It’s a scorching hot afternoon in a recording studio on the outskirts of the southern French city of Toulouse, and the talk is of music and Ethiopia. Inspired by the Ethiopiques albums compiled by French music producer Francis Falceto, local experimental jazz quartet Le Tigre Des Platanes have invited Ethiopian traditional singer Etenesh Wassie to work with them, and Falceto to oversee the project. Wassie can’t speak French and the band can’t speak Amharic, but the results are dramatic. Furious free-form brass and percussion are interspersed with declamatory, harsh-edged vocals, and there’s an extraordinary passage in which she duets with a wild solo saxophone. “That,” explains Falceto, “was a traditional Ethiopian greeting song.”
Mali may still dominate the African music scene, but the African sound that has built up the biggest following among musicians outside the continent in recent years is Ethiopian dance music – especially that from the “golden age” of the 1960s and early 70s, when, as Falceto puts it, Addis Ababa was “the African answer to swinging London” and boasted a famously wild nightlife. That era ended when Emperor Haile Selassie was overthrown by a military junta in 1974; regular curfews meant that clubs could no longer operate, and many musicians fled abroad.
This is the music that has been released on Falceto’s comprehensive Ethiopiques archive series (which will reach Volume 23 in the next few weeks, following the release of the new Very Best of Ethiopiques compilation) – Robert Plant, Elvis Costello and Temple of Sound are among its enthusiastic fans. Earlier this year, the most famous survivor from the era, Mahmoud Ahmed, was honoured at the BBC Radio 3 awards for world music, where the grey-haired singer gave a rousing performance and an impressive display of African pogo dancing.
Ethiopian music is very different from other African styles, perhaps because the country itself, with its long embrace of Christianity and no experience of western colonialism (though the Italians did invade the country in the second world war), has had such a different history. Musically, it has never been influenced by Cuban or other Latin styles, unlike west Africa. Instead, Ethiopian musicians looked to their own traditional music and to black America – a combination that came together in the extraordinary experiments of the 60s, when they created their gloriously distinctive fusion of local styles with American R&B, funk and free-form jazz.
Falceto has been rediscovering and reissuing that music, and transforming the world’s view of Ethiopia, since 1986, but it all started quite by chance. Back in 1984, he was working as a promoter, specialising in experimental music, free jazz and new music, when at a party a friend played an album by Mahmoud Ahmed that he’d bought in Ethiopia. Falceto was amazed: “I made cassettes and sent them to friends who knew about Africa, but they didn’t know about him.” He started travelling to Ethiopia (where the military was still in control), searched out Ahmed, who was then running a music store, and began to revive the singer’s career by arranging a European release for his now-celebrated Ere Mela Mela, originally recorded 11 years earlier. Then, realising there was “a music mine that had to be explored”, he started researching songs by other musicians from the era, and began the often-painstaking task of hunting down the original reel-to-reel masters of the vinyl recordings that he had heard.
In the process, he has become an expert in a remarkable period of African musical history, when politics dictated the rise and the fall of an experimental movement that in many ways echoed the 1960s musical revolution in the west. Emperor Haile Selassie played a key, if indirect role, because it was during his long rule that Ethiopia’s love affair with brass took off. Despite all those Rasta anthems about him, the Emperor’s musical taste veered less to reggae than to military brass bands, “because he realised that brass music was a symbol of power. It was music that impressed, but there had been no such tradition in Ethiopia,” Falceto explains.
Western brass instruments had been introduced to Ethiopia at the end of the 19th century as a gift from Tsar Nicholas. By the 1950s and early 60s, brass instruments played a key role in Ethiopian pop though, for much of this era, all bands were controlled by Selassie’s authorities, and no private orchestras were allowed. The best singers and players worked with such state-controlled outfits as the Police Band, the Haile Selassie Theatre Band, or (most importantly) the Imperial Bodyguard Band, which in the early 1960s included Mahmoud Ahmed. They received regular monthly salaries, like civil servants and played at state occasions and hotel dances.
Yet, as the Ethiopiques compilations show, there was nothing staid about these state bands, for they made sure that they checked out all the latest American hits, and then mixed them with local styles. It wasn’t just Mahmoud Ahmed who pioneered the new fusion. Other extraordinary singers of the era included Alemayehu Eshete, who started out with the Police Band and became known as the Ethiopian James Brown for his frantic funk workouts that retained an eastern-sounding, Ethiopian edge. There was also Tewelde Redda, who played an amplified version of the Ethiopian lyre, the krar, and was one of the first “electric guitarists” in Africa. And then there was the extraordinary Getatchew Mekurya, who played in the Haile Selassie Theatre Band and Police Band, and developed his unique style by listening to shellela, furious war cries used by armies before battle. When played on Mekurya’s saxophone, the result was like free-form jazz. “He was like Albert Ayler or Ornette Coleman,” says Falceto, “but he didn’t have any jazz records. He just did it!”
At the same time, a brave 26-year-old musician, Amba Eshete, dared to challenge the authority of the state by starting his own record label. His now-legendary vinyl releases, recorded in Ethiopia but manufactured in India, now make up much of the Ethiopiques collection.
Now thanks to Falceto, the music of the golden age has a new audience in the west, and though he has no plans to bring the survivors together for a Buena Vista Social Club-style show, he’s not ruling it out: “I’m ready to cooperate. I’d like to help other veterans the way I helped Mahmoud Ahmed.” He also notes that while Tewelde Redda and Alemayehu Eshete are still in good form, many musicians from the era are “living in misery when they should have a nice life because of their work”.
Lately, Falceto has been amazed by how contemporary western bands have responded to his Ethiopiques series by creating their own treatment of Ethiopian 60s styles, and has started taking those bands to Ethiopia. Boston’s Either Orchestra and the French Badoun Band have both made the trip: “People were shouting and crying even – they hadn’t seen a big band for 35 years!” he says. For his next project, there’s the fusion of French jazz and Ethiopian traditional styles that’s emerging from the Toulouse recording studio, to appear on his new contemporary music series, Ethiosonic. His obsession with the country has lasted for over two decades now, and he is still helping to transform Ethiopia’s image in the eyes of the world.
_________ The Very Best of Ethiopiques is released by Union Square on Monday.
It’s a scorching hot afternoon in a recording studio on the outskirts of the southern French city of Toulouse, and the talk is of music and Ethiopia. Inspired by the Ethiopiques albums compiled by French music producer Francis Falceto, local experimental jazz quartet Le Tigre Des Platanes have invited Ethiopian traditional singer Etenesh Wassie to work with them, and Falceto to oversee the project. Wassie can’t speak French and the band can’t speak Amharic, but the results are dramatic. Furious free-form brass and percussion are interspersed with declamatory, harsh-edged vocals, and there’s an extraordinary passage in which she duets with a wild solo saxophone. “That,” explains Falceto, “was a traditional Ethiopian greeting song.”
Mali may still dominate the African music scene, but the African sound that has built up the biggest following among musicians outside the continent in recent years is Ethiopian dance music – especially that from the “golden age” of the 1960s and early 70s, when, as Falceto puts it, Addis Ababa was “the African answer to swinging London” and boasted a famously wild nightlife. That era ended when Emperor Haile Selassie was overthrown by a military junta in 1974; regular curfews meant that clubs could no longer operate, and many musicians fled abroad.
This is the music that has been released on Falceto’s comprehensive Ethiopiques archive series (which will reach Volume 23 in the next few weeks, following the release of the new Very Best of Ethiopiques compilation) – Robert Plant, Elvis Costello and Temple of Sound are among its enthusiastic fans. Earlier this year, the most famous survivor from the era, Mahmoud Ahmed, was honoured at the BBC Radio 3 awards for world music, where the grey-haired singer gave a rousing performance and an impressive display of African pogo dancing.
Ethiopian music is very different from other African styles, perhaps because the country itself, with its long embrace of Christianity and no experience of western colonialism (though the Italians did invade the country in the second world war), has had such a different history. Musically, it has never been influenced by Cuban or other Latin styles, unlike west Africa. Instead, Ethiopian musicians looked to their own traditional music and to black America – a combination that came together in the extraordinary experiments of the 60s, when they created their gloriously distinctive fusion of local styles with American R&B, funk and free-form jazz.
Falceto has been rediscovering and reissuing that music, and transforming the world’s view of Ethiopia, since 1986, but it all started quite by chance. Back in 1984, he was working as a promoter, specialising in experimental music, free jazz and new music, when at a party a friend played an album by Mahmoud Ahmed that he’d bought in Ethiopia. Falceto was amazed: “I made cassettes and sent them to friends who knew about Africa, but they didn’t know about him.” He started travelling to Ethiopia (where the military was still in control), searched out Ahmed, who was then running a music store, and began to revive the singer’s career by arranging a European release for his now-celebrated Ere Mela Mela, originally recorded 11 years earlier. Then, realising there was “a music mine that had to be explored”, he started researching songs by other musicians from the era, and began the often-painstaking task of hunting down the original reel-to-reel masters of the vinyl recordings that he had heard.
In the process, he has become an expert in a remarkable period of African musical history, when politics dictated the rise and the fall of an experimental movement that in many ways echoed the 1960s musical revolution in the west. Emperor Haile Selassie played a key, if indirect role, because it was during his long rule that Ethiopia’s love affair with brass took off. Despite all those Rasta anthems about him, the Emperor’s musical taste veered less to reggae than to military brass bands, “because he realised that brass music was a symbol of power. It was music that impressed, but there had been no such tradition in Ethiopia,” Falceto explains.
Western brass instruments had been introduced to Ethiopia at the end of the 19th century as a gift from Tsar Nicholas. By the 1950s and early 60s, brass instruments played a key role in Ethiopian pop though, for much of this era, all bands were controlled by Selassie’s authorities, and no private orchestras were allowed. The best singers and players worked with such state-controlled outfits as the Police Band, the Haile Selassie Theatre Band, or (most importantly) the Imperial Bodyguard Band, which in the early 1960s included Mahmoud Ahmed. They received regular monthly salaries, like civil servants and played at state occasions and hotel dances.
Yet, as the Ethiopiques compilations show, there was nothing staid about these state bands, for they made sure that they checked out all the latest American hits, and then mixed them with local styles. It wasn’t just Mahmoud Ahmed who pioneered the new fusion. Other extraordinary singers of the era included Alemayehu Eshete, who started out with the Police Band and became known as the Ethiopian James Brown for his frantic funk workouts that retained an eastern-sounding, Ethiopian edge. There was also Tewelde Redda, who played an amplified version of the Ethiopian lyre, the krar, and was one of the first “electric guitarists” in Africa. And then there was the extraordinary Getatchew Mekurya, who played in the Haile Selassie Theatre Band and Police Band, and developed his unique style by listening to shellela, furious war cries used by armies before battle. When played on Mekurya’s saxophone, the result was like free-form jazz. “He was like Albert Ayler or Ornette Coleman,” says Falceto, “but he didn’t have any jazz records. He just did it!”
At the same time, a brave 26-year-old musician, Amba Eshete, dared to challenge the authority of the state by starting his own record label. His now-legendary vinyl releases, recorded in Ethiopia but manufactured in India, now make up much of the Ethiopiques collection.
Now thanks to Falceto, the music of the golden age has a new audience in the west, and though he has no plans to bring the survivors together for a Buena Vista Social Club-style show, he’s not ruling it out: “I’m ready to cooperate. I’d like to help other veterans the way I helped Mahmoud Ahmed.” He also notes that while Tewelde Redda and Alemayehu Eshete are still in good form, many musicians from the era are “living in misery when they should have a nice life because of their work”.
Lately, Falceto has been amazed by how contemporary western bands have responded to his Ethiopiques series by creating their own treatment of Ethiopian 60s styles, and has started taking those bands to Ethiopia. Boston’s Either Orchestra and the French Badoun Band have both made the trip: “People were shouting and crying even – they hadn’t seen a big band for 35 years!” he says. For his next project, there’s the fusion of French jazz and Ethiopian traditional styles that’s emerging from the Toulouse recording studio, to appear on his new contemporary music series, Ethiosonic. His obsession with the country has lasted for over two decades now, and he is still helping to transform Ethiopia’s image in the eyes of the world.
_________ The Very Best of Ethiopiques is released by Union Square on Monday.
OPEN LETTER TO THE ETHIOPIAN PRIME MINISTER MR. MELES ZENAWI
[በኣማርኛ, pdf]
Mr. Meles Zenawi,
Prime Minister
Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
August 8, 2007
Mr. Prime Minister,
The characteristic peculiar to our country, which distinguishes it from other countries, is the fact that it played an exemplary role in fiercely defending its sovereignty and territorial integrity at the time when powerful foreign powers were on the rampage to subjugate most lands on the globe.
Indeed, there have been periods in our history where our country had land mass many folds more than of the present one and trade relations and influence extending into the interior of the then neighboring Nubian Empire. This glaring history has been attested by innumerous literary works of ancient and modern scholars, both foreign and local origins.
Virtually, all Ethiopian governments prior to that of the Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front ( EPRDF ), although rightfully criticized for their autocratic and repressive leadership style, decidedly took preserving the unity and territorial integrity of the nation as their primary undertaking. Under their leadership, and largely because of it, our country repulsed powerful invaders such as the Ottoman Turks, Egyptians, Italians and Mahadists.
And it has now become the historical burden of this generation to carry on the great tradition of keeping the territorial integrity of the nation as the best way of commemorating the sacrifices of our forefathers. However, recent international media coverage of giving away another part of our country in the making is in circulation.
On July 4, 2007, the Sudan Tribune, under the title ‘Eastern Sudan farmers get back disputed lands from Ethiopia’, wrote, “A joint Sudanese-Ethiopian committee would start today to hand over agricultural lands to residents of more than 17 Sudanese villages located in eastern Atbara River along the Ethiopian-Sudanese border.”
The Sudan Tribune further reported that the governor of Al-Gadarif State, in eastern Sudan, Abdelrahman al-Khidir as saying, “… technical arrangements have been finished and a committee of seven experts from each side would give the Sudanese farmers their lands, pointing out that his government is ready to append these farmers with the current agricultural season. …with the end of the committee’s work which might last for a week, the lands would be back to their owners…that the final operation of border re-demarcating which might conclude after the autumn season would put an end for all kinds of security breaches and instability situation in the area.”
This clearly states that handing over the territory is already in advanced stages, and yet the Ethiopian government has not made any public statement of denying or sanctioning the report. It is extremely difficult to believe what type of package deal could make your government hide behind the screen of secretly negotiating and carving out a piece of our land to a foreign nation; and it is viciously wrong to keep the Ethiopian people in the dark on such most ominously crucial issue.
Not surprisingly, traumatized echoes are becoming progressively louder over this issue, inside and outside of the country, and at a time where the public is highly skeptical over anything that goes to the credibility of your government in preserving national unity and territorial integrity.
Ethiopians today are clamoring so desperately for answers to this crucial issue and we, groups of concerned Ethiopians, earnestly request your government to provide detailed account to the Ethiopian people regarding the alleged negotiations and the handing over the North Western part of Ethiopia to the Republic of the Sudan.
Respectfully,
Groups of Highly Concerned Ethiopians
CC
1. The Ethiopian House of People’s Representatives Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
2. Amhara Kilil Administration, Bahir Dar, Ethiopia
3. Beneshangul-Gumuz Kilil Administration, Assosa, Ethiopia
4. North Gondar Administration, Gondar, Ethiopia
5. South Gondar Administration, Debretabor, Ethiopia
6. All Ethiopian Opposition Political Organizations
A six-member high-level delegation of the Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party (Kinijit) headed by Ato Hailu Shawel will depart Ethiopia for the United States on August 20, according to Ethiopian Review sources.
The delegates include Ato Hailu Shawel (president), Wzr Bertukan Mideksa (vice president), Dr Hailu Araya (spokesperson), Dr Berhanu Nega (Mayor of Addis Ababa), Ato Gizachew Shiferraw (executive committee member), and Ato Brook Kebede (executive committee member).
The Kinijit executive committee has also decided that the initial receiving of the delegation will be coordinated by a three-member team including Dr Alemayehu G. Mariam, Ato Tamagn Beyene, and Ato Solomon Alemu, with the collaboration and assistance of Kinijit North America.
The executive committee, in a letter sent out today (በአማርኛ, pdf), asked the Kinijit North America support groups to assist the three individuals in organizing Kinijit supporters and the Ethiopian community to provide a warm reception for the delegates when they arrive in Washington DC.
The delegation plans to visit several cities in the United States. Kinijit North America support groups are expected to take over the coordination of the tour following their initial arrival at the United States.
(Reuters) The Woyanne regime in Ethiopia said it had killed more than 500 rebels and captured 170 in the past two months during an offensive in the volatile but energy-rich Ogaden region bordering Somalia.
The Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) dismissed the statement as an attempt by the Government to lull oil companies interested in the region into a “false sense of security”, and urged foreign firms to stay away.
The local president of Ogaden, Abdullahi Hassan Mohammed, said Ethiopian security forces had killed 502 ONLF fighters in a two-month military campaign against the “terrorists.”
“Rebel activities in the region have been eliminated,” he added.
But the ONLF said the Government was trying to hide the fact that it had lost control of Ogaden.
“Pursuing oil and natural gas exploration activities in Ogaden at this stage can only be characterised as gross corporate irresponsibility,” the rebels said.
“Recent claims that the Government has been able to realise military gains are designed to give a false sense of security to oil companies,” the ONLF added.
Also, an Ogaden-based rights group urged the US and the European Union to intervene to stop what it said were killings, rapes, torture and starvation carried out or caused by Ethiopian troops.
The Ogaden Human Rights Committee, which calls itself independent, urged the UN to censure Addis Ababa and to designate a safe haven for those fleeing “senseless carnage.”
“The Ethiopian Government should be held responsible for mass killings, disappearances, rape, arbitrary arrests, torture,” the group said.
Citing victims’ accounts, the group said it had documented 2395 extrajudicial killings, 1945 rapes and 3091 forced disappearances in the region since 1991, when the current government came to power.
“The government encourages, decorates and promotes violators to higher ranks,” the report said.
The Ethiopian Somali Advocacy Council (ESAC)
Washington, Dc
Press Release
The inhuman attack on a market and religious place, a church, in Jigjiga, in the capital of Somali Region shows that the authoritarian regime of Meles Zenawi is on his last leg. History has showed that the last resort of dictator is to use a tactic to diverting the attention from his horrendous and barbaric act. Meles Zenawi, who imposed Gestapo style of ruling on Ethiopian Somalis, is employed all kind of tactic to export his own internal crisis to another dimension of an ephemeral political element, terrorism.
A reliable resource from the capital of Somali Region has allegly indicated that the Ethiopian regime is the primary culprit of this barbaric acts. The Federal government of Ethiopia is blocking food and other basic necessities that the ordinary people are badly needed. Ethiopian TV has showed many innocent and poor young Ethiopian Somali rounded up in the name of fighting terrorism and destabilizing factors, but Meles Zenawi’s long repressive arm will not stop the aspiration of Ethiopian Somali.
As Boston Globe simply put in its editorial of this week, THE UNITED STATES is expanding its military presence in the Horn of Africa in an attempt to counteract terrorist groups in the region. But military activity is not the way to achieve that goal. Instead, the United States needs to put more effort into solving the outstanding political dispute there: the border conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea, involving all Somalis clan in peace and reconciliation in Somalia, and allowing freedom of speech of all Ethiopian political organizations.
As one Somali elderly eloquently sum up, “we thought that the demise of cold war will herald a new democracy and rule of law in Horn of Africa, but we, Somalis, are condemned to live in constant war by simply being a neighbor of Ethiopia that is ruled by Meles Zenawi.”
It is not altogether difficult to understand those who rhapsodize on democracy as the preferred form of government in the contemporary world. The collapse of the ‘totalitarian’ regimes in Eastern Europe in the early 1990s thereby heralding ballot-box democracy, freedom of the press, an independent judiciary, the right to be different and all the other appurtenances of democratic praxis, would seem to have confirmed Churchill’s euphoria.
If for the better part of the 20th century, we had lived in a divided world of competing ideologies, we were henceforth to be treated to a monochromatic diet of liberal democracy and human rights, symbolized by periodic elections based on free enterprise capitalism. But, the new component, terrorism has ushered a hot war in this era of globalization and the dictator regime of Meles Zenawi is using its utmost this component in Horn of Africa.
Meles regime has been ruling for 17 years. It is about time that he relinquishes the power peacefully. In 2005, Kinijit has defeated Meles political accolade in Addis Ababa and his new chieftain of kilil will not silence the genuine struggle of Ethiopian Somalis, Oromos, Afar and Gambelas. A real federal system that allows regional autonomy is badly needed, not the one party system ruling of EPRDF.
The Western world and particularly the United States can help by putting more pressure on Ethiopia, a de facto ally and the recipient of hundreds of millions of dollars in aid. We, Ethiopian Somali Advocacy Council urge our call to all international peace loving people that Meles Regime has to stop harassing innocent people in the regional Somali State.
The Ethiopian Somali Advocacy Council (ESAC) is a non-partisan organization that promotes democracy, good governance and human rights in the Horn of Africa region. 1340 W Street, NW, Washington, Dc 20009, Telephone 202-204-2758, Fax number 202-588-0559 www.galbeed.com