At the very end of the 1980s, when we witnessed the irreversible and forceful speed of the winds at the end of the Cold War, we all anticipated that a relatively peaceful, free world and a harmonious international community were being shaped and set on the right path. We were convinced, as we were told repeatedly by the powerful international media, that as soon as the undesired economic systems – socialism and communism, our common enemy which had been a source of division and permanent tension, and an obstacle to human progress – were gone from every aspect of world society, everyone, whether poor or rich, would say goodbye to poverty, disease, conflict and war forever. It was also emphasized again and again by the leaders of western countries and by respected, well-known media commentators that every member of the international community would have enough to eat, enjoy inexpensive or even free health care, and would live in peace and prosperity. Because of these high expectations of sharing and enjoying the fruits of the end of the Cold War, the excitement among both poor and rich, young and old was explosive and out of proportion.
It is additionally worthwhile to note that in the early stages of the end of the Cold War, this widespread hope for economic prosperity and political stability was mainly planted in the minds of Africans. At that time, Africans expected that Africa would quickly emerge from its chronic, long-standing economic poverty and dependence upon other nations. They also thought these winds of change would bring new leadership, democratization and political stabilization; more social affiliation, including the cultivation of habits of peaceful transfer of power; and the diversion of expenditures from the military to health, employment, education and other essential sectors of society. A particular conviction among Africans was that one enemy – internal and external conflict – would, along with the Cold War, be gone. In other words, it was expected that Africa would no longer be a battlefield for dictators – and certainly not that it would be controlled and ruled by a newly emerged empire – the United States.
It was moreover true that, given the end of East–West competition and Africa’s potential resources, including its population of over eight hundred million people (of which almost 54 percent is Muslim), it was hoped that a path to closer and cooperative cultural, political and economic relations between Africa and the US/Europe would be carefully crafted and cemented. The same was true for the over 250 million people in the Middle East. The hopes and expectations of the Middle East were particularly focused on improving and strengthening socio-cultural, linguistic economic links and relations with the Arab/Muslim countries of Africa, on the one hand, and on conflict resolution on the other. Although almost all the states of the Middle East remained under the influence of the United States and its European allies throughout the Cold War, the beginning of the 1990s was marked by hopeful signs among Arabs/Muslims for a lasting solution to the longstanding Arab-Israeli conflict and a peaceful, harmonious coexistence and relations with the United States in particular and the international community in general.
Even Europeans and a good portion of US society, who have not seen war at their backdoor for over six decades, had more or less the same expectations of the end of the Cold War. At that time, only a few people who tended towards gloomy thoughts continued to insist that the permanent enemies of man, such as poverty, disease and war would never be banished from human society, despite the end of the Cold War. In fact, highly influential, internationally respected experts in history, peace and war in modern society argued convincingly, with enormous confidence and certainty, not only that the hopes and expectation of the people of developing countries would be dashed, but that political instability and war in some regions of the world would deteriorate, going from bad to worse immediately as the end of the Cold War approached and thereafter. They predicted an enormous loss of human life, with the number of people suffering increasing astronomically and exceeding the number killed and suffering during the events of the Cold War period.
Indeed, while the United States and its European allies have continued to enjoy the fruits of the end of the Cold War on many fronts, including the fields of economy and politics, the repercussions for the African and Arab/Muslim countries that were previously protected by the iron walls and fences of the Cold war have been and continue to be immense — suffering to an immeasurable degree, including the loss of human life, irreparable destruction of cities and of health and educational sectors, the loss of irreplaceable artifacts and other valuable assets – due to the imbalance in power created by the end of the Cold War.
The end of the Cold War had obvious advantages for countries that helped to devise the political and economic techniques that enabled the successful toppling and annihilation of the entire social and economic fabric of the former Soviet Union and its allies, which had been regarded as a common enemy and rival of capitalism: that is, a system based on the ideal of the freedom of individuals to own wealth, even if acquired by exploiting the forced labour of others, and also by violent extortion of the land, property and money of other countries and peoples.
The most obvious advantage of the end of the Cold War for Western countries is that Europe and the United States have profited heavily. They continue to enjoy life, with an increasing amount of political stability along with total freedom of movement even in the former East block countries, and with little or no possibility of development of a hostile ideology in the near future; relative economic growth due to decreasing military expenditures (in Western European countries) and an accelerated expansion of opportunities for small and larger industries and businesses in the former socialist and communist countries, and free access to global domination, including the silencing of the United Nations by the United States. More importantly, there is the enormous confidence and pride inculcated in the minds of a good number of Americans that has accompanied becoming the only remaining major military and economic power on earth, with the opportunity to expand their cultural and economic interests and military power around the globe.
On the other hand, however, almost all developing countries, especially those with potential in the form of natural resources and a cheap labour force and other human capital, will be forced to listen attentively to every statement formulated and shaped in cooperation with the state of Israel and presented to them by the United States and the coalition of the “willing,” (if this has ever existed). Such countries have no legal means or tools to modify or reject the lists presented to them; they have no international body with the required economic and military power to protect them. Those countries are and will remain powerless and helpless, unless the US decides someday to respect and listen to the organization that represents the entire international community. These wealthy countries that are the current and future victims of US foreign policy must therefore accept any proposed shopping lists formulated and presented to them by the Secretary of State of the United States. Rejecting or neglecting to effectively implement any of the demands of these lists can have immeasurable repercussions, including limitless physical and psychological destruction. Further, while American and European populations can rest, sleep quietly and spend relaxed days and nights, enjoying the multiple results of the end of the Cold War, Africans and Arabs/Muslims spend sleepless nights and live in the uncertainty of not knowing of what tomorrow or after tomorrow will bring.
Dr. Maru Gubena, from Ethiopia, is a political economist, writer and publisher. Readers who wish to contact the author can reach me at [email protected]
Two countries moved into the Index’s top 20 for the first time. Bolivia (16th) was best-placed among less-developed countries and during the year its journalists enjoyed the same level of freedom as colleagues in Canada or Austria. Bosnia-Herzegovina (19th) continued its gradual rise up the Index since the end of the war in ex-Yugoslavia and is now placed above its European Union member-state neighbours Greece (32nd) and Italy (40th). ‘Unfortunately nothing has changed in the countries that are the worst predators of press freedom,’ RSF said.
Currently all independent newspapers in Ethiopia are banned and news websites are blocked. Several journalists are languishing in jails, and many went into exile, including the president of Ethiopian Free Press Journalists Association, Ato Kifle Mulat.
As shown by the historical records of the past three decades, the people’s power has not been effective in Ethiopia. It is therefore difficult to consider this power as a source of protection for political leaders who are ready to take risks. In practical terms, the people’s power in Africa, and in Ethiopia, in particular, is radically different from the experience in Latin America, Asia and, as seen in recent political events, in many countries of the former East Block.
Looking at political events and developments in my country retrospectively, one sees that Ethiopians have never been to collectively share and enjoy the fruits of political events that have resulted from the people’s action, uprising and power. It is to be remembered that the people outright rejected the forceful imposition of power and rule by the undesired, uninvited military regime of Mengistu Hailemariam – yet he managed to rule my country with an iron hand for a long 17 years, with little or no effective, meaningful challenge from those being ruled. By using viciously crafted mechanisms of destruction to eliminate both intellectuals and the youth of Ethiopia – the future assets of the country – with the cooperation of our own families and relatives, the regime of the Dergue also managed to permanently divide and demoralize the people of Ethiopia, to the point of becoming unable either to rise up and challenge the Dergue itself, or to fight against external enemies such as the TPLF and EPLF. It is indeed depressing to painfully recall and admit that so many, perhaps millions, of Ethiopians were used by the cruel regime as tools to willingly expose their own friends, neighbours and colleagues, and hand them over to the killing machines of the Dergue. It was these actions of the Dergue regime that created permanent wounds and animosities among Ethiopians to the point that it seems difficult, if not impossible, to reconcile and cure. Perhaps because of this, we remain persistently reluctant to talk, write and debate about those painful histories and still fresh memories.
Even worse and more painful, in addition to these unhealed wounds and unforgettable scars in our recent history, we also know so little about the sources and causes that contributed to the abrupt resignation of Prime Minster Aklilu Habte-Wold’s entire cabinet on the 26 or 27 (embarrassingly, no exact date of resignation is to be found anywhere) of February 1974. Although this became a fertile ground for the emergence of the people’s enemy, the Dergue, and the subsequent structural crisis within Ethiopian society, this has not been explored and written up. Except through verbal stories and jokes told in family get-togethers and around coffee tables, most, if not all, Ethiopians have had no factual account – for example, based on meeting reports or recorded videos showing when, at which date and time, or indeed the exact reasons that led to the resignation of the late Prime Minister Aklilu Habte-Wold’s cabinet. And who was or were precisely responsible for this resignation of then Prime Minister Aklilu Habte-Wold and his ministers? Many Ethiopians say it was the Dergue that forced the entire cabinet to resign. But surely there was no Dergue or military committee at that time of their resignation? There was not someone in Addis Ababa at that time by the name of Mengistu Hailemariam. I saw him with my own eyes in early March 1974, a simple army officer or an obscure major, together with another officer from the Dire Dewa anti-aircraft division, talking to my uncle and his wife at the Harar Military Hospital while we were visiting my uncle’s wife younger brother, a member of the Ethiopian Air Force who was stationed in Dire Dewa. The Provisional Military Administrative Council had not yet been founded. There was as yet nothing in the compound of the fourth army division which was, and perhaps is still, located in Meshwalekia, Addis Ababa. The political tensions and crises that existed from January to the very day of Aklilu Habte-Wold’s cabinet resignation were nothing compared to the persistent and quite explosive political challenges, combined with armed confrontations – often with deadly results – that have faced and tested the unelected leadership of the TPLF since its arrival in May 1991. In 1974, there were only three or four demonstrations. The last (and a major) one, probably held on 26 or 27 February, is said to have resulted in the culmination of Aklilu Habte-Wold’s cabinet by resignation: it was indeed supported by the various sections and divisions of the Ethiopian armed forces. Can such demonstrations alone be seen as the decisive source and cause of the resignation of Aklilu Habte-Wold’s cabinet? How then? How come measures were not taken by the Emperor himself, as well as by Aklilu’s cabinet, in an attempt to silence the uprising? And why did Emperor Haile Selassie return home from the OAU African Heads of States Summit held in Mogadishu in late June 1974, knowing that the political temperature was heating up so dangerously and irreversibly? Didn’t he have reasonably wise advisors at that time?
Other Ethiopians argue that Aklilu Habte-Wold and his ministers were forced by Emperor Haile Selassie himself to give up their responsibilities. But how? Where are the documents, the written and recorded evidence? Does Ethiopia lack all historical records related to such resignations and the subsequent tragedies? What a huge embarrassment and deficiency for Ethiopia and its people! How is it possible that such extremely fascinating tragedies, such historically valuable and important events are not documented? How can they be so neglected, so that they are forgotten by entire generations, even that of my father? How in the world is it possible that the multiple, incalculable contributions to Ethiopia’s political development and political history, including the enormous achievements and respect my country gained from the international community through the hard, devoted work realized by those irreplaceable Ethiopian figures, can be so neglected and forgotten? Why is that? Where is the concern, the respect and the love Ethiopians generally have for the people and the history of Ethiopia, and towards those who played a crucial role in representing our country on the world political stage, who made history for our country?
The story surrounding the tragic, untimely and sudden murder of ministers, together with their compatriot army generals and civil servants, by the power hungry and power intoxicated Dergue members under the leadership of the most inhumane, cruel, anti-social animal called Mengistu Hailemariam, has remained buried, in exactly the same way as the story of the resignation of Aklilu Habte-Wold’s cabinet. No books, no films or video recordings based on facts seem to have been produced. It is probably due to our resulting ignorance that most Ethiopians of my generation often feel uncomfortable, even embarrassed, to talk or engage in debates involving these two tragic events. Yes, since there are no written meeting reports or video records that might indicate why and how the members of the Dergue reached their extremely cruel conclusions and decided to murder their own compatriots, most of us know little or nothing about the precise facts behind the killing of those 60 Ethiopian citizens in just a few minutes on the 23rd of November 1974 – we only know that they never faced due process in a court of law for the crimes of which they were accused
As time passes, later generations, including that of my daughter, will know even less. What is most remarkable of all is the lack of concern and the disinterest of Ethiopians in boldly confronting, exploring and writing about these painful events, the history of our own crises, which are also our own creations. Isn’t it tragic, even shameful, to realize that we Ethiopians still live without books, professionally produced films or video records of such important, fascinating but painful historical events?
I would further be interested in understanding why the Ethiopian Diaspora, including the opposition political parties and the Diaspora media outlets and websites, are so reluctant to provide forums that would bring together individual Ethiopians who have information about those two important historical events, so that they can be widely discussed and more deeply explored? It is to be remembered that in recent times Chapters of Ethiopian political parties and the Ethiopian Diaspora in general have been engaged in exploring and explaining the origins of TPLF and its founding fathers, as well as the later historical developments. How is it then possible that the personalities and immense historical contributions of those 60 or more Dergue victims, the events themselves, the whys and hows of their resignations and murders, can be seen as irrelevant, or less important than the history of the TPLF and its founding figures? Why is that our interest and fascination are more profound with respect to the histories of our enemies than regarding the historical achievements, contributions and personalities of our own people? What kind of Ethiopianess is that?
Dr. Maru Gubena, from Ethiopia, is a political economist, writer and publisher. Readers who wish to contact the author can reach me at [email protected]
The above text has been excerpted from one of my previously posted articles, “Looking at Forgotten Events and Future Strategies Conducive to a Mature Political Culture for Ethiopia: Putting the Cart Before the Horse?â€
The following is a speech delivered by Tsehafi Tizaz Aklilu Habtewold, former Prime Minister of Ethiopia, at the first African Summit (May 1963, Addis Ababa) in response to a speech made by the President of Somalia accusing Ethiopia of seizing Somalian territory (Ogaden).
Source: “Ketema Yifru’s Biography,†by Mekonnen Yifru
Your Majesty, Mr. President,
I must apologize for intervening in this state of the debate, but the honorable Head of State of Somalia leaves me no alternative. It is with genuine regret that I intervene, in view of the events of the
last two days, the high standard of debate, the purpose for which the eminent Heads of State have gathered together, this high purpose, this dream that all Africans have been dreaming for
centuries.
At a time when we are about to realize African Unity, I deeply regret that I am obliged to enter into the minor differences between two States. The purpose of our meeting is African unity, collaboration and reconciliation. Our purpose here is not to emphasize our minor differences, but to bring out our points of agreement. In view of the unthinkable accusation made here against my country, I had no other choice than to take the floor. I shall be as brief as possible, and it is not my intention to enter into polemics.
The President of the Republic of Somalia stated that Ethiopia has seized a large part of Somali territory against the will and desire of the Somalia population. It is an outrageous, unthinkable accusation, without any factual basis. The Somalia delegation apparently wishes to apply in all conferences the well known adage “If you throw enough mud, some of it will stick,†but I had not expected him to apply it at this major conference, attended by great Head of States from our continent. Where does this accusation come from? What basis is there for saying that Ethiopia has seized a portion of Somali territory? I shall restrict myself to a few facts only, so that everyone may know the truth for once and for all.
Ethiopia has always existed in history for centuries as an independent state and as a nation for more than 3000 years. That is a fact. Second fact: the historical frontiers of Ethiopia stretched from the Red Sea to the Indian Ocean, including all the territory between them. Third fact: there is no record in history either of a Somali State or a Somali nation. That too is a fact. I apologize for stating it. During the 19th century, when European colonialists decided to share our Africa, as eminent heads of States have here pointed out, Ethiopia, though robbed of all its coast line Eritrea, Somalia and so on, resisted as a symbol to our African brothers, a symbol of the will to the independence of Africa. It has resisted alone for centuries.
Fellow Delegates, there is no need to recall here that it was at Adwa, in 1896, that for the first time in history a black African power defeated a white colonialist power. In doing so, it was defending its independence and the independence of our brothers. At the Paris Peace Conference after the Second World War, we obliged the colonialists, and particularly the Italian aggressors who used our Ethiopian coastline of Eritrea and Somalia to carry out attacks against the only independent African country, to abandon their former colonies, and also to abandon their colonies in North Africa and elsewhere.
With our friends from Egypt and Liberia, we struggled alone, the three independent states of Africa, on behalf of the whole continent. Afterwards, I myself was delegated by His Imperial Majesty in 1949, when the future of the Italian colony of Somalia was discussed. Ethiopia was among the first states to support the independence of Somalia. I myself asked for this. There was a proposal to place Somalia under Italian mandate for 25 years. We refused. It was proposed to place Somalia under Italian mandate for ten years. Ethiopia alone said no, and demanded the immediate independence. After a mandate had been granted to Italy, during these last ten years, before Somalia obtained its independence, my Sovereign, His Imperial Majesty Haile Selassie I, invited the Somali Head of State, who is here, to come to Addis Ababa and granted him the honors with which all the Heads of State who are here received two days ago.
Before there was an independent Somali Republic, Emperor Haile Selassie extended a hand to our Somali brothers, offering them economic collaboration, and did every thing possible to reach rapprochement, in spite of frontier questions, because questions of frontier between Ethiopia and the Somali Republic are regulated by international treaty. If the Somali Republic does not recognize the treaty, then the Somali Republic will not even exist. There is an international treaty, but on the ground there is no demarcation. We could spend much time on discussing that demarcation in order to reach agreement.
When the Honorable President came here, he was very satisfied. It was only after Somalia became independent that all these polemics came about. Now, immediately after independence, there was immediately a terrific campaign aiming at territorial aggrandizement at the expense of Ethiopia and Kenya. It is not for me to reply for Kenya. The President of the Somali Republic said “We are not seeking territorial aggrandizement.†Then what is he seeking? What does he base his statement on? On what does he base this territorial claim? On linguistic reasoning or religious reasons?
Even if, as was said in this very Chamber by the eminent Heads of State of Madagascar, of Nigeria, of Ghana, if we are to rewrite the map of Africa on religious, racial, and linguistic, I am afraid, as everyone has said, that many States will cease to exist. It is in the interest of all Africans now to respect the frontiers drawn on the maps, whether they are good or bad, by the former colonizers, and that is the interest of Somalia too, because if we are going to move in this direction, then we too Ethiopians have claims to make: on the same basis as Somalia, and for more on historical and geographical reasons.
Let me say in conclusion, the policy of Ethiopia, as its history shows, while never allowing an inch of territory to be given up, is the following: non-interference in the internal affairs of States; respect for the sovereignty and integrity of every State; a peaceful settlement of disputes on the established basis; co-operation between African brother States in all fields: economics, cultural, and social; and to work actively for African unity. I beg the Government of Somalia to work on the same principles, as I hope it will, for the greater benefit of our two fraternal peoples.â€
Once upon a time Ethiopians heard some scanty news about the Wild West. In school they read about Mark Twain and Shakespeare’s Romeo & Juliet. In colleges they were taught by scholars from Europe and North America whose professional commitment and humanitarian gestures were exemplary. These professors were friendly and unsophisticated. They intermingled with Ethiopians, with adventurism and courage.
Inspired by these foreigners, many students of wisdom and knowledge read novels and political writings of the West. With all naivete many wanted to travel to America and England to learn more about the socioeconomic developments of these countries. Thousands were interested to understand the essence of the Statue of Liberty and the freedoms of Trafalgar Square. Ignoring their sinister and condescending behavior, the innocent believed that the West was destined to spread democracy in Ethiopia. So, graduates from US, Ethiopian and UK universities made unprecedented effort to copycat the ideals of George Washington, Winston Churchill, Martin Luther King and Woodrow Wilson. Mesmerized by the eagerness of these disciples of democracy, U.S. and its allies supported the elite to change the political establishments in Ethiopia. Westerners covertly and overtly used student and trade unions, and the Ethiopian Army to stage coup d’etat. In spite of that, neither a bourgeoisie revolution nor a democratic evolution was achieved.
In the end, socialist revolution took the lives of Ethiopians and military dictatorship was installed in 1974. As the power of the gun roared on the streets of Addis Ababa, print and electronic media controlled, and civic organizations dismantled, freedom of speech curtailed and individual and collective freedom abused to an unimaginable proportion, thousands stood against the revolution. Yet still in the midst of brutal repression
and when the world was divided between East and West, Ethiopians adhered to the doctrines of democracy.
In order to forestall the speared of communism in East Africa, Western powers supported anti-government forces to unseat the military regime in Ethiopia. Even the so called humanitarian organizations like OXFAM, Care and World vision advocated for a change of governance. Assuming that US and Britain would not be interested in replacing one dictator by another, Ethiopians were joyous with the demise of Mengistu’s communism in 1991. Precisely this is the reason that Ethiopians gave the benefit of the doubt to the new TPLF rulers in Addis Ababa. And indeed the struggle to create a free society continued unabated.
Many hoped that with the help of Western nations, a true democratic society with a government by the people for the people would be formed. Unfortunately, soon after the end of communism, Western nations stopped far short from supporting democratic transition in Ethiopia. Instead of building democracy, they helped build great walls on ethnic lines and worked towards the dismemberment of a nation.
Nevertheless, the good disciples of democracy including Hailu Shawel, Bertukan Mideksa, Birhanu Nega, Yakob Hailemariam, Dr. Befekadu Degefe, Professor Mesfin Woldemariam, Muluneh Eyuel, Gizachew Shiferraw, Hailu Araya, Debebe Eshetu, Kifle Tigene, Serkalem Fasil, Eskinder Negga, Sisay Agena, Kassahun Kebede, Daniel Bekele, Netsanet Demessie and dozens of the gallant sons and daughters who are in and outside the country continued their struggle to bring democracy to Ethiopia. These individuals who are now prisoners of consciences were encouraged by the tacit support they received from some Western nations to advance the cause of freedom. Up until they were betrayed by Western teachers of democracy, they tried to bring change often in difficult circumstance peacefully and constitutionally. Sadly, their peaceful struggle was countered by brute force and these courageous disciples are locked up in one of Africa’s most dilapidated prison cells.
Bereft of everything, in the crowded prison cells of Kaliti, the prisoners of conscience shine in the hearts and minds of 70 million Ethiopians. Out of their prison cells they continue to give us the true account of the peaceful democratic struggle they waged in Ethiopia in 2005. By all standards, their courage, wisdom and commitment is exemplary. The selflessness of Prof. Mesfin and Eng. Hailu at old age and, Judge Bertukan Mideksa who is separated from her two year old daughter invigorates the dreams for a democratic Ethiopia. Special salutation goes to Dr. Berhanu Nega who, through his book the Dawn of freedom articulates, his team’s advocacy for democracy and peaceful struggle to change a fearful society to a free society. This book written from Kaliti unmasks the truth between democracy and dictatorship, nationalism and sectarianism, honesty and betrayals, diplomacy and tact, political dodgers and honest brokers, success and setbacks. What was fundamental was his thesis and anti-thesis on individual freedom and collective freedom. He goes on to say that men are born free and they should be free to think and choose what they think is right for them. His eloquent description manifests that the assurance of individual freedom and liberty is the fundamental of a true and sustainable democracy. The absence of it leads to the creation of fearful societies.
Berhanu and his team in prison remained steadfast in their peaceful resolve to bring democracy to Ethiopia. They remained good disciples of Martin Luther King, Windrow Wilson, Nelson Mandela, Abraham Lincoln, George Washington, Winston Churchill, and Gandhi. True those Western powers lead by George Bush and Tony Blair who promised to give their support to these disciples have failed them in the wee hours of need. Nevertheless, out of your prison cells you ought to be encouraged by the support you garnered from the peoples of Ethiopia, US and Europe. Members of Congress and European parliamentarians have continued their support and advocacy to your noble cause of spreading freedom to Ethiopia. A case in point is HR-5680, the Ethiopia Freedom, Democracy, and Human Rights Advancement Act of 2006. Rest assured
that honest representatives of the people, Congressmen Rep. Chris Smith, Rep. Donald Payne, Rep. Mike Honda and others, are working hard to get HR-5680 passed in Congress. In Europe, Anna Gomes and the European parliamentarians are working tirelessly to advance the cause of democracy in Ethiopia. Rest assured that you have more voices than those who betrayed your struggle. For example, the unfailing and determined members of the Ethiopian Diaspora around the world have intensified the struggle to secure your unconditional release and bring about genuine democracy in Ethiopia, the same cause that you and your loved ones are paying untold personal and collective sacrifices.
More than ever, the Ethiopian people are united behind your cause and dreams. They are showing their opposition to Zenawi’s regime with resilience. This regime which you have asked for national reconciliation is being pressured from all quarters. Its own inquiry commission and kangaroo courts are getting tired and frustrated of lying. Witnesses that were summoned by Meles are testifying against Meles and his judges. It is a system which is terminally ill, a regime that is in the process of disintegration. Members of the commission and senior judges have fled their country to tell the international community the true nature of Zenawi’s leadership. The Meles dictatorship’s frustration brings new types of deception and coercion, for which Ethiopians must be prepared. Rumor has it that Meles Zenawi has the intention of releasing CUD leaders from Kaliti prison should they abandon politics.
Truth and dawn are thin. However thin they may be, they will shine by the hour, by the day and by the year. Since you are the true disciples of democracy, you shall be free to lead Ethiopians create a fearless society. There will be a day without Birr Sheleko, Didesa, Zewai, and Kaliti mass detention camps. The struggle goes on. Keep hope alive. You will triumph.
