs?â€Â, or “what situation will bring us closer to establishing a just, representative and democratic society?†I say, as long as the TPLF is in power, the possibility of resolving our issue, as well as the question of forming a democratic polity is out of question. TPLF is maintained in power by dividing the people in Ethiopia. The essence of its existence is rooted in divide and rule. This is so, not merely because Meles Zenawi is a bad person, but simply because the constituency of Tigrai cannot be the basis for democracy–majority rule. If the Oromos and Amahras are not in each other’s throat, then Meles will not be in power, as simple as that. Besides, there is nothing more that the Oromo people need from TPLF, short of the TPLF stepping down, which the TPLF would never accept; therefore, there is no rationale for contemplating an alliance with Meles. TPLF’s control of power is the major stumbling block to the resolution of our question through dialogue and negotiation with others. In the journey to seek a solution, TPLF is not a member of the search team, but a spoiler that is there only to sabotage the search. Thus, the first objective, at this juncture, should be to force the TPLF out of office. And the formation of AFD is essential to achieve this. However, the creation of alliance with CUDP should not be supported simply because it is essential to force the TPLF from power, but also because it presents us with an opportunity to seek solutions to our problems together for the first time in our tortuous history. Given its constituency, its leadership and the common repression we suffered in the hands of TPLF, CUDP is a better partner to negotiate with.
This brings me to my third and last point. Only the belief and practice in democratic principles could bring together organizations as divergent as the OLF and CUDP together. It is essential for these organizations to be democratic for them to stand together. To be democratic essentially means accepting the supremacy of the people. It means not imposing your will on others by force. It means agreeing to disagree. It means resolving contradictions through dialogue and peaceful ways. It means respecting each other and each others views, it means disagreeing without being disagreeable. This means, as long as they are ready to bring their program to the vote of the people for decision, OLF and CUDP do not have to have the same program in order to form an alliance. Semantics aside, this is only an alliance; there is no objective to have the same political program. The only substantive agreement going beyond the ousting of TPLF is about the formation of a transition government that will lead to a democratic society. OLF does not have to change, and did not change its program and vision and CUDP does not have to do the same in order to achieve that. Agreeing to create AFD means, “let us create a democratic society where we can compete freely,†and does not mean let us merge our organizations. At the core of the formation of AFD is the dawn of democratic society—as their statement says “a just, representative and democratic orderâ€Â. One has to be totally democratic to accept this and even to understand it, and hence the confusion and hullabaloo in some sectors.
There are those who claim that OLF is using others as a vehicle to come to power. This is a concern raised by those who claim that they are for “unity†and sadly from quarters that traditionally supported “people’s rightsâ€Â. One thing that needs to be clear is that it is inevitable for the Oromo to assume a central role in a free and democratic Ethiopia. On the other hand, an Ethiopia that has fully embraced the aspirations of the Oromo and addressed their grievances would be a powerful Ethiopia, a peaceful Ethiopia. The fact that OLF played a central role in the formation of AFD should be commended and encouraged and not feared and discouraged. This for the first time brings the Oromo people to the central stage in Ethiopian politics and that is what makes AFD historical. In the long-term, we will not be talking about which group is the majority and which one is not. The majority will be based on ideas. That is the beauty of a free and democratic society.
The idea that empowering the OLF and the Oromo is tantamount to risking the dismemberment of Ethiopia is totally preposterous. This comes from those who still think in the old paradigm of win-lose and domination. The future the AFD promises is not one of domination. On the other hand, as Fekade Shewakena aptly suggested, “What is wrong with representatives of the Oromo people manipulating the rest of us at least once in history,†given “how many times in our history the Oromo people have been manipulated.†The fear of the Oromo is a presupposition that is based on the belief that the contradiction between Oromos interest and the Amharas is irreconcilable. If Ethiopia is free and democratic, the Oromo and others have no incentive to even consider breaking away as an option. The gain for the Oromos does not necessarily mean loss for the Amahras and vice versa, there is no reason why we cannot create a win-win situation for all. If this venture becomes successful it will change politics as we know it in this part of the world. Ethiopia cannot be saved by excluding Oromos and their organizations, but by making the Oromo movement to play a central role. The more democratic Ethiopia become by including the aspiration of the Oromo, the more difficult it will become to separate Oromia from Ethiopia. With negotiation, dialogue and compromise there is no contradictions that we cannot resolve or mitigate. There are even worse contradictions in history that were peacefully resolved to the satisfaction of all stakeholders. This is what underlies the formation of AFD, and what make it revolutionary in our context. This is a new paradigm, a paradigm based on the simple thesis that conflict is not a natural and inevitable law of nature, that conflicts could be overcome, people could rise above their differences, however protracted and deep-rooted. It is based on the belief that the problems in Ethiopia are complicated and even if we agree amongst ourselves on many of the fundamental issues, the problems we will be facing are still enormous. It is based on the premise that there is hope in freedom and democracy. The promise of freedom and democracy is what AFD offersâ€â€the hope that we can someday leave our terrible past behind us and concentrate on leading our lives freed from the violence, fear and repression that we are accustomed to. It is a result of the conclusion that domination, subjugation and exploitation of each other have condemned us all into misery, poverty, tyranny and underdevelopment. For those who think that this is a pact against the Tigrai people, AFD has extended its offer to the TPLF to change its ways and join the common effort. Even if the TPLF declines this offer and remains outside, it should be clear that this Alliance is not targeted against the Tigrai people. AFD is an all inclusive undertaking. Lasting solution in Ethiopia cannot be found by excluding the Tigrai people who have always played important role in the past.
AFD is an idea whose time has come. It is still a beginning but a beginning towards a journey into a new future, a future that is radically different from our past, a future where we can all win together, a future where the specter of the zero-sum game is once and for all retired from Ethiopian politics, a future where politics would not be our single most pressing preoccupation, a future where we can also dedicate part of our lives to more important things like love, literature, art, travel, culture and what not. AFD is a dream, a positive dream, a glimpse of the great things we could do together if we have the courage to redefine what is meant by “us†and “themâ€Â. Past systems might have unjustly benefited elites from only certain sectors of the society while the majority suffered. In a large sense, we have all been suffering, mostly together, for generations; for heavens sake, can we not think of a future where we can all thrive and prosper together, a future where the menace of unending animosity and conflict would give way to just peace and harmony? I am fully cognizant of the challenge, but fully believe we can! Ni danda’ama. Yichaalaal!
There is a new reason to celebrate. Something that was never expected to happen has happened. It has caused a cool, refreshing wind of change to start blowing over Ethiopia, from the west to the east, from the north to the south. As we enjoy the invigorating and gentle wind, we recognize that it comes from a new sense of unity and purpose that has been birthed with the formation of the Alliance for Freedom and Democracy, an organization made up of groups that have never before come together in such a way.
It is an unprecedented accomplishment; yet, many are asking whether such a promise for the future is to be trusted? Many wonder whether they will be included and whether it will last? Some point out its flaws and refuse to believe there are any real answers to the dilemma facing us Ethiopians, believing we are a people destined to suffering and victimhood at the hands of our leaders.
In response to the new Alliance for Freedom and Democracy (AFD), I, Obang Metho, have received lots of phone calls and emails asking what I think of the AFD. Some ask if I think this is a way to justice for the Anuak and how it affects our advocacy work? I decided I should respond more publicly instead of individually.
First of all, I want to thank all the Ethiopians who have called or emailed. You have shown your concern for your country. Secondly, I want to congratulate the leaders who formed the Alliance. You have done something truly significant.
For all of you, I hope that after you read this statement, you will find something in it, a word or an idea, that can be shared or used to empower other Ethiopians to contribute to a better Ethiopia. I am only talking as a simple guy, an individual with my own opinion. Some of you may disagree with me, but in the free society we all want, the right of open disagreement is an important one that can lead to better ideas as we are able to dialogue with each other, perfecting each other’s positions in a peaceable way.
On the day of the announcement of the formation of the Alliance, I was overjoyed as I considered it a new day for me, for the Anuak, for every individual Ethiopian and for Ethiopian communities and organizationsâ€â€a new day of hope for prosperity, peace, justice and stability.
That formation is like the much-anticipated birth of a new child in a family where everyone is excited and sees the new life and the child’s potential for the future. We want the best for this child so that some day, the child will grow up and contribute to the family and to the world. Like the child who is born, who starts off as a stranger, but after we name, nurture, guide and protect this child, the child becomes known to us and develops into the kind of person that we would want as part of our family. So it is with the birth of this Alliance, whose foundation are the principles of freedom, liberty and democracy that most of us value and seek. We hope its birth and development leads us to know it better and to support it in becoming more capable of promoting sustainable peace, stability, justice and the upholding of fundamental freedoms and civil liberties for all of us as laid out in its Memorandum of Understanding. We cannot argue with these principles. Instead, the question I am hearing is can this organization be trusted to deliver?
First of all, do not be surprised if you are hopeful on one hand and suspicious on the other. We Ethiopians have been so betrayed by our leaders that our ability to trust, even the trustworthy, has been severely damaged. We have been repeatedly promised much and have been repeatedly lied to so that our trust has been exploited. Therefore, do not be surprised if your fragile hope is accompanied by fear and worry that history will repeat itself.
We have been profoundly traumatized as a people and a culture and need recovery from a deeply entrenched woundedness. This woundedness and its partner, fear, darkens our outlook on most everything. We have become people who are hypervigilant of danger, expecting that it will come from anywhere, from anyone, from any ethnic group and at any moment, even if it is an imaginary threat. This suspicious outlook on life has become a way to survive under repeated trauma. Yet, it also becomes a controlling factor that dysfunctionally enslaves us in our fear. Yet, who can blame us? It has been our experience, but if we generalize our fear to every attempt for positive change, we disable our ability as Ethiopians to find our way out of the mess we are in.
I am not saying that we should turn off our minds, because our minds are critical to us in evaluating truth from lie, but we must realize how much a legacy of betrayal and oppression has caused us to reject and undermine the best attempts to bring about freedom and democracy. We cannot afford to lose an important opportunity that could provide the road to unity and freedom on which everyone is invited to travel. Because of its multiple members and openness to all, the Alliance has an internal mechanism of checks and balances to which it will be held accountable. I am thrilled with its formation and believe the Alliance is an organization that deserves our support and encouragement.
However, we must recognize that like in raising a child, there will be obstacles to overcome along the way. Some of them will be minor, but others more life-threatening. Yet, to accomplish our goals for our child, we must be willing to work hard to correct any problems that our child might demonstrate until our child “grows up†to be the kind of person for which we had hoped. Just like the Alliance may not perfectly reflect your desires at this time, neither are our children born without some imperfections and a need for correction along the way. Our children and this Alliance must be helped through these times and obstacles. As with our child, we must be patient until that child becomes an adult who can responsibly raise the children of the next generation.
The reason I am saying this is because I have heard that some are saying that parts of the Alliance are good and some parts are not. I want to remind you that like an infant, if something is imperfect with your child, we do not reject and discard our child, but instead we devote ourselves to help him or her become the best person possible.
This point is meant to help Ethiopians who are thinking that this organization should be born perfect and complete, to understand that this is an impossible dream. This is because we human beings are imperfectâ€â€only God is perfect. Therefore, any human organization is made up of us imperfect people who can only attempt to do it “right.†Because of this, the Alliance needs time to develop, just like the infant who cannot feed itself, this organization is in the fragile state of formation and must be protected and nurtured like the newly planted crop that must be watered and cared for if it is going to yield an abundant harvest. Its harvest may be one of the best ever in the history of Ethiopia as it offers something that comes from the hearts and souls of people who are being transformed internally into people more willing to reach out to others.
The leaders of this Alliance appear to be committed and sincere to upholding the highest of principles. Their willingness to come together is exemplary, but of course, as the Alliance implements these values, their credibility will increase. Yet, we must support and help them as they will face many challenges, as it becomes the first organization of its kind at a very critical time in our history.
The Alliance is not a political organization in the usual sense of the word, but an organization that promotes the very right and freedom to have political organizations with differing agendas and representation. It is based on values that are life-giving rather than life-taking. It proposes a completely different mindset than the one of hatred based ethnic division that has been defeating us all.
Yet, we should not only unify against something, like the EPRDF, as it is only the basis for short-lived unity. Instead, long-lasting unity is found in joining together around principles that build up people, families and societiesâ€â€principles built on God established truths of the way we individuals should behave in this world in relation to God and to others. As we live out these transformational truths in our own lives, others may join until our country may be one that goes through a national transformation starting in the individual hearts of its citizens.
I am saying to you that the formation of this Alliance is a sign that this transformation has started. It is a sign that Ethiopians are willing to work together to be in the same country and to be part of the same family. It is a sign that Ethiopians are willing to not separate from the country, but to come together. I am taking this day when the Alliance was signed, when these six groups joined together as one, as a momentous indication of the new fresh wind over Ethiopia. It is immensely significant that individual groups became willing to give up some of the things that were meaningful to each of them. They did this for the sake of Ethiopia and for the future generations of our country. The spirit of compromise was present, as the foundational principles of freedom and democracy were held supreme.
For example, no one ever thought that the OLF would join together with the CUD. Some never thought that those in the ONLF would join in with the rest, yet they and the others are showing that Ethiopians are Ethiopians whether from the north or south, the east or west. These groups are showing that Ethiopians are ready for tolerance, acceptance and the inclusion of all ethnic groups.
They have shown their willingness to compromise as an important means to do it. I am taking this as a victory and the first big step towards justice, freedom and a peaceful Ethiopia where everyone will be able to live their lives without the fear of oppression and terrorization by one’s own government.
Most of us know that the formation of the Alliance is a cause to celebrate; a shared celebration that we have heard was going on in the cities, towns and villages throughout Ethiopia when people danced in the streets after it was announced. It was recognized as the only way to bring this government to its knees and to offer hope for possible release for those leaders and others imprisoned for speaking up against injustice and oppression. This is a sign that the window of dialogue will be opened. It is a sign to the Western countries that did not help, claiming that Ethiopians were too hopelessly divided against each other to offer a better alternative to the current government.
More significantly, this formation is shaking the ground underneath the EPRDF and for the first time, we are hearing the words, “dialogue†and “negotiation†coming from them. Some are reporting that the government of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi has approached what they consider to be their more “sympathetic friends†in an attempt to demonstrate a new willingness to talk with the opposition groups. However, for those of us well-acquainted with the tactics of this government, it appears to be a strategy to find a last resort means to hang on to a disintegrating hold on power that has been largely perpetuated by sabotaging our unity. To such a government, the formation of the Alliance is a most ominous development; yet to most Ethiopians, it is a reason to dance in the streets.
Yet, like a shooting star that we love to watch in its quick display of power before its light goes out forever, let us support the Alliance in such a way that its light is sustained and burns brightly. We should pray for the leaders and others who will join that they be equipped with the vision, wisdom, talent, energy and spirit that leads to the accomplishment of the worthy goals and objectives as set out in its Memorandum of Understanding for Freedom and Democracy in Ethiopia.
Think of what Ethiopians have already done to bring this formation about. They have not done it alone. Since last year’s election, you might not realize how Ethiopians everywhere have contributed to this day. No other African country or group in the Diaspora have continued to demonstrate for these values and have raised up these issues in every Western capital more than Ethiopians have done.
To those back home, they have done what they could, even if it has meant losing their lives or freedom. I would like to extend my thanks to every Ethiopian who has contributed to this cause, some without knowing it. To name a few I include the people in civil, churches or community organizations who have written letters, phoned friends to join a rally or who have given others rides to the rally. Others of you have contributed money to the cause or have made others around you more aware. Some have raised support for the families of those in prison or have prayed for those who have lost loved ones or for God’s help to bring about justice.
Many of you do not realize what you have done and how you have contributed to this day. If you are one of these individuals, be grateful and proud that you have been able to help. Call or email someone else who has helped in some ways, regardless of how small the contribution, because together, it all adds up to this accomplishment.
More than anything, thank God that He hears the prayers of the humble and the suffering of this world. This world will not change unless we do our part and it must begin by a transformation that starts in our hearts. God makes us into His new creation when we turn to Him. He then asks us to trust Him as He empowers us to become different people. Ethiopia needs the transformation that only comes from many of us surrendering to God and His plan for our lives. This country will not change unless we do. That is why I am calling on you to do more.
Peace and justice cannot come by itself. Right now, the Alliance is the result of the winds of change that many of you contributed towards. Do what you can to pray for the Alliance, to encourage and support them as they stand for all Ethiopians working together to bring peace and stability to our land. No one ethnic group can bring the needed changeâ€â€we need each other.
The Anuak in prison are convinced that justice will not come for them under this regime. The same is being said in other parts of Ethiopia. Four thousand Anuak refugees will not return to Ethiopia until safety is assured. Again, they are convinced it will not happen under this regime.
Two days ago, two Anuak men were shot dead by Ethiopian Defense troops in Gambella town and no one was arrested, even though there were witnesses present during the shooting. Such flagrant disregard for the law even in front of witnesses shows the atmosphere of impunity that the EPRDF is grounded on. We know that the justice the Anuak and others in Ethiopia are looking for will not come through the same people committing these injustices.
Ironically, the silver bullet against this regime is unity and empowering each other. It is giving acceptance and inclusion to minority groups with no voice. It is caring about others instead of robbing others of their legitimate rights. The regime’s ammunition of division has been like a life-threatening disease, infecting the bloodstream of the body of Ethiopians. But, God has given us a medication that not only cures the disease, but restores robust health. That medication is genuine unity, based on principles that values all human life, my own and that of others like or unlike me. As the medication reaches all our extremities, be thankful and encouraged that the dying have been brought back to life.
Do not be negative and critical, but be part of the solution. Expect that the 70 million people of Ethiopia may have different political agendas and needs, but yet human beings by nature, crave freedom. There will be a time to form political agendas only if real freedom and democracy exists. In the meantime, we need a watchdog, made up of all groups, to uphold these values. The Alliance may be that watchdog.
For example, there are people who say that the Alliance should not be chaired by an Oromo, but someone must lead it and most likely, it may be someone outside our own group. Also, some want their own language to be included, but in a country of over 80 dialects, we cannot include every language.
I am hearing rumors that some believe Eritrea has provided support for the formation of the Alliance and may have a hidden agenda. Regardless, this organization is not run by Eritreans, but by fellow Ethiopians. Even the CUD, who most of us believe received the majority of actual votes from Ethiopians during the last election, have joined the Alliance, believing that it is a valuable means to freedom and democracy for all. I do not think the CUD would join if such a hidden agenda that they previously opposed, was included in its formation.
Instead of letting rumors fuel our fears, let us actively hold the Alliance accountable to their goals and principles upon which they were formed while at the same time, we put aside our prejudices and any destructive suspiciousness that can destroy this first significant step to a freer Ethiopia. Unity is our most effective medication against our disease that ails us. This does not just mean including the top 3, 4 or 10 ethnic groups, but every ethnic group in Ethiopia must join together, as we all are part of the path to our liberation.
As long as some are not free and are victims of human rights abuses, we are not free. Do your part to change your world for the better. Remember, a slave is someone who is waiting for somebody else to free him, even while complaining about being a slave. We should understand that we have to do our best to free ourselves and that we cannot do it alone. We must join together.
The duty of the leaders of the Alliance right now is a great one and I call on you leaders to seek God’s help in guiding you to do your job well. Right now, you must reach out in every direction and engage the people of every different background. You must communicate in every way possible about who you are and what you are about. Demonstrate your principles by reaching out to those who may be suspiciousâ€â€to those who may be in disagreement.
Come forward and show us Ethiopians what you have and listen closely to our responses. Be willing to listen to suggestions, criticism and even insults as you will be perfected and held accountable in a way that will lead to the betterment of the Alliance and ultimately to all of us Ethiopians if you do. Engage with the people, unlike someone like Meles who said he was for the people, yet never stepped foot in Gambella or other places throughout Ethiopia. Stand up for the great principles of truth, like Ana Gomez who spoke the truth, despite becoming attacked by the EPRDF for saying it.
I challenge the leaders of the Alliance to well represent and carefully protect the interests of the 77 million Ethiopian people for whom you say you have been formed. You may be the founding fathers and mothers that help bring about true democracy in Ethiopia that is reflected in real liberty, justice, equality, and freedom of expression. What you do must reflect the interests of the Ethiopian people.
Handle this responsibility with great humility, diligence and care. These 77 million people are watching you to make sure you become who you say you areâ€â€that you stand up for the well-being of all, including the most disenfranchised. Once a climate of freedom exists, it will open up the way for political parties to elect the people they want as their leaders. These leaders then can work towards the universal availability of education, health care, women’s rights, environmental protection and a free-market economy.
The leaders of the Alliance may be called upon to negotiate with the government. I am not opposed to this, but those of you leaders must consult with Ethiopians and be extremely careful because the government knows its position is precarious with the birth of the Alliance, making them more open to dialogue, but not necessarily more open to actually giving up power and becoming accountable for its crimes, corruption and atrocities.
Consider the advice found in Psalms 94: 20-22:
Can a corrupt throne be allied with youâ€â€one that brings on misery by its decrees?
They band together against the righteous and condemn the innocent to death.
But the LORD has become my fortress, and my God the rock in whom I take refuge.
Leaders of the Alliance, as you soberly view the task ahead, seek God’s help. As the Psalmist writes in an earlier verse (Psalms 94: 18-19):
When I said, “My foot is slipping, your love, O LORD, supported me.
When anxiety was great within me, your consolation brought joy to my soul.â€Â
Know that there will be mountains and valleys to this journey. As you reach out to people on the way, learn from them and do not depart from your passion for upholding what is right and good. Know that your journey is not alone, but that the memory of the lives of many who have been sacrificed, including the Anuak and student protesters, are constantly at your side. Appreciate how many Ethiopians have contributed to this opportunity and know that it not only to your credit, but is the answer to the prayers and efforts of many that have prepared the road ahead. Do not misuse your positions or be diverted from your mission and task. Be reminded that the work ahead is not for your own benefit, but for the benefit of those you serveâ€â€the people of Ethiopia. You must be servant leaders.
As authentic examples of such servant leadership, you could lead not only Ethiopia, but all of Africa to by a truly “new breed of leadership!†Meles was called this kind of leader, but never lived it out in his actions, deceiving many outside the country. Instead, if you truly live out the actions of being a servant of the people, you may be remembered as a true African who de-colonized Africa from the vampire African leaders who live on the blood of fellow Africans. These are the old breed of leaders. Be a new kind of leader.
When the Day finally arrives when freedom and democracy come to Ethiopia, many will thank God while being able to share in joyful singing and dancing as true contributors to this accomplishment. You and each and every Ethiopian will be like the rays from the rising sun over our beloved land of Ethiopia that illuminate the land with a new brightness that allows every Ethiopian from every ethnic group and background to see their surroundings as never before and to find their way out of their darkness and silence.
At that time, the child will have been raised, not only by one or two parents, but also by 77 million Ethiopians who have had a share in nurturing, protecting, disciplining and then feeling the pride that comes from seeing that the adult child they invested in has become even more than the child of our hopes and dreams.
My honorable leaders of the Alliance and fellow Ethiopians, let us take this job ahead of us very seriously. The cool and refreshing wind of change is blowing. The momentum has begun. Do not lose the opportunity before us. If we fail to do all we can or if we tear down the efforts of others, we are giving more years to the EPRDF and we all know that it would mean more killing, more injustice and more suffering. We must do our best to join the effortâ€â€we may not have a second chance!
There is an unwritten rule in an autocratic society that the news and other information disseminated must be sanitized to paint the government in a positive light. Furthermore other sources of information have to either be reduced to being a non-factor or being banned all together.
Since the 17th of May websites that have been critical of the Ethiopian Government have not been accessible to their readers in Ethiopia. This includes the sites that are hosted on blogspot.com. Despite the fact that there has been no official word from the authorities in Addis Ababa it is widely accepted that this is an effort at censorship and not a technical glitch.
There have been some major internal problems in Ethiopia in Recent months. A highly controversial election has had two major results. First there were violent street protests that left dozens of people killed and the other and potentially the most damning is the treason trial of members of the Opposition that sit in Parliament that refused to take their duly elected seats after the results of the election.
The Group Reporters Without Borders recently sent a letter to the Ethiopian Minister of Information seeking clarification into this Matter. It stated in the letter that “Preventing debate and controlling news and information circulating online will only aggravate an already very tense political climate.â€Â
The letter also made the statement that blocking access to the server has the effect of censoring all of the publications hosted on the site. Most of these sites do not deal with either Politics or Ethiopia in that matter. But the Government feels that it needs to take this action to control the flow of information.
This is not the only country in Africa where there are concerted efforts to limit the flow of information. There are serious efforts to limit the flow of information on the web notably this occurs in Zimbabwe and the DRC. But the efforts in Zimbabwe may be the proper comparison into the effort to limit the free flow of Information. Once again Freedom has taken a shot. But will its defenders rise to the task of defending it?
_______________________________ The Author comments on US Policy and Human Rights in Africa. He can be contacted at [email protected]
Dawud Ibsaa’s recent interview on Les Nouvelles d’Addis and Hassen Hussien’s presentation to the EU Parliament prompted me to write this peace. There is no denying that since the May 2005 elections Ethiopia is entering a new political landscape. Finding itself at a cross-road every few years and taking the wrong turn is not a new phenomenon for Ethiopia. In the last thirty years we had traversed from one crisis to another in search of a political arrangement that could accommodate the diverse national, ethnic and political constituent parts, and every time we had failed. This trajectory has taken us from aristocratic government via military junta and communist state and landed us in a curious state dominated by Tigrai communist clique and intriguingly supported by western powers. In this long political journey the Oromos state of affairs had somewhat incrementally improved, but there is no denying that the main Oromo question, the question of power remains unresolved.
Both gentlemen’s statement and the news on Ethiopian Review over the weekend clearly indicate that there is something cooking; a recipe is in the making to create a broad coalition of forces. This is a new view for the OLF, and the OLF leadership should be congratulated for thinking out of the box and for taking such a bold and creative action that will promote the Oromo question to a higher level. The Oromo people are the most numerous people in Ethiopia, and the OLF is one of the oldest political organizations in Ethiopia. Both factors demand that the OLF take wise and bold actions that are commensurate with the people it claims to represent. The OLF cannot any longer afford to function in isolations from other Ethiopian people and other organizations, its stature and critical time we live in does not allow it.
What Necessitated This Change and Why Now?
In the past the OLF’s struggle concentrated on implementing the right of self-determination of the Oromo people after defeating and dismantling the Ethiopian state. The current thought, as could be discerned from Obbo Dawud’s interview, if possible is to change the identity of the Ethiopian state through democratic ways. This is a revolutionary idea whose time has come; and I say it should be firmly supported by all those who have Oromo interest at heart. Of course questions will be raised, some serious, some childish, some incisive and some shallow. And along series of question that may be raised, one of the first one will be, “what necessitated this change and why now?â€Â
The first answer is, “the 2005 May electionâ€Â. As “9/11 changed everything in America,†(President Bush) the May 2005 election changed everything in Ethiopia. Its effect is fundamental; hopefully students of history, political science and other will carefully study its ramifications.
Here, I will show only few. First, it showed the possibility of changing the EPRDF government through election. It showed the extent of how much the EPRDF is rejected. The rejection is such that any contested election that is not near perfect could lead to the ousting of the
incumbent.
Second, it showed that even though the people have rejected the EPRDF rule and are ready to oust it if they could get any chance to vote, they are not ready sacrifice their lives to achieve this. Mind you, I am not talking about few brave individuals who have been doing this and are still doing this; I am talking about the people as a large group. Third, the election has shown not only the weakness of the government, but also exposed the weakness of the liberation fronts and opposition organizations. Even if they could win elections, when the EPRDF rejected the result of the election, there was nothing much the opposition parties with or without other liberation fronts were able to do. They were not able to mobilize the populace in order to impose the will of the people. It showed the government inability to rule as before, as well as the others inability to take power yet.
Fourth, the May election exposed the true nature of the EPRDF to the international community. Given that this government depended much on the life support of the international community, this is a huge point. No government in Africa had such a good will from the donor countries as much as the EPRDF government. From the very time it came to power the government relied on the international donor countries not only for developmental aid, but also received huge amount of fund for budgetary support. If we look at the political support, we even see a much cozy relation between the west and EPRDF. Meles Zenwai was one of the first to realize the importance of the war on terrorism and one of the first to jump on the bandwagon of antiterrorism forces. The support he received, both economic and political, since then is a matter of public knowledge. He was one of the few African leaders who received the distinction to be labeled one of the new breed of African leaders. He was also one of the few handpicked leader to be on Tony Blair’s Commission for Africa. The May election changed all this, and he had become an embarrassment to the powers and individuals in the international community that supported him. But, even though the international community has cooled its relation and kept its distance, it has not come out and denounce Meles Zenawi’s actions and did not cut diplomatic relation or taken other drastic majors.
More on the Two Tensions
The two tensions described above, i.e., (1) the tension between the peoples’ rejection of the EPRDF, but inability to oust it, and (2) the international community’s realization of the antidemocratic nature of EPRDF, but continuation of its support, could be explained by the fear of the unknown. The fear of what may follow EPRDF is sustaining the EPRDF in power. Although EPRDF speaks in the name of national equality, its policy is not different from the classical divide & rule policy of any oppressive government. Few governments in history have politicized “ethnicity†as much as the EPRDF. It has effectively disseminated a seed of discord between different nations and nationalities in Ethiopia and between different political organizations for targeted benefit. In particular, it has efficiently divided the Oromo and Amhara, the two nations it believes could challenge its rule. It is always difficult for divided people to rise against the common oppressive regime, and this is especially true, where the divided segments fear one another more than the incumbent oppressive rule. To some extent the EPRDF had diligently and subtly worked on this and had also achieved some success. In order to oust the EPRDF, in any way, this should be changed.
The importance of forming an alliance for the OLF with other forces in Ethiopia will mean a huge step in the resolution of those two tensions I mentioned above. The formation of this alliance will diffuse the artificial contradictions and tension that the EPRDF had created between different peoples and organizations. This will in turn embolden the people to rise in unison against a tyrannical regime that is controlling power and hindering free and fair election. Rather than fear each other more that the force controlling the state machinery, peoples could now concentrate on the real deal rather than on shadow boxing or the ghost of the past. The cooperation of the OLF and other organization will help to promote the peoples rejection of the EPRDF rule to more active action of ousting it through any necessary means if the government does not abide by the will of the people. The intentional rift that the EPRDF created and which is sustaining it on power could only be bridged by forming an alliance of all major organizations.
The international community clearly had understood the antidemocratic nature of EPRDF, but they keep on supporting it not because they have special love for it, but simply because they believe that only chaos, anarchy or civil war will follow the fall of EPRDF. When presented with choice between democracy and stability they always opt for stability. The formation of an alliance will also help allay the fear they have regarding what may follow the aftermath of EPRDF. Such a fear that the EPRDF had purposely created could be only be defeated by forming such an alliance. With the formation of this alliance the international community could no longer justify its support for the EPRDF on the premises of stability.
On the Oromo Cause
The changing political environment in Ethiopia and internationally favors the formation of alliance for the OLF. Friends and foes alike are recognizing the importance of the resolution of the Oromo issue. There is a tacit and explicit recognition of the Oromo question more than any other time by other organizations. It could be safely concluded that no force in the county can any longer avoid the Oromo issue or try to hide it under the rug. There is a universal recognition, albeit reluctant, that the Ethiopian political problems could not be solved without head-on tackling the
Oromo question. This is the result of the resilience of the OLF and the endurance of our people’s struggle. The international community is almost looking at the OLF as one of the major key players to the persistent problems of the country. They are waiting for a reply from the OLF. The ball is already in OLF’s court, and the OLF should deliver by devising mode of struggle that is palatable to the international community. This is an opportune moment that rarely happens in history, and the OLF should seize the moment and act quickly or else we may lose it, as has happened many times before.
There is a legitimate apprehension among many Oromos regarding some of the organizations that may join this alliance. The basic question is whether these organizations would recognize Oromia. As far as I know there is no party that had officially come out and stated that it would dismantle the existing federal structure. At worst, we find some saying that this issue should be presented to the decision of the people. I have no problem with this. It should be left to the Oromo people whether they want to have their own self-administration or whether they want Oromia to be divided into the old Teklai Gizat or some form of structure that would not include the whole of Oromia. I have no doubt that the Oromo people will choose to have Oromia. And if we are confident about our people’s choice then we should not be worried if this issue is presented to our people. It is only with powers that would not agree to bring this issue to the decision of the people that the OLF should not form any alliance. For me at this stage of our existence, the question regarding the Oromo issue is not whether to form a unitary state or federation in Ethiopia, but whether to form an independent Oromia state separate from Ethiopia or forming Oromia state within Ethiopia (real federation). The choice that the Oromo people would make would highly depend on how other organization and parties will handle our issue.
Conclusion
Formation of an alliance will nurture the spirit of cooperation, and will create a foundation on which to build a lasting and durable solution to the many debilitating political, social, and economic problems. The formation of an alliance will help promote democratic values and will help to overcome attitudinal and structural obstacles for democracy. We have political organizations to lead our struggles and to handle some secondary contradictions from developing into full fledged conflicts, to negotiate and chart new ways and tactics in accordance with changing times and situations. I believe the OLF’s leadership is discharging its responsibility to our people when it is taking such a bold move. Like any new idea, it sure will encounter resistance from some corners. OLF should not be daunted by such resistance, but should build on this creative initiative and continue the struggle. Dogmatic attitudes never achieve victory, particularly when situations are fluid. This is a challenging time, and we should be apt to the challenge. We owe it to our people who have suffered for long.
Should Jean-Bedel Bokassa (the former butcher of Central African Republic) sit in judgment of Idi Amin Dada? The drama of one dictator convicting another of genocide is currently underway in Ethiopia.
On Tuesday, May 23 Meles Zenawi has promised to deliver the final verdict for his predecessor, the butcher Mengistu Haile Mariam. And Meles wants the world to think better of him for doing so.
“Mengistu Haile Mariam, accused of a 17-year reign of terror in Ethiopia, faces a long-awaited genocide verdict on Tuesday in a sign of Africa’s new resolve to bring ex-leaders to account for past abuses,†writes Tsegaye Taddesse in a May 21, 2006 Reuters dispatch from Addis Ababa.
Is what the Ethiopian government doing a “sign of Africa’s new resolve to bring ex-leaders to account for past abuses†or is it a cruel manipulation of public opinion to divert attention from Ethiopia’s current crisis?
Why did it take the government of Prime Minister Zenawi 15 years to try and convict Mengistu and company? Ethiopians who suffered under the murderous Mengistu regime wanted justice a long time ago. Why the delay and why now?
The answer may have a lot to do with Ethiopia’s troubled present than redressing past grievances.
Ethiopia’s ruling Tigrai People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) has been acting like a wounded animal in the wake of the disputed 2005 elections. Feeling the wrath of an angry population that has rejected its rule, the minority government is willing to go to any length to stay in power. It has killed upwards of 100
civilians and arrested thousands since June 2005 alone.
Those in jail include the top leaders of the main opposition party, journalists and civil society leaders. To intimidate his opponents and stamp out all opposition, Prime Minister Zenawi has hurled ridiculous accusations of genocide against his
political opponents.
The timing and the manner of reporting of the Mengistu genocide verdict are curious.
The Ethiopian government expelled competent foreign
correspondents such as Anthony Mitchell of the Associated Press and threw dozens of domestic journalists in jail, shutting the avenue for any sort of critical reporting. It has turned instead to carefully cultivated, compliant locals such as Tsegaye Taddesse who lend wire service legitimacy to an
otherwise clear-cut disinformation campaign.
Ethiopia’s government is deeply reliant on international begging to support a kleptocratic tribal patronage system, a bloated bureaucracy and an extensive security apparatus.
Zenawi’s turn towards tyranny has not sat well with donors. Many donors have withdrawn direct budget support and tightened the strings.
While putting up a brave face, the Zenawi government is already feeling the pinch. Foreign exchange reserves have dwindled; gasoline prices have almost doubled; the price of basic commodities have gone up and the government is reportedly having difficulty paying salaries in regions outside Addis Ababa.
The TPLF government’s response to these challenges is to go on propaganda offensive to confuse the issue. In the face of famine and increasingly crushing poverty, they claim fantastic “growth†rates that put China to shame.
The so-called verdict of Mengistu coming at this time also appears to be part of the propaganda offensive. Zenawi and associates are clinging to power partly out of fear of being held responsible for looting and terrorizing a nation of 77 million people for the last 15 years.
From the massacre of over 400 Anuaks in Gambella in 2003 to the June and November 2005 killing of innocent civilians, there is a substantial body of evidence implicating Zenawi and associates in crimes against humanity.
The current charade makes one wonder who the TPLF has for advisors. Their desperate drama can only remind the world the need for holding the current leaders accountable for their crimes.
After all, the day Zenawi will be judged by his successors may not be far away. Mengistu fled the country leaving all his comrades behind to rot in jail. There may be a lesson here for TPLF operatives.
When the chips are down, their capo too may flee to a foreign safe haven on an American helicopter. They will be the ones left holding the bag and facing justice. One hopes it does not take 15 years for justice to be meted out when their turn comes.
The writer, an Ethiopian analyst residing in the US, can be reached at [email protected]
