By Stephanie McCrummen, Washington Post Foreign Service
ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia — War or no war with Somalia, Mulunesh Abebayhu wants out. Out of her teaching job, where Ethiopian security forces constantly harass her because of her political views. Out of this city, where hundreds of protesters were killed by police bullets after disputed elections last year. And, if she can manage, out of this country that she believes has plunged into the abyss of dictatorship at the hands of its prime minister, Meles Zenawi, a staunch ally of the United States in the vulnerable Horn of Africa.
“He confuses the Westerners so that he can keep ruling,” said Abebayhu, 54, an opposition member arrested along with an estimated 30,000 others in the sweeping post-election crackdown last year. “Our party does not believe in this war. Our priority is to eradicate poverty, not go to war. Meles knows this war is a way for his system to survive.”
As Ethiopia and Somalia’s Islamic Courts movement inch closer each day to all-out conflict, a widespread view among people here in the capital is that Meles is using the conflict to distract people from a vast array of internal problems and to justify further repression of opposition groups, including ethnic Somalis in Ethiopia.
In particular, opponents of war say he is playing up the claim that there are al-Qaeda operatives within the Islamic Courts in order to maintain the support of the U.S. government, which relies on a steady flow of Ethiopian intelligence that some regional analysts say is of dubious value.
A recent attempt by Congress to sanction the Ethiopian government for widespread human rights violations failed after former Republican House leader Richard K. Armey (R-Tex.), lobbying on behalf of the Ethiopian government, argued that the United States needs Ethiopia in order to fight terrorism.
“We don’t know why the Americans let them get away with it,” said Abebayhu, who was denied her request for a U.S. visa and who said she receives death threats regularly.
Meanwhile, Meles has become so disliked in the city that people compare him unfavorably to the former dictator known as “the Butcher of Addis Ababa,” Mengistu Haile Mariam, who was convicted last week of genocide after a trial lasting 12 years.
Around Victory Square, one of many roundabouts in this city of a thousand cafes and tin-patch markets, passersby offered opinions similar to that of Nemera Bersisa, 35, a record-keeper on his way home from work.
“I believe the Dergue regime is better than this one, even if they killed people,” he said, referring to Mengistu’s rule. “This regime is democratic only in words. They kill people without any law, and they arrest people without a reason. This government is trying to stay in power by using different mechanisms, like claiming the Somalis are invading. But this is not the case. Meles is trying to externalize his problems.”
And those problems are vast.
After 12 years in power, Meles presides over a nation that still does not produce enough food to feed its own people, relying on the U.N. World Food Program to supplement struggling farmers. The number of people infected with HIV is rising every year: At least 500,000 Ethiopians are living with the virus now, according to government figures. At least half of the population lives on less than $1 a day, which is not enough to buy a single meal.
A smattering of new skyscrapers have gone up in Addis Ababa lately, and in recent years, the gaudy Sheraton Hotel was built, a fortified palace of marble and brass and $100 Scotch set amid a rusting neighborhood of leaning, one-room shacks. Locals call it Paradise in Hell.
Last year’s elections began with high hopes and degenerated into a bloodbath. Opposition groups, who made significant gains but did not win a majority according to the national election board, accused the government of rigging the tally and flooded the streets to challenge the results. During the rallies in May and November last year, unarmed protesters were sprayed with bullets while others were hunted down, killed inside their homes and in their gardens, in front of children and neighbors.
Though the official government report released in October listed 197 demonstrators killed, some members of the government’s own commission and human rights groups have estimated that the number could be as high as 600. Seven police officers were killed.
Since then, the mood around the capital has been grim.
“After the elections, the government is ruling Ethiopia by military force and propaganda, we all know that,” Bersisa said. “We’re dead after the election.”
While most of the 30,000 prisoners taken after the election have been released, several hundred opposition leaders remain in jail, including the elected mayor of Addis Ababa, Birhanu Nega, who was a professor in the United States, and Haile Miriam Yacob, who served on the U.N. commission settling a border dispute between Ethiopia and Eritrea.
Four private newspapers have been shut down. A reporter for the Associated Press was expelled. And random arrests on the streets of Addis Ababa continue daily, people say.
Residents of a largely Ethiopian Somali neighborhood called Rwanda say that government security forces have been rounding up people who refuse to swear allegiance to Meles’ ruling party, a charge the government denied.
“Their main target is Ethiopian Somalis,” said Reagan Dawale, 30, who left his home in the Somali region of Ethiopia because of the tense atmosphere there, only to find a similar situation in the capital.
In a recent interview, Meles, a former Marxist guerrilla who shed his fatigues for tailored suits when he took power in a 1991 coup, referred to the opposition as leading an “insurrection” intent on overthrowing the government by violent means, a charge opposition leaders deny.
Meles has introduced a few words into the Ethiopian vocabulary. Someone who is out of line is a “fendata.” Dissatisfied, unemployed workers who must be controlled are the “adegnabozene.” A “bichameberat” is a person who has crossed into the danger zone.
Meles said he retains U.S. support when it comes to defending Ethiopia against the Islamic Courts movement, which now controls much of Somalia, including Mogadishu, the capital. Meles said the Islamic Courts have already attacked Ethiopia by arming secessionist Ethiopian Somali groups in the Ogaden region along the Somali border, a claim opposition leaders believe is both exaggerated and hardly a justification for war.
“Our argument is that all the governments we’ve known since 1960 say they want the Ogaden,” said Beyene Petros, leader of the main opposition group, the Coalition for Unity and Democracy, referring to Somalia.
The Islamic Courts say it is the Ethiopians that have invaded Somalia. While Meles has repeatedly denied having troops there, the United Nations and regional diplomats estimate that at least 8,000 Ethiopian soldiers are in Somalia, backing the weak and divided transitional government.
Petros said Meles is poised to make precisely the same miscalculation in the Horn of Africa that critics say the United States made in invading Iraq: that a vastly superior military force can crush an ideologically driven guerrilla campaign.
“We should defend our borders, but I don’t believe in a hot-pursuit campaign inside of Somalia,” Petros said. “And I don’t think this war is going to change the hearts of the Ethiopian people.”
As far as our ruthless tyrant is concerned the Somali situation is a dream come true. Since the general election of 2005 he has been in a general state of funk. This is what the Americans call catch 22. If you do you are doomed, and if you don’t you loose anyway. Our fearless leader was in such a situation.
First he thought it was just a harmless election where he was going to be crowned and show his fernji benefactors how cool he is. Unfortunately he lost, and boy did he loose big. Never mind he thought he will shoot a few demonstrators and things will revert back to normal. Wrong again, this pesky new entity called ‘Kinijit’ refused to cooperate. Well he said kill some more and show them who is in charge. Did not work at all. Man this job is becoming ever difficult. You would think after seventeen years of terrorizing and looting, people would have some respect for you. So he said charge them with ‘genocide, insurrection, etc. etc.’ and throw their leaders in jail. As for the little incident of killing a few troublemakers, appoint a ‘commission’ and blame the dead. As they say when it rains it pours.
The imprisoned leaders shined like a super nova in the eyes of the Ethiopian people. The court became a two-bit circus act. Hollywood couldn’t have written a better comedy. We have judges faking illness, prosecutor calling his own witness crazy, witness feigning memory loss and good old Kemel Bedri wishing he was back in his kiosk chewing chat. Furthermore, Judge Frehiowot skipping town with that video was an absolute mess.
To top it all good old Meles ends up being a prisoner in his own palace. Got chased out of Stockholm, have to use back door in Berlin, New York was too toxic to land, forget Amsterdam, damn the only safe place is either Khartoum, Beijing or Aduwa. So he was sitting in the basement chewing chat with good old Berket talking about the good old days of roaming free with cousin Isaiyas when the phone rang.
It was his godson Mohamed Geidi from Baidoa. Suddenly in a flash of merkana everything became clear. He gave the phone to Bereket and flew upstairs to call his friend Vicky. Hey Mrs. Charge de affairs, I got an idea. Why don’t I send my army and fight the Jihadists in Somalia. It will destabilize the region for you, and people will forget this nonsense of elections, killing, trial and leave me alone. It is a win win situation Mrs. Vicky. Mrs. Charge de affairs knew he was chewing that forsaken leaf again, he forgot that was her idea, never mind she thought it might even help if we can convince the press to scream Jihadists flocking to Somalia from all over Jihad land where ever it is.
Stay tuned the thirds chapter will begin soon. Will the tyrant’s solders get bogged in Somalia? Will his own solders reverse and march all over him? Is his friend Vicky helping him with finding accommodation when he leaves town?
Now to the sad aspect of this drama. The only real loosers are the people of Ethiopia. They suffered seventeen years under a brutal dictator, and we no gap he was replaced by Meles and his militia in uniform ushering another seventeen years of darkness. Today, they are facing another uncertain future with Isayas looking down from the North, Woyane in the belly, Islamic court from the East, and the US and Europeans getting ready for a showdown with their proxy army poised for wanton destruction. If there is ever such thig this is the time for ‘Ethiopia to stretch her hands to heaven’ and ask the almighty to guard her in this time of sadness.
Realizing that “…Iraq’s neighbors greatly affect its stability”, the Iraq Study Group puts forth a recommendation to the Bush administration to ?[s]top destabilizing interventions and actions by Iraq’s neighbors.? The report vividly shows that countries can willingly destabilize their neighbors at will for regional hegemony, and other selfish interests. Unless the Bush administration is waiting for Somalia or Horn of Africa Study Group?s recommendation, the destabilization role of Meles Zenawi regime in Somali must immediately be stopped now.
The only foreign force openly destabilizing Somalia at present is the Ethiopia Defense Force [currently under the control of the ruling Tigrean People’s Liberation Front – TPLF] and its security forces. Ethiopia?s military presence in Somalia is the main cause for the stalled peace talk between the Union of Islamic Court and Transitional Federal Government. The Zenawi force that has been menacing citizens on the streets of Oromia including the capital Finfinne (Addis Ababa), Gambella, Ogadenia, and Sidama has already been exported to the streets of Somalia. The International Crisis Group reported last year that ?in the rubble-strewn street of the ruined capital of [Somalia]?Ethiopian security services?are engaged in intimidation, abduction and assassination.? Moreover, a leaked U.N. report confirms the presence of up to 8,000 Ethiopian troops in Somalia in a clear violation of Somalia?s sovereignty.
The despotic regime justifies its intervention by supplying the international community with unsubstantiated claims of Islamists terrorism threat in Somalia. Contrary to Zenawi?s claim, the U.S Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, Jendayi Frazer, said last June that it was ?unclear whether the Islamic militia or elements within it were linked to, or gave shelter to al-Qaeda operatives?. No report has yet been released from the U.S. administration rescinding Jendayi Frazer?s statement. However, this official statement of the U.S does not correlate with the behind-the-scene actions of the U.S. ? which is, the (tacit or secretly expressed) support of Ethiopia?s military intervention in Somalia with the pretext of containing terrorism threat. In fact, the U.S. was the prime architect of the recent U.N. resolution that adopted the deployment of foreign troops at a time when Somalia is returning to relative normalcy. The resolution echoed Ethiopia?s claim to justify the deployment of foreign troops against the will of the majority of the Somali people and against the advice of many states and international agencies.
It is bewildering that the despotic Ethiopian regime is still being regarded as a ?staunch ally in the war against terrorism? while its track record show acts of domestic and cross-border terrorism. This U.S. stance on Ethiopia is contradictory to what Dr. Condoleezza Rice claimed to have learned from the failed U.S. policy in the Middle East. Dr. Rice said that “for 60 years, my country, the United States, pursued stability at the expense of democracy ?, and we achieved neither. Now, we are taking a different course. We are supporting the democratic aspirations of all the people”.
Ethiopia?s meddling in Somalia is a clear manifestation of the lack of a genuine multiparty system, the rule of the law, and democracy in Ethiopia. If the ruling party that has monopolized the state power contuses to hamper democratic transition, neither stability nor democracy will be achieved in the horn of Africa. Democracy and stability in Ethiopia and the horn at large can be achieved only when the aspiration of all the peoples of Ethiopia is achieved, which will effectively curb the Ethiopia?s ruling party aggression on neighboring countries.
The political, economic, and human right problems in Ethiopia are not unknown to the United States. Ambassador David Shinn, who was U.S. Ambassador to Ethiopia in the mid-to-late 1990’s, recently told a Harvard University conference that ?..Ethiopia has?a serious lack of true power sharing and weak governing institutions ?. [A]s long as there continues to be alienated groups in Ethiopia that believe, rightly or wrongly, they can not achieve their goals through the political process, these? [conflicts]? will continue and may worsen”. Shinn further warned against ?further alienation of the Oromo and Somali [Ogadenis]?.
The Tigrian ethnocratic regime in Ethiopia has employed a policy of suppressing targeted ethnonational groups, particularly the Oromos and the Ogaden Somalis. The alienation of the largest ethnonational group in the horn of Africa-the Oromo-has enabled the minority government to maintain state power in the hands of few loyal Tigrians. As a result, most Oromo political organizations, notably the Oromo Liberation Front, have been forced to go underground to struggle for the right of Oromos for national self-determination and for the establishment of a free, just, and democratic society in Ethiopia.
As a result of OLF?s departure, the Oromos are not fairly and genuinely represented in all affairs of the country. The relatively younger Oromo political parties, which were hoped to fill the ?representation vacuum?, have found it difficult to endure the brute nature of the Tigrian regime. Killing and intimidating Oromo MPs have become frequent occurrences in the country. As a result, some Oromo MPs have been forced to flee the country. The inhuman treatment of the Oromos has also caused the defection of many senior officials-judges, diplomats, military commanders, politicians and even athletes. Currently, over 30,000 Oromo political prisoners, including numerous political and civic leaders, are languishing in different prisons throughout Oromia. In an interview with the Guardian in London last month, the recently defected Oromia Supreme Court president has disclosed that there is an estimated 15,000-20,000 extra-judiciary killing committed by the state security apparatus in Oromia alone in the past 15 years.
While the vision of ?spreading democracy? to the Middle East ?required? the Bush administration to use military force, it is ironic that the peoples of Ethiopia are struggling against the U.S-backed undemocratic regime to achieve the same vision. The horn of Africa, particularly Ethiopia, is a region where democracy and the rule of law are chronically lacking. Perhaps, the Bush administration may not have realized that Africans, just like the rest of the people all over the World, yearn for freedom and democracy. In fact, the readiness of the Ethiopian populace to embrace democratic values of the West, as was amply demonstrated during the aborted May 2005 election, makes the Bush administration?s vision of ?spreading democracy? amenable for implementation in Ethiopia.
There is no justification to keep the Ethiopia?s dictator as an ally while the Oromos, who represent a good half of Ethiopia?s population, are being alienated, killed, and jailed for just being Oromos? How can a regime that steals elections and commits genocide against its own citizens be an ally of the greatest nation, the U.S.? The oppressed peoples of Ethiopia hope that the West, particularly the U.S., supports their aspirations rather than supporting a tyrant that is bent on destabilizing the Horn region. The continued support of the U.S. to the criminal regime in Ethiopia will be regarded not only as a betrayal of peoples? aspiration for freedom and democracy but also a betrayal of the very ideals of America-the fulfillment of people?s aspiration for freedom, equality, self-determination, justice, and human dignity.
As stated in the preface to part one, it is this important part ? part two ? that provides a clear definition of the two generations under discussion; distinguishes the socio-economic and political conditions these generations have experienced; assesses the many interlinked historical factors and actors that are the immutable sources of our unhealed wounds, divisions and obstacles ? obstacles not just to a search for possible solutions to our longstanding and persistent socio-economic and political problems, but even to our living side by side and working together. It is also this part of the article that examines the role of the complex mechanisms used by the Dergue regime to forcefully inculcate the images they preferred into the minds of the War Born Generation.
To obtain a clear picture of the complex sources, processes, problems and issues involved, it is advisable to read parts one and two together.
Distinguishing the Two Generations and their Socio-economic and Political Conditions
Before tackling the remaining issues of this paper, let me first attempt to clear up the clouds surrounding the two generations, including my definitions and the reasons I have found it necessary to introduce these two concepts – the Golden Period Generation and the War Born Generation.
To begin with, our current difficulties seem to me to be explained by the ?Cold War? these two generations are waging against each other, with devastating and destructive effects to the path of the Ethiopian resistance. Therefore it is necessary to make a clear distinction between them. Additionally, the concept of the generations that I am suggesting can, I believe, be helpful in assessing the impact of the socio-economic and political experiences and backgrounds in which each generation was born and brought up.
Each generation encompasses a range of ages. The Golden Period Generation, for instance covers those individuals who were born between 1938 and 1966, with an average age of 22 in 1974 and 53 in May 2005 ? the year that marked the first national parliamentary election in the history of our country ? Ethiopia. A good number of the Golden Period Generation are said to have been contributing forces to, and in some cases instrumental in, the upheaval of the bloody 1974 Ethiopian revolution, which marked the end of Emperor Haile Selassie?s forty-four year rule and the disintegration of the long established feudal system, including the suspension of Ethiopia?s constitution; they came predominantly from rural Ethiopia and belonged to rural families. The War Born Generation, on the other hand, encompasses those born between 1967 and 1986, with an average age of 14.5 in 1991 ? the year that marked the end of Mengistu Hailemariam?s era ? and 28.5 in May 2005.
I prefer, however, to define these two generations not in terms of years, but rather on the basis of Ethiopia?s political conditions, relationships or affiliations, and in relation to the experiences of the two generations with the country?s rulers, including the process of victimization some experienced, inflicted by certain regimes. This determined their ability or inability to participate in political activities such as demonstrations, and the chance they ran of being picked up and arrested, or being gunned down by the security forces of the regime in question. As has already been said, and as might be expected, there are thus substantial differences in the experiences and ideologies of the Golden Period Generation and the War Born Generation, as in other many aspects.
First and most essentially, the time in which the Golden Period Generation was born and grew up was relatively stable, with few or no rebel groups. The Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) was still in an organizational phase. The number of active ELF members, including the founders, was small; it had not yet even reached one hundred. At that time, most well known founders and some members of the ELF lived in the Middle East other Islamic African countries. The entire Ethiopian population, including the Golden Period Generation, was free to move from one border to the other, all the way across the country. In fact, at that time Ethiopians had never seen a compulsory identification card, something they were suddenly required to carry with them. This requirement was introduced for the first time in Ethiopia?s history by the regime of the Dergue. Even in the first few months of the Dergue era, permission was not required to travel from one border to the other, for example from Moyale to Massawa. It was also true that life in the entire nation of Ethiopia was extremely cheap and it was easy. In relatively small restaurants in Finote Selam, Bahir Dar, Dessie, or any other medium or small Ethiopian cities and towns, it was for example quite normal to order an extended lunch or dinner for just ten cents in Ethiopian Birr.
As the educational system of Ethiopia had been seriously and carefully established, aimed at producing well trained graduates with a bright future, the students of the Golden Period Generation were loved, respected and regarded by the general public of Ethiopia as the future representatives and symbols of the country. Wherever they went, all Ethiopian mothers and fathers ? in both urban and rural areas ? always welcomed Ethiopian students and youth of that memorable period. Indeed, throughout the youth of the Golden Period Generation the educational system was complex and exams were tough to pass, especially the two ministry exams (from 6th to 7th grade, and from 8th to 9th grade) and the third so-called ?matrix exam,? which enables students, if they pass, to enter one of the Ethiopian universities. The quality of Ethiopia?s educational system and educational outputs were extremely high. During the generation of the Golden Period it was not strange, for example, to hear little children in the fourth or fifth grade speaking English well and helping foreign visitors. As the result of the relatively professionally established educational system of the time, the attitudes and views of the Golden Period Generation were and are far broader and more international than those of others.
As the name clearly suggests ? and in strong contrast to the environment and socio-economic conditions in which the Golden Period Generation was born, grew up and lived ? the period of the War Born Generation was and still is marked with external wars, conflicts and internal armed confrontations among an increasingly number of rebel groups, each with a lengthy list of demands for independence. The War Born Generation is the first in the history of Ethiopia to experience living in officially registered locations (called ?Kebeles?) with house numbers, and with a requirement that individuals who would like to have visitors ? even family members and friends from other Ethiopian cities, towns or villages ? must register their names and the duration of their stay in advance, and ask permission. Moreover, the War Born Generation has had little or no freedom to move from city to city, or from a city to certain regions of rural Ethiopia, without proper legal permission and without carrying an ID. It is also undeniably true that the socio-political and economic conditions in which the War Born Generation has been born and brought up have been torturous ? isolationist and impoverished. The impact of the worsening economic conditions on social relations among Ethiopians has been heavy, and has resulted in persistent increases in hostilities. Due to the substantial decreases in the quality of education under the Dergue regime, the educational level of the War Born Generation is exceptionally low. For example, a disproportionately high number of the War Born Generation who have completed high school, even among those who have attained the second or third year of university, don?t speak English. Many of those among the War Born Generation who are living today with us in Europe or the United States, when applying for political asylum, could not manage to articulate their own profile or the reasons for applying for asylum to an immigration officer without the help of an interpreter.
Further, as the result of the intensity of the war between the then two guerrilla rebel forces ? the EPLF and TPLF forces ? and the regime of Mengistu Hailemariam, the War Born Generation has continued to be both a direct and indirect potential victim of the parties involved in the war. An indirect victim, because there is not a single person among the War Born Generation whose family members were not affected, who could escape from being forcefully snatched, conscripted by the fascist regime of Mengistu Hailemariam to go the warfront and sacrifice his or her life. And directly, in the case of those who were themselves conscripted to fight the war ? a war created and expanded by the regime of the Dergue itself. And finally, for children of Dergue members, and of those who served the regime of Mengistu Hailemariam in one way or the other, including members of the former Ethiopian armed forces ? it is certainly and undoubtedly this generation, the War Born Generation, that has been and is directly and badly affected and victimized by the defeat and eventual ousting of Mengistu Hailemariam from power by EPLF and TPLF forces in May 1991. Most lost their loved ones, close friends and colleagues as well as personal property and other essential belongings.
Due to their ages and because they were the children of the Dergue system itself, the War Born Generation was vulnerable: it could easily be molded in accord with the desires and wishes of the system and leadership of the Dergue regime. It is additionally true that given the complete lack of educational alternatives, the War Born Generation had no choice but to listen to their parents, go to school and learn from their school teachers. The schools, together with the Dergue controlled media outlets ? an indispensable tool in molding this generation ? were the only institutions available to provide information. It is also true that not a single person in the world can stand and watch when his or her parents are being criticized or attacked ? it doesn?t matter how bad the parents might be. So the repeated denials and defense by the War Born Generation of the Dergue, even given the atrocious crimes committed and the damage inflicted upon the people and the territorial integrity of Ethiopia are understandable. The problem, however, does not end with these denials of the appalling crimes of the parents, other family members and the War Born Generation itself. The problems and the clashes between the Golden Period Generation and the War Born Generation are much deeper and are getting out of hand: we are at a point where the War Born Generation is ready, not only to politically outsmart and socially silence the Golden Period Generation, but, appallingly, is also working day in and day out to physically eliminate all individuals who belong to the Golden Period Generation. The big question is: why are such great cruelty and creatively invented, unsubstantiated charges necessary? Who is really going to benefit from this intensified, volatile war of words? What are the historical sources of the clash between the two generations?
Looking at the Historical Sources
As widely recorded evidence clearly shows, from early in the 1950s the Golden Period Generation was an active force in resisting and challenging, directly and indirectly, the policies and government of Emperor Haile Selassie, demanding socio-economic, political and leadership changes. It was seen as an indispensable symbol and voice of the people of Ethiopia. However, despite well-researched historical evidence on the incalculable influence and contributions of the Golden Period Generation to relative improvements in areas related to health, education, agriculture and basic infrastructure in various regions of Ethiopia, and while knowing perfectly well that the 1974 Ethiopian revolution had been partly or fully the result of the uninterrupted concerted efforts and sacrifices of this generation, the Dergue, with its unpatriotic and greedy members ? and which later became the uncontested, most ruthless ruler of my country and oppressor of my people ? conspired against the Golden Period Generation and the Ethiopian people in general, and decided to snatch the socio-economic, political and leadership changes from them all. The months that followed the end of Emperor Haile Selassie?s rule were to be the beginning of urban and city dominated war, terrorization and self-destruction among Ethiopians themselves ? with the new military rulers and those supporting military rule against those emphatically opposing the imposition of power and rule by an unelected military dictatorship. The new self-installed fascistic military dictatorship was also quick to take inconceivable, cruel and irreversibly destructive measures against the Golden Period Generation as well as a large section of other Ethiopians who rejected the idea of military rule in the land of Ethiopia.
Indeed, the Golden Period Generation was seen not only as a potential enemy, but also a direct threat to the long term desires and plans of the Dergue to forcefully impose its oppressive and repressive rule upon our country for an unspecified period. These new rulers were faced with increasing and spreading challenges including dangerously escalating resistance in both urban and rural Ethiopia, and were unable either to convince or silence the concerted opposition to military rule by political means, rationally and wisely devised mechanisms and instruments, the parents of the Warn Born Generation ? the members of the fascistic dictatorial military regime declared open war on the Golden Period Generation and its political party, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party (EPRP) ? a war aimed at exterminating the entire Golden Period Generation and those associated or suspected of being involved with or related to EPRP members, activists or their families.
To help sharpen its teeth, and in an attempt to justify its appalling war policies and strategies to the Ethiopian people and the international community, even though these were exclusively directed at its targeted victims ? the Golden Period Generation and its political party, the EPRP ? the then military dictatorship, the Dergue, publicly accused the EPRP and the civilian left of being anti-peace and anti-Ethiopian unity. By employing the Dergue-controlled Ethiopian media outlets as effective and indispensable propaganda machines in the war against my generation, the Dergue accused the civilian left organization, the EPRP, whose activists included students, the entire body of Ethiopian intellectuals, teachers and trade union associations, the Ethiopian business community and even some members of the Ethiopian armed forces, of being a political organization that was working hand in glove with the growing number of newly emerging separatist rebel groups engaged in terrorist activities and working towards the disintegration of Ethiopia?s territorial integrity. The accusations and charges made by the then Ethiopian military dictatorship against my generation were not only entirely politically motivated and disproportionate, but were also totally unfounded.
Contrary to the unfounded accusations and charges declared against my generation by the fascistic regime of the Dergue, the EPRP?s suggestions and proposals ? as can be read in well-documented records ? were presented as a lasting solution to the conflicts arising between the new military dictatorship and the new rebel groups of the period, were entirely and exclusively focused on peaceful, immediate resolution of the issues and problems raised by a few of the rebel groups, before they become more organized, grew and expanded and before their ideas and strategies took root in the land of Ethiopia. Because the demands of the rebel groups were straightforward, the EPRP believed that sitting together and talking with even one rebel group ? the EPLF ? could help to bring a lasting solution, stop the emergence of other rebel groups and clear up the heavy, dark cloud of possible protracted internal and external conflicts and wars hanging over the head of Ethiopia.
Regrettably, however, the Ethiopian army officers who had forcefully snatched power from Ethiopians who had struggled over many painful years, attempting to cultivate the habits and culture of democracy in our country and to create an opportunity for our people taste both the fruits and challenges of freedom and democracy, were unconvinced. They continued a ruthless and fascistic policy of war, intensifying the process of extermination of the most irreplaceable Ethiopian assets, along with the destruction of the many complex and most valuable Ethiopian cultural and patriotic symbols, along with norms and values including the deep respect and love Ethiopians had for each other. Yes, indeed, the greedy, power thirsty, irresponsible and arrogant Dergue members who ruled my country during those nightmarish years chose for prolonged internal and external wars in preference to engagement in discussions and an attempt at a peaceful resolution to the newly emerging armed confrontations and conflicts.
Although the responsibility for the decision to eradicate my generation rests entirely with the Dergue, since Dergue members themselves made this decision, the conflict that arose within the civilian left during the early and mid 1970s ? for strategic reasons plus ideological differences and convictions, and which led to the eventual split, to irreconcilable animosity and to further self-destruction of one another ? served not just to embolden and radicalize the hearts and minds of the Dergue, but also led them to escalate and expand the war machines against the civilian left. The decision made by the All-Ethiopia Socialist Movement, often referred to by its Amharic acronym, Meison, to form an alliance with the Dergue regime and work cooperatively with the most ruthless regime of the period (in the expectation of diverting the revolution from within) was indeed an unforgivable historical error of the then leaders of Meison, Mr. Haile Fida and Dr Negede Gobeze ? a painful memory to the Meison figures and activists who finally managed to escape the cruel and deadly war machine of Mengistu Hailemariam.
A major reason behind the irreconcilable disagreement of Meison with the EPRP and their alignment with the repressive regime of the Dergue was the use of arguments by the then leaders of Meison based on a theory that asserted the positive contributions of military dictatorship. This presumably was borrowed from the well known social scientist, Andre Gundar Frank, who is best known as the post-Second World War exponent of his dependency theory ? the idea that despite the undemocratic nature of military rule, in countries such as Ethiopia, the deep-rooted feudal mode of production and relations among the members of society cannot be simply eradicated and fundamental structural socio-economic and political change cannot be implemented just by ending the rule of a monarchy and replacing it with a democratically elected leadership. The Meison leaders concluded with confidence and certainty that if Ethiopia were not to be ruled by a well-organized and armed military leadership, the people?s revolution would not survive, and the old rule that had been deposed would certainly revive, once again forcing its feudal system upon the entire population of Ethiopia. Therefore they insisted on the importance of military rule in Ethiopia for an unspecified period.
Emphatically rejecting both the stated arguments of the then Meison leadership and the collaboration between Meison and the new military dictatorship in Ethiopia, the EPRP leadership challenged the Meison leadership on grounds of practical experience in countries that had been ruled by fascistic military dictatorships. In making clear its case to the Ethiopian people, the EPRP leadership of the 1970s stood firm, saying that the reasons given by Meison were unjustifiable and in contradiction to the history of military dictatorships. According to well established historical documents covering military dictatorships, argued the EPRP leadership, where such dictatorships have come to power in a nation state not a single country has witnessed a peaceful and democratic transfer of power to an elected leader or leaders. Military dictators have by nature little or no respect for their people or country. They are allergic to the idea of being replaced by an elected civilian leadership.
Not surprisingly, the persistent self-incrimination and escalation in the wars of words and deeds between Meison and EPRP became an energizing force for the military regime of Mengistu Hailemariam in the radicalization and escalation of its own war, not only against EPRP, but also against everyone who did not express his or her unreserved, loud and clear support for the war and the destructive policy of the Dergue. As not publicly supporting the war policy and the war machine of the Dergue became tantamount to committing a crime, being accused, charged, hunted and gunned down became a daily urban phenomenon in all cities of Ethiopia. Again, not surprisingly, after sharpening its teeth and firmly reorganizing the foundation of its power structures, the ruthless dominant figures of the Dergue turned the barrel of the gun towards the entire leadership of Meison, who had been working hand in glove with the Dergue itself towards the destruction of my generation. A few among the active leadership of Meison who managed to escape the killing machines of the Dergue ? killing machines they themselves helped to create and sharpen ? live today with horrifying memories and never-ending nightmares.
What is more interesting in this connection, however, is this: it is these same rebel groups, newly born at this earlier time and each founded in the land of Ethiopia by three to seven individuals, concurrently with the emergence of the new military dictatorship, that eventually became ? after 17 years of protracted war ? a source of the complete destruction of the Dergue itself, including the loss of life of the most dominant leaders of the Dergue, those who initially so emphatically rejected sitting and negotiating with the small rebel groups to resolve the emerging problems of the period in a timely fashion.
Incidentally, it is probably worth noting that the falsely and creatively invented accusations and charges declared by the Dergue regime against the Golden Period Generation more or less resemble the treason and genocide charges more recently imposed upon Ethiopian elected and jailed leaders, Ethiopian Free Press Journalists and many other Ethiopians by the tyrannical unelected TPLF leadership that is currently ruling our country and its people with its repressive machine and with the barrel of the gun. The obvious major difference between the victims of the Dergue and those of the current unelected TPLF leadership is that a disproportionately high number of the Dergue?s victims didn?t have an opportunity to be arrested, imprisoned and visited by their loved ones, by journalists and international leaders, or to challenge the illegally and falsely made charges against them. Those of my generation who were charged by the Dergue did not have the prospect of being released someday after serving two to fours years of prison time. They were simply hunted and gunned down wherever and whenever they were found. The elected Ethiopian jailed leaders who were forcefully picked up in their houses, offices or on the street since the 31st of October 2005, however, are alive and are challenging their charges in the courts, even though these courts are simply the mouthpieces, the personal property, of the unelected TPLF leader, Meles Zenawi. It should in addition be obvious that for most, some 98 or more percent, of the Kaliti prisoners who have been imprisoned under politically motivated charges the prospects of being released are not clouded, although the duration of their imprisonment is almost entirely dependent upon the political heat and dust surrounding the future political stability or instability of our country. In other words, if the uncertain, dark clouds surrounding the political power and leadership structures of the TPLF leadership begin to stabilize, then the prospects for the release of Kinijit?s jailed leaders will be brighter than is the case today. Again, the timeframe for the release of all Kaliti political prisoners will depend heavily upon the speed of the process of stabilization in the power and leadership systems of the unelected leadership of Meles Zenawi, unless something miraculous happens, such as a military coup d’etat or any other event that deposes the regime.
As discussed in the sections above, it appears that the socio-psychological damage inflicted upon the War Born Generation has been overwhelming, to the point that we have become unable even to live side by side in foreign countries ? in our countries of asylum and immigration. Although I may be wrong since I have not been in Ethiopia for some time, the clash of the two generations ? the conflict currently underway between the Golden Period Generation and the War Born Generation ? I would argue that this is more clearly manifested in the Diaspora than in our country of origin. I also dare to argue that the impact of the clash of generations is more obvious within the Diaspora political organizations, more specifically on the Kinijit Diaspora leadership and its active members, than in the Kinijit we knew in Ethiopia.
The Direct Repercussions of the Clash of Generations: The Kinijt Diaspora Leadership as a Prisoner of the War Born Generation
Although the lifeless Kinijit Diaspora leadership persistently and blindly denies the obvious huge differences between the Kinijit we knew in Ethiopia and the Kinijit Diaspora leadership, the well-known, respected and loved Kinijit led by Engineer Hailu Shawel, which won the 2005 Ethiopian parliamentary election, was founded and functioned upon a cardinal foundation of Ethiopianess: it embraced and involved all Ethiopians from all regions without discrimination based on religion, sex or age group. The jailed Kinijit leaders were leaders for everyone, every single Ethiopian. The jailed Kinijit leaders loved and respected the old and young, the wealthy and the poor, the powerless and defenseless as well as the powerful. The house and the entire Kinijit family was always open and willing to shelter every child, man and woman who needed its help, its protection or its defense. ?Every Ethiopian belongs to Ethiopia and to the family of Kinijit.? was the Kinijit motto. Yes, Kinijit in Ethiopia was radically different from the Kinijit Diaspora leadership. In my recollection, in Ethiopia Kinijit was a political organization in which everyone was welcome to actively participate and contribute to its growth and development. Every generation, old and young, had the opportunity and in fact the responsibility to become a leader and spokesman as well as a sympathizer, supporter or member of Kinijit. For example, it was quite normal to find members of three different generations ? my father?s generation, my generation and my daughter?s generation ? among the individual leaders, activists, members and sympathizers within Kinijit in Ethiopia. It is further true that the spirit, policy frameworks and strategies of Kinijit in Ethiopia were all consistent with an aggressive attack on the factors dividing us, and towards a revival of the unity, harmony, love and respect among all Ethiopians. There was little or no sign of a clash of generations to be seen in the house and family of Kinijit in Ethiopia ? Kinijit as it was under the leadership of Engineer Hailu Shawel,
What about the Kinijit Diaspora leadership? But what is it ? what is the Kiniji Diaspora leadership? The Kinijit Diaspora leadership came into existence in the final weeks of the spring of 2006, not through the collective voice of the Ethiopian Diaspora community, but due to the initiative of a few individuals. Despite the lack of a collective voice, the Ethiopian Diaspora community was willing to accept and support the coordination of the Ethiopian resistance by the Kinijit Diaspora leadership.
And still, despite persistent complaints and accusations related to ineffectiveness and ongoing refusals to coordinate multiple projects and lead the Ethiopian resistance cooperatively, working closely with civil organizations and other political parties, the Ethiopian Diaspora remains reluctant to openly criticize the Kinijit Diaspora leadership. Much to the sadness and disappointment of many Ethiopians and to the terrible embarrassment of our jailed leaders and their families, however, the now lifeless Kinijit Diaspora leadership has became a prisoner of a single generation ? the War Born Generation, who have been directly affected by the war that defeated the regime of Mengistu Hailemariam. Completely contrary to the spirit and principles of Kinijit as we knew it in Ethiopia, the Kinijit Diaspora leadership and about 80 percent or more of its active members, supporters and sympathizers, with their aggressive and militaristic character and behaviour, are a part of the War Born Generation. Consequently, the Kinijit Diaspora leadership has today become an open battlefield in a war being waged by the revengeful children of the Dergue regime ? the War Born Generation ? not only against the tyrannical regime of the TPLF, but mainly against the civilian left of the 1970s, whom the War Born Generation sees as the historical enemy of their parents.
The direct effects and repercussions of the clash of generations are growing rapidly, worsening by the day and getting out of hand. They have effectively paralyzed not just the Kinijit Diaspora leadership, but the entire Ethiopian resistance.
Indeed, the long-standing clashes between the two generations, the deep-seated hostilities and animosities of the War Born Generation towards the Golden Period Generation, have in recent times been transformed into a total, open war. Although the exchanges are not systematically structured, the Kinijit Diaspora media outlets and their paltalk rooms, Ethiopian Current Affairs Discussion Forum, and Ethiopians in Switzerland Discussion Forum, which along with Negat Radio and the newly born station called Radio Kaliti, focus entirely on the favorite talking points and interview channels of Mr. Andrachew Tsigie, have openly declared war against the Golden Period Generation and flatly denied that any crimes were committed by the Dergue regime. The revengeful children of the Dergue have argued emphatically that not one of the Ethiopian armed forces, police or cadres during the era of Dergue regime killed a single person. While admitting that atrocious crimes were committed against the Ethiopian people during the terrible, painful period of the 1970s, and while admitting the shameless obliteration of over a half million of my generation, the paltalk room participants who support the radical militant Kinijit Diaspora leadership, especially those who are themselves former members of the armed forces of the Dergue regime, instead charge the EPRP with responsibility for the atrocious crimes committed against more than one-half million Ethiopians. Unfortunately, however, the militant paltalk room participants provide absolutely no information about how the EPRP managed to kill so many Ethiopian youth of the period, what weapons were used or with whose permission.
For example, on the first of October 2006, the radical Admins (Administrators) and participants in the paltalk room called the ?Ethiopian Current Affairs Discussion Forum,? such as those nicknamed Green_Yellow_Red, @balwe_1, VIVA MINILIK, @selamhunu and others have shamelessly stated that few if any Ethiopian youth or students were killed during the Dergue era with the knowledge or by the order of Dergue government officials. The Ethiopian youth of the period were eradicated by EPRP leaders and activists, says VIVA MINILIK. VIVA MINILIK added that ?EPRP leaders and their cadres killed a large number Ethiopian youths, compared to the number of Ethiopians killed by the regimes of either Mengistu Hailemariam or Meles Zenawi.? In explaining the impossibility of future cooperation between Kinijit and UEDF, VIVA MINILIK, who is said to be the undisputed boss of the paltalk room mentioned, poses the following question to himself and the other participants in the room: ?how can Ethiopians work and cooperate with such cruel people and such cruel behaviour? How can we do that? We can?t! We cannot work and live with those who have committed the most terrifying crimes on earth,? insists VIVA MINILK, himself a former soldier under Mengistu Haile Mariam?s regime.
While VIVA MINILIK was still engaged with his endless, totally unfounded accusations against my generation, ?tadeaa,? another active participant in the Ethiopian Current Affairs Discussion Forum, proudly wrote in. He expressed his joy to VIVA MINILIK, saying that his voice, behaviour and way of speaking are exactly the same as the former Ethiopian dictator Mengistu Hailemariam. VIVA MINILIK in turn responded to ?tadeaa? in an extremely loud voice, showing deep emotion and a feeling of enormous pride in tadeaa and the other participants in his room, to whom he said that they deserve such a bold nationalist, with a most courageous voice, to motivate paltalk room participants and energize their mood and feelings of Ethiopian nationalism.
Hearing such statements made by former members of the armed forces under Mengistu Hailemariam?s regime, whose hands are covered with the blood of the Ethiopian youth of my generation, reminds me of an Italian politician named Alessandra Mussolini, the granddaughter of Benito Mussolini ? the cruel fascist dictator who ruled Italy from 1922 to 1943 ? who continually argues that her grandfather was never a fascist dictator and never killed a single person, or even a single bird for that matter. Alessandra Mussolini also says that her grandfather was in fact a loving person, valuing all human beings, and a well known humanist.
For the Ethiopian Diaspora as a whole, apart from the question of how we will be able to reconcile with each other, given the views and convictions of individuals who talk like Alessandra Mussolini and the above mentioned Admins of these paltalk rooms and media outlets, what is more worrisome, even most depressing of all, are the immediate effects and repercussions of the clash of generations ? the war currently being waged by the War Born Generation against the Golden Period Generation. And since we Ethiopians have never given the required attention to these issues and problems, which should be seen as the equivalent of a big foreign enemy advancing towards us, armed with complex and highly advanced weapons, the Ethiopian Diaspora community will soon not be able to work collectively to support the Ethiopian resistance against the common enemies of our country. The politics of the Ethiopian Diaspora, it seems, is in its closing pages, at least for the coming few years, until the previous wounds that have been revitalized, given a new life, by the War Born Generation are healed a bit, and until certain individuals those who are currently faced with memories of pain and nightmare of the 1970s are recovered.
A final note. It is also appropriate to use this opportunity to thank friends and colleagues who have been helpful to me, including those who recorded and sent discussion messages, or passed on statements and written texts from the various paltalk rooms. Thanks also to those who notified me when discussions related to my work were underway in one or more paltalk rooms.
Finally, this paper has been written in memory of my generation ? the youth of Ethiopia of the 1970s, particularly those who were inhumanly exterminated, to their families and to those who managed to survive the ruthless death squads of Ethiopia?s historic enemy, the Dergue, which left irremovable scars on the body of my generation, our country and its people.
Dr. Maru Gubena, from Ethiopia, is a political economist, writer and publisher. Readers who wish to contact the author can reach me at [email protected]
As the World watches as a full scale war threatens to erupt in Somalia, The Zenawi regime had better watch its Northern Border With Eritrea. The countries which have already fought one border war could find themselves in another if war in Somalia breaks out.
With several parties including the United Nations and the Transitional Government in Somalia making charges that Eritrea has been supplying the Union of Islamic Courts with both troops and arms. There have been several high profile incidents along the border between Ethiopia and Eritrea. These include defections by members of the Ethiopian Army and allegations of people smuggling across the border going both ways.
History tells us that a country fighting on two fronts does not do well. The French found out the hard way under Napoleon, Germany learned that lesson twice in 40 years and in the US the States that formed the Confederacy lost a conflict that had several fronts. So history does not bode well for the Zenawi Government.
 So there are several factors that could help decide if the Zenawi Government is successful. First is will the Oromo Stand loyal to Addis Ababa or will they join the Islamist Forces as they try to unite Somalia under a Islamic Government. Second is how many regional neighbors will play a role in the conflict? A report by the US State Department concluded that up to a dozen nations could get involved in this conflict. this will make the DRC war of the late 90s feel like a skirmish. Uganda has a debate going on in Parliament about whether or not they will send forces under an AU Mandate. What Kenya does is anybody’s guess.
There are two countries that could intervene if Necessary and they are the United States and France. Both erstwhile allies share a base in Djibouti. Both countries have rapid reaction forces stationed there and both nations have Naval and Air Assets in close Proximity. Any intervention may be on the short term due to the extent of the current deployment of the US Military worldwide.
So right now whether we like the actions and abuses of the Zenawi Government it may be in the best interests of the West to aid Ethiopia. The question of what concessions that the West will get from Addis Ababa may be done behind closed doors for now. But they will need to be done. And lip service to Democracy is not acceptable under any condition.
The United Nations policy towards Somalia, and for that matter the greater Horn of Africa, oscillated from “stay the course†and “cut and run†during its existence. Over five decades ago, it passed a resolution on the federation of Eritrea to Ethiopia. The resolution on Eritrea was not only ignored, but also legitimized the concentration of government in the hands of the elite of the then imperial regime, which were supported by far away architects of the post-colonial African state. As a result, it removed state building and internal reconciliation from the hands of the contending grass-roots Eritrean and Ethiopian viewpoints. Thousands of Eritrean and Ethiopian people perished fighting different sides of the United Nations’ decision. African solution for African problems never received a fair hearing and interests hidden in the dark alleys of foreign interests dominated people’s agenda. People rallied behind selfcentered views of the few masked as a will of international community. It took the people of Eritrea thirty years to achieve what they wanted. That was then, an era of post-colonial squabbles and of privileged access to information, and this is now, an era of dynamic knowledge creation and sharing, the time for a de-colonized African mind to reign– in short, an epoch where the internet has truly liberated many from the shackles of misunderstanding and suspicion.
The UN passed Security Council Resolution 1725, under Chapter VII, on December 6, 2006. The resolution resolved, among others, that the UN decides “to remain actively seized of the matter.†What exactly does this mean? According to Slate (and Michael Byers of the Duke University School of Law), “A small number of international legal experts also consider the phrase a linguistic maneuver to head off unilateral action. The theory goes that the Security Council is actually hinting to various national governments to hold off on, say, sending tanks across the Euphrates River, since the dispute is still being adjudicated. If that is indeed the case, the phrase’s power seems somewhat dubious—nations routinely ignore Security Council pleas to remain idle.â€
Resolutions under Chapter VII of the UN Charter are instruments meant for the international community to use economic and political sanctions with the possibility of the use of force if the council determines “the existence of any threat to the peace, breach of the peace, or act of aggressionâ€. The UN invoked Chapter VII of its charter on the situation of a small number of countries during its existence. These are former Rhodesia, Sudan, former Yugoslavia, South Africa, Somalia, Sierra Leane, Afghanistan, Ethiopia, Angola, Eritrea, Rwanda, Haiti, Libya, and Liberia. About twenty percent of the resolutions involved Horn of Africa states, a disproportionately high percentage! Still, the Horn is far from enjoying peace, from achieving its potentiality, and from hoping for a ‘modesty destiny’ controllable to keep the interests of others at bay, or if that is not possible, to build a respectful and mutual collaboration with foreign interests. The UN has done a poor job in its operations in this region since post-colonial and post-imperial states appeared. Perhaps the UN needs to commission an assembly of wise men and mandate them to produce what I would call “The Report of the Horn of Africa Study Groupâ€.
Resolution 1725 addresses the situation in Somalia. Among many other things, the UN provides a background of its decision, which is based on the “Deployment Plan for the IGAD peacekeeping mission
in Somaliaâ€, and asserts that there is a “lack of clarity of the political agenda of the Islamic Courtsâ€, and that there is an “uncertain situation in Mogadishuâ€. This claim is not factual. Given that the UN is expected to be impartial and a truth-telling organization, many wonder what went wrong here. In so many times, the Islamic Courts said its political agenda is to get rid of lawlessness, to restore people’s dignified existence, to provide national security services, to negotiate with the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) on power sharing, and to ascertain that no foreign forces are deployed in Somalia covertly or overtly. And they have succeeded in many of these during their short existence. The arguments that the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC) has not focused on holding a truly open reconciliation conference in the now liberated Mogadishu or that it ignored to meaningfully engage the technocrats that have been idle in the capital for close to two decades are valid. But the UN denies that the condition of Mogadishu, after more than sixteen years of uncertainty, is now as certain as any city of its size can be. Does anyone believe that there is an uncertain situation in Mogadishu now? Mogadishu seemed hell on earth in the past, but not now. Perhaps, the UN wanted to say that it does not like what it sees in Mogadishu! Why does the UN claim that it would be “seized of the matter†later when it does not want to see the truth
now?
The Horn of Africa region (primarily Ethiopia, Somalia, Djibouti, Kenya, and Eritrea) is home for many ethnic groups whose people practice moderate Islam, Christianity and indigenous religions. Even though the region is a victim of European colonialsim and cold war rivalry, which forced division and misunderstanding, the people have grown wiser over the years. They have met and lived together not only in the Diaspora, but in their respective homelands. They now read each other’s many online journals. If, in the past, a Somali believed Ethiopians are their eternal enemies, and Eritreans wished to remove their land from the continent so as not to be a neighbor to Ethiopia, the public intelligence is different now. An Oromo and a Somali Ogaden are now politically mature to reject a despotic Ethiopian government in favor of an alliance with their former Amhara political rivals. In southern Somalia, people revolted against their illiterate warlords and embraced a just umbrella under Islamic teachings. In the Diaspora, Horn Africans (Hornians) rage with anger directed at TPLF and its seemingly wholly-owned subsidiary, i.e. the so-called TFG. Ethiopians and Somalis categorically reject governments whose leaders masquerade as representative leaders of their respective states.
An overwhelming majority of the people of Horn of Africa as well as many international groups and states registered their opposition to the recently passed UN resolution. Several reasons for this dissent are further described and illuminated. These include the possibility of religious strife in the region, the proliferation of illegal arms trade, the exploitation of the resources of the region, the lingering shortsighted views of proponents of stability at the expense of public reconciliation and democratization, and the great propensity for the rise of some forms of instability similar to those that have characterized Iraq recently, and DR Congo and the Great Lakes region in the 1990’s.
The resolution can be exploited by religious fanatics (Muslims or Christians). In this scenario, the wishes of the majority will be hijacked. As a result, death and carnage can multiply. Because of the ignorance prevalent in the region, society will be sucked into undesirable and confounding directions that make the future uncertain. The claimed objective of the resolution may not be achieved since once a religious strife takes precedence over others, cool minds will be so scarce. Hornians will in the end be the ultimate losers. Already, the TPLF-controlled Ethiopian regime began systematic exploitation of religion among Ethiopians who lived peacefully together for centuries and who have disagreed only on matters of secular politics and governance.
Melez Zenawi’s recent dictation to his self-concocted Ethiopian parliament to approve his war-mongering policies demonstrated to all Hornians a mind sprinkled with evil. This is not the first time Melez spoke of an impending Armageddon and the need for invoking sectarian violence to achieve political ends and to avert an imminent genocide. He seems to think of himself as clever when he attempts to disguise his inner self under opportunistic nationalism and piggybacks his determination behind a decision of his clapping parliament. When the people of Addis Ababa organized mass demonstrations against his junta’s theft of the 2005 election, Melez accused certain ethnic groups of planning to repeat Interhamwe-like genocidal acts. So, in a sense, the dark corners of the Melez mind is exposed one more time and it seems to contemplate plans for the exploitation of religion.
The argument, if at all Melez’s rants at his personal parliament could be called an argument, goes on as follows. Jihadists declared war on the Ethiopian people. By “Jihadists” he means the public revolution that carried the UIC in Mogadishu into prominence. The TPLF-controlled government of Ethiopia makes itself look stupid when it irresponsibly seeks financial and military support on the basis of terms like “Jihadists”, a term conveniently used in the west to misinform. According to The Guardian (and Derek Brown), ‘The essential meaning of jihad is the spiritual, psychological and physical effort exerted by Muslims to be closer to God and thus achieve a just and harmonious society. Jihad literally means “striving” or “struggle” and is shorthand for Jihad fi Sabeel Allah (struggle for God’s cause). Another level of jihad is popularly known as “holy war”. What is condoned is defensive warfare; Islam does not justify aggressive war.’
So, therefore, it is perfectly legitimate if the people of Mogadishu decided to fight Melez Zenawi’s terrorism in Mogadishu, and to strive to achieve a just and harmonious society. For over sixteen years Zenawi financed, armed, and slept with Mogadishu’s notorious warlords. He also succeeded in misinforming the Americans who sided with thuggish Mogadishu warlords, and their TFG. People finally decided to get rid of Melez Zenawi’s proxy terrorists in Mogadishu. Sixteen years of terrorist oppression was enough! The revolutionary public, under the leadership of the UIC, rightly declared Jihaad against the warlords and chased them out of town. Once defeated, warlords ran into the arms of Melez and demanded more arms and money from him. He not only obliged but promised he will talk with his friends in high places to legalize his covert operations in Somalia. He occupied portions of Somalia in the pretext of defending a TFG whose people do not support! As expected, Melez decided it is time to misinform the world to see UIC declaration of Jihaad on the warlords and Melez forces in Somalia as a declaration of war on Ethiopia.
Arms merchants and shadowy business figures are lurking in the shadows and are ready to take advantage of the situation. In this scenario, again, the interest of the people goes into the back burner and once this condition matures, the killing fields will multiply. The region will misallocate sorely needed resources that will now be apportioned for arms purchases. In addition, employment of children in the fights and the arms proliferation that ensues will put less priority on human development than on destruction and mayhem.
The world saw the dominance of narrow international agenda in the last few years. The futility of unilateral international action has been shown clearly in the recent release of the report of the Iraq Study Group. Sure, international terrorism is a menace to world peace. To fight terrorism, however, credible powers with genuine interests must not only collaborate, but they must also encourage participation of civil society. To say Melez Zenawi, whose government terrorized its people, can be an ally in the fight against terrorism is to be unrealistic. Melez calls a “terrorist” any political group that disagrees with his irrational execuberance in the creation of ethnic puppets supposedly representing ethnic states. His TPLF is the only nationalist party allowed to freely assemble and organize political views in Ethiopia.
According to the Iraq Study Group, “The United States should immediately launch a new diplomatic offensive to build an international consensus for stability in Iraq and the region. This diplomatic effort should include every country that has an interest in avoiding a chaotic Iraq, including all of Iraq’s neighbors. Iraq’s neighbors and key states in and outside the region should form a support group to reinforce security and national reconciliation within Iraq, neither of which Iraq can achieve on its own.” There is no reason to believe this is a bad policy for America’s interests.
If the US is moving into a direction of reconciliation and away from obsession with unilaterally and externally supported stability, then why should the international community turn a blind eye when Melez refuses to reconcile with his own people? His negation to talk peace and development with his adversaries such as the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD), the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), and others should not be left unchecked and obscured in his Somalia adventure. The danger in the recent Somalia resolution lies in its attempt to allow Melez to invade Somalia, or to “ease into itâ€, gradually. A free hand for Horn of Africa’s neighborhood bully lessens the importance of good governance and human rights. Transparency, accountability, and participation of people in the affairs of their governments can not be replaced with less important causes such as dictatorial stability, which anyway leads to instability.
Ethiopia’s government needs to account for torching Fooljeex in the Ogaden, for the loss of life and property in Oromia, and for the wanton destruction of the lives of almost 200 peaceful demonstrators in Addis Ababa before it is allowed to dictate the outcome in Somalia’s political conflicts. It also needs to tell the truth and admit that it has damaged the nascent democratization process during the 2005 Ethiopian elections. In the end, nonetheless, Hornians must be shown, in good faith, that there are no hidden agendas to loot the resources of Ethiopia and Somalia using Melez as a tool and the UN resolution as the vehicle to legitimize what has been clearly documented as a despotic regime. Reconciliation in the Horn is more important than stability.
There are those who believe that Ethiopia is the key to the stability of the Horn of Africa. In their mind, blind support for anyone sitting in Addis Ababa’s Palace or Baidoa’s Villa Somalia, for example, is a sound international policy. No questions on good governance, people’s participation in government, and economic development leadership need to be raised as long a self-serving stability argument can be floated. Instead of helping people get on their feet, it is fancier to claim to have provided such demeaning assistance as food aid. Stability in the Horn of Africa is not dependent on the creation of a mirage, a falsehood, and, therefore, an easily refutable western-supported government shell controlled by a proxy leader who has no mandate from his or her own people. Why insult the intelligence of the more than 120 million people who call the Horn home? The oft-claimed position of the West of supporting democracy and human rights and the resulting “stay the course†policy of accepting dictators as “leaders†has turned into a music played for over fifty years, frustrating the poverty- and fear-stricken people of the Horn of Africa. Dictators bring instability, not stability. Real reconciliation and democratization is what is needed in this region.
“I think the choice of doing nothing is really not a choice at all,†John Bolton, US Ambassador to the UN, stressed on the eve of the passage of Resolution 1725. True! But, the choice of arming an unpopular TFG and increasing the support of a TPLF regime, as Hornians suspect the intention of this resolution is, is really not a choice at all! The US and its allies must genuinely start to help democracy-building and to abandon relying on dictators. Superpowers have had enough of befriending dictators in the Horn of Africa during the cold war and the people of the region are really sick of the return of shallow policies that do not benefit them. The international community needs to be seized of the matter – the matter of telling dictators to go, of respecting the real public positions, of taking notice of the emerging cross ethnic solidarity among the Horn people to oppose autocratic rulers, of disarming warlords, and of supporting representative governments and the democratization of the Horn. For, resolutions do not make representative governments, people do!
______________________________ Mohamed Mukhtar Hussein, Ph.D., can be reached at [email protected]
