MOSHI, TANZANIA – Dr Asrat Mengiste arrives at the Kilimanjaro Christian Medical Centre in Moshi, Tanzania. It’s 8am, and already 70 patients are lined up for a consultation. In the operating room are 20 local doctors. Dr Mengiste talks them through every action and explains every decision. After four days he will have operated on 40 patients and passed his knowledge and expertise on to another group of medical staff, eager to put into practice what they have learned.
Dr Asrat Mengiste (left) and a team of local doctors monitor the progress of a baby on a screen at the Kilimanjaro Christian Medical Centre in Moshi, Tanzania [amref.org, 2008]
Outreach patients travel for miles to reach Dr Mengiste’s team. Dr Mengiste insists: “The operations make a big difference to the lives of my patients. Most of them have suffered for a long time, often since birth. It may be a cleft palate so that one is unable to talk, eat or go to school. It may be a burn that has left one unable to walk or to hold things.”
More than 60% of the patients waiting in line are children. Amongst those awaiting surgery is four-month-old Angelina, whose mouth and nostrils are badly disfigured due to a cleft lip and palate. Angelina’s mother carried her for six hours to the nearest bus stop in order to bring her to the AMREF team in Moshi. Angelina cannot be breastfed because of her disfigurement – her mother has to feed her milk andporridge drop by drop.
Angelina is first on the operating table. Like with all his operations, Dr. Mengiste explains to observing medical students what has caused the condition, answers their questions, talks them through the surgery, and discusses aftercare.
This simple operation will transform Angelina’s life and her mother is overjoyed by the results: “Before the operation I had so many worries, that she would not survive, have friends or find a husband, now I am sure she will survive and live a normal, happy life”.
Next in line is a boy who injured his hand by falling into an open cooking fire. His little fingers were badly burned and have not healed well; his forefinger is now attached to his thumb by scar tissue. Nearly 99% of Tanzanians cook on open fires. Too often children fall into fires or scald themselves with boiling liquid. If the burns are not treated they form thick cobwebs of scar tissue, causing crippling deformities, making the simplest of tasks such as dressing or eating impossible.
During surgery Dr Mengiste separates the boys thumb and finger so they move independently again. Such a small operation will make an enormous difference to this little boy’s life. While recovering from surgery the boy tells Dr. Mengiste he is looking forward to going back to school and being able to write like the other children in his class.
Dr Mengiste and his team spend their lives travelling to remote rural hospitals. The challenges of performing surgery in these hospitals are immense. Water supplies are often scarce, surgical facilities and basic medical equipment are poor or non existent, and power cuts happen every day.
Despite these challenges, Dr Mengiste has carried out 1,702 consultations and 801 operations during 80 outreach trips in the last twelve months. “The fact that we are able to make a difference in the lives of many desperate people in our region makes me proud.”
It is reported by Sunday Herald that Woyanne has already started withdrawing troops.
By Peter Heinlein, VOA
ADDIS ABABA, ETHIOPIA – Ethiopia’s dictator Prime Minister Meles Zenawi has rejected opposition calls for a timetable for withdrawing his country’s troops from Somalia. As VOA’s Peter Heinlein reports from Addis Ababa, Mr. Meles indicated there would be no change in Ethiopia’s Woyanne’s determination to keep troops in Somalia until a credible international force is ready to replace them.
Speaking in parliament Thursday, the Ethiopian Woyanne leader expressed impatience with the international community’s failure to respond adequately to the violence and lawlessness that has enveloped Somalia for the past 17 years.
He suggested it might soon be time to consider ending Ethiopia’s Woyanne’s nearly two-year military campaign to prop up Somalia’s weak Transitional Federal Government.
The Ethiopian Woyanne presence is viewed by many Somalis as an occupation force, prompting a violent backlash from extremist clan-based militias. But, Prime Minister Meles said withdrawal would be considered only when stability is assured.
“In the following months, the time for us to take a once and final decision is approaching,” he said. “The time has come to take a final decision on the issue, in particular when our troops entered Somalia, those of us who felt our intervention was based on national security interests, then our withdrawal should also be responsible.”
The prime minister brushed aside calls by leaders of some opposition factions for a troop withdrawal timetable.
“However, some have proposed something outside, stating that we should leave Somalia on this specific date, outside our strategic goal, interests,” he said. “It would not be correct to state we would leave on Monday, Tuesday or Thursday.”
Ethiopia Woyanne is believed to have more than 10,000 soldiers in Somalia supporting the interim government. The African Union also maintains a peacekeeping force in and around the capital, Mogadishu. But only 3,000 Ugandan and Burundian troops are on the ground, out of an authorized eight thousand.
The U.N. Security Council has said it would only consider sending blue-helmeted peacekeepers after security conditions improve.
On another issue, Mr. Meles said he sees no early end to Ethiopia’s Woyanne’s longstanding boundary dispute with Eritrea. With tensions high following the withdrawal of U.N. peacekeepers along the frontier, Mr. Meles expressed determination to maintain Ethiopia’s Woyanne’s troop presence indefinitely.
“If we don’t find peace, the situation this is preparing [we are prepared], even for ten years. It will not affect us substantially,” he said.
Ethiopia Woyanne and Eritrea fought a two-year border war from 1998 to 2000 that killed an estimated 70,000 people. Both sides still have tens of thousands of troops massed along the frontier, at some places within eyesight of each other.
U.N. peacekeepers had maintained calm along the frontier for the past seven and a half years, but the Security Council shut down the mission in July, saying the countries had rejected options for a continued presence. The last of the U.N. troops are going home this week.
EDITOR’S NOTE: The mother of all corruptions is right there in Addis Ababa — Azeb Mesfin, the wife of Ethiopia’s dictator Meles Zenawi.
ADDIS ABABA, ETHIOPIA (AFP) – Corruption absorbs up to 30 percent of most African countries’ gross domestic product, the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa said Wednesday at a conference on combating graft.
“In most African countries corruption is estimated to represent between 20 and 30 percent of the GDP, that is astronomic,” Okey Onyejekwe, director of UNECA’s governance and public administration division, said at press conference in Addis Ababa.
The three-day meeting in the Ethiopian capital which wrapped up Wednesday was aimed at giving fresh impetus to the fight against corruption in Africa and called for a broader section of society to be involved.
“It needs synergies, to put together scholars studying corruption, political stakeholders and civil society representatives,” Onyejekwe said.
“The problem of corruption remains intractable in many African countries, and it is widely aknowledged that there is a need for more innovative, creative and strategic approaches to deal with it,” UNECA said in a statement.
The London-based Mo Ibrahim foundation issued its latest corruption index for Africa earlier this month and stressed that around two thirds of the continent’s countries had improved in the field of governance since last year.
SODO, Ethiopia (AFP) — Okume Ochubo’s tiny plot of land in southern Ethiopia is lush with waist-high maize sprouts and other crops, but she and her seven young children are struggling to feed themselves.
“We cannot survive without food aid, we collect assistance whenever it is available,” she said, as two of her children jostled under the shadows of giant eucalyptus trees.
“We are praying to God for a better situation,” the 40-year-old farmer added, her voice barely audible under the breeze of swaying maize leaves.
Okume is one of millions of people in the Horn of Africa nation — a country with a long history of extreme food shortages — who are at renewed threat of hunger as a result of failed and delayed rains.
The British charity group Oxfam announced last week that the number of Ethiopians in need of emergency food aid had risen from 4.6 to 6.4 million since June, as rising food prices and drought continued to compound the crisis.
But in Wolaytta district, some 330 kilometres (200 miles) south of Addis Ababa, and most surrounding areas, it is a crisis of a different kind.
The region is known for its diverse crop varieties, and a recent downpour of rain since August has turned the valley into a sea of green.
But the area’s apparent fertility is deceptive. Rains fell at the wrong time, reserves are dwindling and 50 percent of the area’s two million inhabitants are facing what aid workers have labelled a “green famine”.
Prior to that, not a single rain drop fell for eight months, leaving farmers with dwindling food reserves, while plunging the entire region into one of the worst droughts it has ever seen.
“It certainly is one of the worst in Wolaytta’s history, probably third to 1984 after 2003,” Abraham Asha, representative of the US-based charity group Concern, told AFP.
“Had it not been for the quick response of the government and NGOs, the disaster would not have been averted,” he added.
At least a million people died in the 1984 famine, with the then dictator Haile Marian Mengistu accused of concentrating scarce resources on the lengthy conflict along the border with what is now Eritrea, and the 2003 crisis left 14 million Ethiopians in need of food assistance.
The current Ethiopian government under Prime Minister Meles Zenawi has been criticised for spending too much of its budget on the military and not enough on guaranteeing the basic needs of the population.
The authorities also expelled several aid groups operating in the Ogaden region, where government troops have since last year cracked down on a rebellion, further deepening an alarming humanitarian situation there.
At the height of the drought in April, Abraham said hundreds of children in several districts suffered from stunted growth and weight deficit.
The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs said up to 12 percent were diagnosed with acute malnutrition in the area at that time.
Experts blame numerous factors for the chronic food insecurity behind the facade of green fields in Wolaytta and the rest of southern Ethiopia.
High population density of up to 800 people per square kilometre and a system of smallholdings have always exerted huge pressure on the land.
“Resources are being exhausted and population is increasing. The region has to take drastic measures such as voluntary resettlement to curb the burden,” Abraham said.
Government officials on the other hand, are banking on high yields as a cure for the problem.
“In this district, productivity is far from satisfactory. Farmers here produce only 20 quintals of yield per hectare when other nearby zones produce up to 80,” district administrator Hailebirhan Zena told participants in a recent meeting.
“We are focusing on increasing yields through irrigation. It is no secret that Wolaytta lies in proximity to several rivers,” he said.
Despite the number of hungry Ethiopians doubling since April and aid agencies reporting a funding shortfall of 260 million dollars (190 million euros), chronic malnutrition has stabilised in the region.
Yet local residents remained pessimistic. The September harvest is thought to be enough to stave off starvation until December but unless reserves last until February, millions will be on the brink again.
“It will happen again as not enough stocks will last until then. It is even expected to be worse next year,” Abraham said.
Aid organisations have warned that Ethiopia — one of Africa’s poorest countries and its second most populous — on the brink of a major famine to that which killed millions in the 1980s.
EDITOR’S NOTE: This is a glorious moment for the people of Somalia. A job well done for kicking Woyanne invaders out of your country. Ethiopian Review sends heartfelt congratulations to Somali freedom fights who stood up and fought the Woyanne fascist forces. The same fates await Woyannes in Ethiopia. They will be kicked out of our country too soon by EPPF, OLF, ONLF and other Ethiopian freedom fighters.
ADDIS ABABA, ETHIOPIA — SOMALIA’S FRAGILE government appears to be on the brink of collapse. Islamist insurgents now controls large parts of southern and central Somalia – and are continuing to launch attacks inside the capital, Mogadishu.
Ethiopia Woyanne, which launched a US-backed military intervention in Somalia in December 2006 in an effort to drive out an Islamist authority in Mogadishu, is now pulling out its troops.
Diplomats and analysts in neighbouring Nairobi believe the government will fall once Ethiopia Woyanne completes its withdrawal, and secret plans have been made to evacuate government ministers to neighbouring Kenya.
That may happen sooner rather than later. A shipment of Ethiopian Woyanne weapons, including tanks, left Mogadishu port last month as part of the withdrawal. Bringing the equipment back to Ethiopia by land would have been impossible – analysts believe Ethiopian Woyanne troops and their Somali government allies control just three small areas in Mogadishu and a few streets in Baidoa, the seat of parliament. There are now estimated to be just 2500 Ethiopian Woyanne soldiers left inside Somalia, down from 15,000-18,000 at the height of the war.
Somalia’s overlapping conflicts go back, at the very least, to 1991, the year the country’s last recognised government was overthrown. Men and women who were children then have since given birth to a second generation of Somalis who have known only war.
But analysts believe Somalia is now in the midst of its worst ever crisis. The ongoing conflict, which has claimed the lives of at least 9000 civilians and forced more than 1.1 million to flee their homes, has combined with devastating droughts and rocketing food prices to create one of the world’s worst humanitarian catastrophes.
Almost half the population – 3.2m people – are in need of emergency aid (the figure has almost doubled in the last 12 months). One in six children is thought to be malnourished.
“This crisis is broadening as well as deepening,” said Mark Bowden, the head of the UN’s humanitarian effort. “It is now the world’s most complicated crisis.”
Violence and insecurity have made it almost impossible for aid to get through, and 24 aid workers have been killed in Somalia so far this year. A recent shipment of food aid needed a military escort to navigate Somalia’s pirate-infested waters. But within hours of the food being unloaded in Mogadishu’s port most of it was stolen by gun-toting gangs.
Oxfam, Save The Children and 50 other aid agencies working in Somalia last week said the international community had “completely failed Somali civilians”.
As the crisis worsens thousands are trying to leave the country every week. Around 6000 people are now crossing the border into Kenya every month – despite the Kenyan government’s decision to close the border. Some are arriving at the overcrowded Dadaab refugee camp in eastern Kenya, which is now one of the largest refugee camps in the world with nearly 250,000 people.
Others try to leave by sea, travelling to the northern town of Bosasso and paying $100 to people smugglers who ram more than 100 people onto a small fishing boat and set sail for Yemen.
Many do not make it. Smugglers last week forced 150 people off the boat three miles off the Yemeni coast. Only 47 made it to shore.
Attempts to find a political solution have stalled. The UN claims progress has been made, citing an agreement signed in neighbouring Djibouti by the Somali government and the opposition Alliance for the Reliberation of Somalia (ARS).
But the deal has been signed only by the moderates on each side: Prime Minister Nur Adde and the ARS’s Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed.
President Abdullahi Yusuf, a former warlord who controls the government’s security forces, has refused to get involved. Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys, the hardline Islamic leader of another faction of the ARS, has denounced the deal, as have the leaders of the insurgents, a group called Al Shabaab.
Since the deal was struck in June, the level of violence has increased.
Few Somalis will weep if the government falls. In most respects it is a government in name only. Few ministries have offices, let alone civil servants to fill them. There are no real policies – and no real way to implement any.
Worst of all, this government, which is backed by the United Nations and funded by Western donors including Britain and the EU, has been accused of committing a litany of war crimes. Its police force, many of whom were trained under a UN programme part-funded by Britain, has carried out extrajudicial killings, raped women and fired indiscriminately on crowds at markets. Militias aligned to the government have killed journalists and attacked aid workers.
The government’s fall would mark the end of a disastrous US-backed intervention. For six months in 2006, Somalia was relatively calm. A semblance of peace and security had returned to Mogadishu. The reason was the rise of the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC), a loose coalition of Islamist leaders who had driven out Mogadishu’s warlords.
Hardline elements within the UIC vowed to launch a jihad against Somalia’s traditional enemy, Ethiopia. The US viewed the UIC has an “al-Qaeda cell” – a belief not shared by the majority of analysts and diplomats.
Ethiopia Woyanne, with the support of the US, sent thousands of troops across the border to drive out the UIC. It took just a few days to defeat them. Their leaders fled towards the border with Kenya, while many of the fighters took off their uniforms and melted into Mogadishu.
Within weeks, an Iraq-style insurgency had begun, targeting Somali government and Ethiopian troops. Al Shabaab began laying roadside bombs and firing at Ethiopian troops from inside civilian areas.
The Ethiopians Woyanne responded by bombarding residential areas. Hundreds were killed and hundreds of thousands fled Mogadishu. Human rights groups accused Ethiopia Woyanne of committing war crimes.
The US must now be wondering whether it was all worth it. Western backing for the unpopular Somali government and US support for the Ethiopian Woyanne intervention has created a groundswell of anti-West sentiment in Somalia.
The Islamist leaders they were so keen to oust are the same ones they are now engaged in negotiations with. US officials have met both Sheikh Sharif and the more hardline Sheikh Aweys in an effort to find a peace deal.
Meanwhile, in Somalia, the Islamists taking control of towns and villages across the country are considered far more extremist than Aweys. “They are real international jihadis,” said one Nairobi-based diplomat. “The Americans’ fear of al-Qaeda in Somalia is becoming a self-fulfilling prophecy.”
SOMALIA’S FRAGILE government appears to be on the brink of collapse. Islamist insurgents now controls large parts of southern and central Somalia – and are continuing to launch attacks inside the capital, Mogadishu.
Ethiopia Woyanne, which launched a US-backed military intervention in Somalia in December 2006 in an effort to drive out an Islamist authority in Mogadishu, is now pulling out its troops.
Diplomats and analysts in neighbouring Nairobi believe the government will fall once Ethiopia Woyanne completes its withdrawal, and secret plans have been made to evacuate government ministers to neighbouring Kenya.
That may happen sooner rather than later. A shipment of Ethiopian Woyanne weapons, including tanks, left Mogadishu port last month as part of the withdrawal. Bringing the equipment back to Ethiopia by land would have been impossible – analysts believe Ethiopian Woyanne troops and their Somali government allies control just three small areas in Mogadishu and a few streets in Baidoa, the seat of parliament. There are now estimated to be just 2500 Ethiopian Woyanne soldiers left inside Somalia, down from 15,000-18,000 at the height of the war.
Somalia’s overlapping conflicts go back, at the very least, to 1991, the year the country’s last recognised government was overthrown. Men and women who were children then have since given birth to a second generation of Somalis who have known only war.
But analysts believe Somalia is now in the midst of its worst ever crisis. The ongoing conflict, which has claimed the lives of at least 9000 civilians and forced more than 1.1 million to flee their homes, has combined with devastating droughts and rocketing food prices to create one of the world’s worst humanitarian catastrophes.
Almost half the population – 3.2m people – are in need of emergency aid (the figure has almost doubled in the last 12 months). One in six children is thought to be malnourished.
“This crisis is broadening as well as deepening,” said Mark Bowden, the head of the UN’s humanitarian effort. “It is now the world’s most complicated crisis.”
Violence and insecurity have made it almost impossible for aid to get through, and 24 aid workers have been killed in Somalia so far this year. A recent shipment of food aid needed a military escort to navigate Somalia’s pirate-infested waters. But within hours of the food being unloaded in Mogadishu’s port most of it was stolen by gun-toting gangs.
Oxfam, Save The Children and 50 other aid agencies working in Somalia last week said the international community had “completely failed Somali civilians”.
As the crisis worsens thousands are trying to leave the country every week. Around 6000 people are now crossing the border into Kenya every month – despite the Kenyan government’s decision to close the border. Some are arriving at the overcrowded Dadaab refugee camp in eastern Kenya, which is now one of the largest refugee camps in the world with nearly 250,000 people.
Others try to leave by sea, travelling to the northern town of Bosasso and paying $100 to people smugglers who ram more than 100 people onto a small fishing boat and set sail for Yemen.
Many do not make it. Smugglers last week forced 150 people off the boat three miles off the Yemeni coast. Only 47 made it to shore.
Attempts to find a political solution have stalled. The UN claims progress has been made, citing an agreement signed in neighbouring Djibouti by the Somali government and the opposition Alliance for the Reliberation of Somalia (ARS).
But the deal has been signed only by the moderates on each side: Prime Minister Nur Adde and the ARS’s Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed.
President Abdullahi Yusuf, a former warlord who controls the government’s security forces, has refused to get involved. Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys, the hardline Islamic leader of another faction of the ARS, has denounced the deal, as have the leaders of the insurgents, a group called Al Shabaab.
Since the deal was struck in June, the level of violence has increased.
Few Somalis will weep if the government falls. In most respects it is a government in name only. Few ministries have offices, let alone civil servants to fill them. There are no real policies – and no real way to implement any.
Worst of all, this government, which is backed by the United Nations and funded by Western donors including Britain and the EU, has been accused of committing a litany of war crimes. Its police force, many of whom were trained under a UN programme part-funded by Britain, has carried out extrajudicial killings, raped women and fired indiscriminately on crowds at markets. Militias aligned to the government have killed journalists and attacked aid workers.
The government’s fall would mark the end of a disastrous US-backed intervention. For six months in 2006, Somalia was relatively calm. A semblance of peace and security had returned to Mogadishu. The reason was the rise of the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC), a loose coalition of Islamist leaders who had driven out Mogadishu’s warlords.
Hardline elements within the UIC vowed to launch a jihad against Somalia’s traditional enemy, Ethiopia. The US viewed the UIC has an “al-Qaeda cell” – a belief not shared by the majority of analysts and diplomats.
Ethiopia Woyanne, with the support of the US, sent thousands of troops across the border to drive out the UIC. It took just a few days to defeat them. Their leaders fled towards the border with Kenya, while many of the fighters took off their uniforms and melted into Mogadishu.
Within weeks, an Iraq-style insurgency had begun, targeting Somali government and Ethiopian troops. Al Shabaab began laying roadside bombs and firing at Ethiopian troops from inside civilian areas.
The Ethiopians Woyanne responded by bombarding residential areas. Hundreds were killed and hundreds of thousands fled Mogadishu. Human rights groups accused Ethiopia Woyanne of committing war crimes.
The US must now be wondering whether it was all worth it. Western backing for the unpopular Somali government and US support for the Ethiopian Woyanne intervention has created a groundswell of anti-West sentiment in Somalia.
The Islamist leaders they were so keen to oust are the same ones they are now engaged in negotiations with. US officials have met both Sheikh Sharif and the more hardline Sheikh Aweys in an effort to find a peace deal.
Meanwhile, in Somalia, the Islamists taking control of towns and villages across the country are considered far more extremist than Aweys. “They are real international jihadis,” said one Nairobi-based diplomat. “The Americans’ fear of al-Qaeda in Somalia is becoming a self-fulfilling prophecy.”
