At the moment, the exemplary work for the respect of the peoples vote in Ethiopia is being carried out by the European Union representatives, while US foreign policy is being driven by a single issue, “war on terrorism”, in the African context

By Kebede D Gashaw

Long before the May elections in Ethiopia, the European Union (EU) has been at the forefront in giving financial support as well as training and preparing candidates for the election. In some cases, the EU had allocated funds in the past to train and educate parliamentarians by granting them visits to Brussels and to member countries legislatures and educating them in the roles that parliamentarians play in democratic societies, the role of government and the governing process.

The EU also pledged to send the largest contingent of observers during the campaign and the election process. The observers more than any other group, (there were two other groups including the Carter Center and the observers from the African Union (AU), were able to diligently execute their duties in a very professional and efficient manner. After the election, they have been the only consistent group that had maintained a fair and balanced effort to address the issues of irregularities, fairness and called for dialog between the opposition and the ruling party. Now, after all the atrocities committed by the Meles Zenawi government over the last eight months, the EU has carried out its moral, political, and economic obligations by not funding the direct aid it has been providing to the Meles Zenawi government, and by this action, the EU has effectively declared that the ruling party is undemocratic, inconsistent, unfair and has committed atrocities on its own people. The EU has been proactive prior to the elections and had given glowing reports about the process prior to the elections and how the process was conducted and the open, un-encumbered political debates held between the parties during the campaign process. After the elections, the EU has been equally critical of the actions of the government and has been calling for a negotiated process to resolve all issues between the opposition and the ruling party.

On the other hand, the other major player in the world seen and in particular in the case of Ethiopia has been the United Kingdom. Prime minister Blair had given an unqualified support to the prime minister Meles Zenawi. Even in the face of criticism from the EU, Britain and Mr. Blair together with the United States continued to give aid, support and comfort to Mr. Zenawi . In an interview with a BBC reporter, he openly declared that his development partners were still with him, even after the massacre of thirty-six innocent students and civilians last June. The demonstrators went out to voice their displeasure of the election aftermath and the rigging of votes and election irregularities. In late November, the British government declared that it will no longer fund direct aid through the government of Ethiopia and was going to with hold over 30 million Euros

Early in November, Mr. Zenawi rounded up opposition leaders from one of the main political parties, the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) and thrown them in jail. He also rounded up members of the fledgling free press, journalists and reporters of independent newspapers, all in all, more than one hundred and twenty individuals ranging in age from 14 to 75 were jailed and are being accused of treason which is punishable by death.

Mr. Zenawi, once again in November as he did in June, unleashed his special forces against demonstrators that were demanding the release of opposition leaders and the journalists that have been rounded up and thrown in jail, and shot down over eighty people in Addis Abeba, the capital and in other cities around the country. All in all, Mr. Zenawi’s government rounded up and jailed over forty thousand students, civilians, opposition party members and supporters. The intimidation, arrests and killings continue to this day. The government owned radio and TV stations only broadcast government propaganda. What little press freedom that existed prior to the election is no longer in existence.

Ethiopians for the first time in the history of the country felt that what was being preached both in Washington and in Addis Abeba was true and they showed their thirst for democracy by lining up to vote on May 8th, the day of the election. Some were out forming a cue at four-o’clock in the morning standing and waiting in line to vote. Vote they did, an unprecedented turnout of over 90 percent of the eligible voters braved the elements of early morning and the piercing sun of the afternoon and rain in some locations. Vote they did, in spite of all the adversities. They voted out the ruling party in the capital, not even one seat was won by the ruling party. The purge continued in other major cities of the country as well. Once the results of the capital was known, the next day after election day, the prime minister went on the air and declared victory. He sated the obvious, that the capital city has been won by CUD but he declared that his party the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) had won the majority of the rest of the country. This, before his own hand picked National Election Board (NEB) had even had a chance to gather the election results from remote locations and above all, after all political parties had agreed to abide by the rule of not declaring them selves a winner until the NEB gathers all the results and declares and certifies a winner. Against the wishes of his own hand picked national election board. To add insult to injury, prime minister Meles Zenawi declared a state of emergency and banned all political gatherings or demonstrations for one month and put the police, the army and security apparatus under his direct command and control.

As an Ethiopian American, I have been appalled and dismayed by the actions and inactions of the Bush administration. The administration provides lip service to democracy and democratic movements in Africa and in particular in Ethiopia. It seems that foreign policy when it comes to Africa and especially the Horn of Africa is being carried out by the Department of Defense (DOD) rather than the State Department. It has become obvious that US foreign policy is being driven by a single issue, “war on terrorism”, in the African context. Democratic movements and the aspirations of the masses in Africa and in particular in Ethiopia are secondary. The killings of innocent Ethiopians, that were only exercising their constitutional rights to voice their objections to atrocities, vote ragging and irregularities of the election process, is meaningless, immaterial and inconsequential. As long as the election process appears to be fair by African standards. Then the results however the ruling party extracts them are acceptable. These assertions by both Washington and London are not acceptable to the Ethiopian people. They do not see themselves as second class citizens of the world. What is good for Ukraine and Georgia is also good for Ethiopia. Anything less than that is un-acceptable. That is why we see young people defying the killing machines of the ruling party and sacrificing themselves for the betterment of their people and their nation.

The situation in Ethiopia continues to be volatile. If the frustrations of the young and the concerns of the old are not addressed by the ruling party and/or the international community, there is great concern and of an imminent danger. The danger that the peaceful struggle that has been the hallmark of the major opposition parties, will be forced to resort to violence and that will in turn lead to the destabilization of the country. The EU is has been carrying the mantel of a negotiated settlement between the ruling party and the opposition CUD leaders that are still in prison. Here lies the absurdities, the US government fully understands the trumped-up charges that has been filled against these gallant democrats. The US government also is fully aware of the atrocities and the undemocratic actions that continue to be committed by the ruling party. It appears that the US government has sided with the ruling party and the handful individuals that are holding economic power in the country. Much to the dismay of and to the detriment of the promising democratic movement and the aspirations of the 77 million Ethiopians.

Unfortunately, the US is making an effort to expedite the trial of the opposition leaders, while at the same time it is calling for the release of what it calls individuals that have not committed any crime or offense. The US through its ambassador is pressuring opposition party members that have not taken their seats in the parliament to do so even before the release of their leaders that are languishing in the ruling party’s jails. At the moment, the exemplary work for the respect of the peoples vote is being carried out by the EU representatives and without any strings attached in the effort to get a negotiated settlement for the crisis. For that effort, the EU holds the moral high ground.
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Kebede Gashaw resides in California

By T. Mesfin

On February 15, 2005 C. Bryson Hull of Reuters wrote a curious piece under the heading, “Ethiopia’s Meles can weather political storms.” The “analysis” is very likely a well-timed plant.

Hull may not have done it deliberately, but it is a clever piece of disinformation being pushed by regime propagandists. The disinformers have dual objectives: to demoralize the opposition and to shore up the regime’s base.

Why an article about regime survival now? Someone obviously thought it was important. The story comes at a time when the hardheadedness of Zenawi has created a siege mentality and a sense of international isolation.

Reports from Addis Ababa indicate a sense of desperation and frustration even among the intelligence services of Meles Zenawi, leading them to wonder about regime survival.

Beyond public relations maneuvering, there are substantial domestic and international reasons that indicate that the regime of the Tigrai Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF) may not survive for long.

Internal Factors

Domestically, support for the ruling group is at an all time low. The harsh crackdown against opposition forces has further exacerbated an already tense situation. It has also effectively closed the route to any negotiations.

The TPLF has little legitimacy outside of its narrow base. All indications are that even if the Prime Minister’s Tigrian ethnic base, which numbers less than 10 percent, is not solidly behind him. Party cadres whose survival and livelihood depend on the government and a few direct beneficiaries of the patronage system make up the regime’s base of support.

Economic activity in Addis Ababa, the preeminent per capital, has been at a standstill for almost year owing to election-related uncertainties. The service sector has been performing poorly. There is very little long term investment.

The price of everyday commodities has increased dramatically, making life difficult even for the middle class. The price of teff, the staple grain, cooking oil, sugar, etc. have skyrocketed.

Oil prices too have gone up as well. A liter of petrol now costs birr 5.50. The government just decided to increase the local price to birr 6.88 per liter. The country now spends close to $1 billion, a 250 percent increase over two years ago, soaking up almost 40 percent of all imports.

Foreign exchange reserves are at an all time low. There is a booming underground market in foreign currency. One US dollar ($1) now fetches almost 10 birr on the black market, instead of the official birr 8.63.

Add to these political and economic woes 2.6 million Ethiopians that the World Food Program says need emergency food assistance.

External Factors

Mr. Zenawi has carefully and methodically cultivated in the last 15 years the image of a progressive African leader. This carefully orchestrated picture came to unravel back in June once the security forces began spraying unarmed civilians with machine gun bullets.

The Prime Minister’s fabled charm appears to have gone out the window as well. Donors don’t look kindly on regimes that have an aversion to using tear gas or water cannons.

Mr. Zenaw’s government has been rewarded with very generous foreign assistance since coming to power almost 15 years ago. It received $1.5 billion a year, $500 of which was in direct budgetary support with little accounting.

Awash with foreign largesse meant for Ethiopia’s poor, the regime continues to spend lavishly on an elaborate spy network to suppress dissent and to buy off people both at home and abroad.

Money meant for the poor is being spent on lobbyists and public relations firms. McGuire Woods is one of the firms siphoning money from Ethiopia’s poor. Another expensive lobbyist and public relations firm is Scribe Strategies and Advisors.

Add to this the hiring of Annette Scheckler, former head of the Voice of America Horn of Africa service as a special advisor to Prime Minister Zenawi.

The propaganda and disinformation machine is in full throttle.

Fortunately, no amount of public relations prettying can hide the ugly deeds of a nasty regime. Foreign donors too appear to be waking up to the true nature of this violent, kleptocratic group. Witness the cold shoulder Tony Blair gave to his old pal Zenawi at the recent “progressives” summit in South Africa.

Zenawi understands the language of money well. Thus when the European Union threatened to withhold some $500 million in annual budgetary support, he arranged for a secret emergency trip to Brussels to plead with EU authorities.

The bottom line: the pressure by the Diaspora and the financial squeeze is working.

We may never know the details of how Bryson Hull’s story was assembled. But there are interesting facts both about the writer and the so-called experts.

C. Bryson Hull is an American journalist who has in-depth expertise on issues related to Texas, including the Enron Scandal. His expertise in Africa consists of reporting from Nairobi for less than a year. He had an expertise of exactly two weeks in Ethiopia when he filed his analysis of why Meles will survive the political storm.

Another expert who predicts “little brushfire rebellions” and not a national uprising is Matt Bryden of the International Crisis Group. What, you may wonder, is Mr. Bryden’s expertise on Ethiopia? Mr. Bryden had a two-year stint (1994-1996) as a UN field officer in what appears to be the distribution of emergency food. It does not take much to read tealeaves in Africa.

Seasoned experts such as Christopher Clapham of Cambridge University with decades of experience were not consulted. Clapham wrote back in November, 2005:

“It now seems to me beyond any plausible likelihood that the EPRDF government can re-establish its position as an acceptable public authority …It has now reached the point, reached by the imperial and Derg regimes before it, at which its authority has withered away, and cannot be recovered. It has lost ‘the mandate of heaven.”. He concludes:

“The transition in Ethiopia is already under way, and the concern both of Ethiopians and of the international community should be to do whatever they can to make it as quick and as peaceful as possible.”

Turmoil at home and the tightening of screws by donors abroad clearly do not bode well for Zenawi and company. The genie of democracy is clearly out of the bottle. The TPLF Houdini who pulled so many tricks in his long, violent career won’t be able to put this one back in the bottle.

The writer can be reached at [email protected]

A critical look at the responses and strategies of Ethiopians to decades of political repression, divisive ethnic policy, continuing impoverishment and territorial disintegration

Before embarking on the issues to be explored in the coming article, let me make a few key remarks related to the historic, remarkable and indeed ridiculous measures undertaken recently by the unelected leadership of Mr Meles Zenawi, which is currently ruling my country, not by the will of the people and the rule of law, but with the barrel of the gun. Firstly, the incarceration of elected MPs whom Ethiopians consider to be their undisputed leaders. Since these victims have done nothing wrong, people feel that the TPLF leadership and its persistent refusal to release them unconditionally clearly shows not only the undemocratic nature of Mr. Meles Zenawi and his followers, but also their non-Ethiopianess and the animosities they hold against Ethiopia and its people.

Secondly, the charging and criminalization of Ethiopian leaders, journalists, and other Ethiopian political activists, including those of US and European nationals of Ethiopian origin who have been working tirelessly day and night. These individuals are still sacrificing their time, energy and money in an attempt to redirect the current course of immeasurable political repression, to be a contributing force for socio-political and economic changes in our country, to free Ethiopia from the yoke of a divisive ethnic policy imposed by a self installed regime, and to help our people escape from periodic and endless handouts provided by western governmental and non-governmental charity organizations. The charges against them on grounds of treason and genocide provides obvious, solid evidence that Meles Zenawi and those surrounding him are in a state of complete panic; they appear not to know how to deal with and respond to the rationally formulated demands of, and various charges made against them by the people of Ethiopia. The hastily, preposterously formulated charges, simply intended to intimidate Ethiopian intellectuals whom Ethiopians from border to border are proud of, suggests an obvious realization among the members of the self-installed ruling party of the incalculable damages they are inflicting on both Ethiopia and its people. The preposterous charges are therefore meant to be tactical and defensive. One may wonder whether the leadership of EPRDF and its dependents, especially those working for Meles Zenawi in the judiciary system, have ever been aware of or paid the necessary attention to the definitions of “treason” and “genocide,” accusations levelled against a large number of concerned Ethiopians among us.

Historical Sources of Current Political Turmoil, Divisive Ethnic Policy and Continuing Economic Impoverishment

Let me now go back and attempt to outline the complex, critical issues stated in the title of this article; for me these issues are the source of much anxiety, which I feel compelled to share. These have become not only the most challenging blockages to working with each other cooperatively and collectively, but are also instrumental in extending the duration of power of repressive regimes, the ongoing loss of an incalculable number of human lives, and the deterioration of the economic and health sectors of the country of Ethiopia.

Much to my dismay and disappointment, however, many Ethiopians, even well known Ethiopian and foreign historians of Ethiopian politics and the changing face of Ethiopia, speak today about Ethiopia finding itself at a “crossroads.” Most express themselves even more explicitly, saying that Ethiopia has been at a crossroads since the 15 May 2005 national parliamentary election, as if Ethiopia and Ethiopians have not always faced

testing and defining moments, and endless tragedies and persistent sufferings at the hands of successive dictators, assisted at one time by the former Soviet Union and another by the United States and its allies.

Indeed, as far as Ethiopians are concerned, Ethiopia has often faced periodic tragedies and political crises, particularly since the upheaval of the bloody 1974 Ethiopian revolution which marked the end of Emperor Haile Selassie’s forty-four year rule and the disintegration of the long existing feudal system, including the suspension of Ethiopia’s constitution. The subsequent years of the Ethiopian revolution were not only terrifying, cruel and most bloody, leaving an irremovable scar among Ethiopians and on the geo-political map of Ethiopia, but can also be characterized as the darkest years in the history of our country and its people. Tragically (and disappointingly), however, it was during this painful period that Ethiopian intellectuals, political actors and activists became divided and hostile to each other, even paralyzed. There was neither an ability to link together the efforts, energy and skill of Ethiopians to work cooperatively – creating wisely crafted, well-structured and respected political and socio-economic organizations operating meaningfully and professionally, upon which the voiceless majority of Ethiopians of the period could depend – nor to collectively challenge and fight back against the uninvited, unexpected emergence of the fascistic enemy of the military regime known as the Derg or Committee, which, after deposing the aging Emperor Haile Selassie on 12 September 1974, became the Provisional Military Administrative Council and the uncontested and most ruthless ruler of my country and oppressor of my people. The newly emergent dictatorship of Mengistu Hailemariam, previously unknown in the land of Ethiopia, was soon accompanied by the most appalling urban bloodshed, by mass indiscriminate executions of tens of thousands in their own houses, in offices and in the streets, day and night, without any charge or trial; and for the first time in the history of Ethiopia, there was a mass exodus of Ethiopians into neighbouring countries in all directions, using all available means of transportation, whether cars, horses, donkeys or of course, on foot.

As historical records clearly indicate, the power grab by a group of army officers from the people’s revolution and the toppling of Emperor Haile Selassie were the beginning of massive repression of Ethiopians by their own successive regimes – by their own compatriots, colleagues, neighbours – with a total terrorization of the entire population of Ethiopia that persists to the present day. It was also after the downfall of Emperor Haile Selassie’s government that internal and external conflicts and wars became rife – a common phenomenon in every corner of Ethiopia – and the impact of periodic drought and famine began to be felt more heavily. It is also true that the upheaval of the 1974 Ethiopian revolution and its consequences have changed the face of Ethiopia itself, including its decline in status within the international community from a highly respected nation to a beggar, and from a stable country to a battleground of newly emerging fronts and hostile groups. Now, due to the persistent and irreparable divisions that arose among Ethiopian opposition groups of the period (mainly caused by internal power struggles and widespread unfounded suspicions towards each other), most Ethiopians today, but especially the generation who had been in the forefront of the revolution, look back to the Ethiopian revolution with pain and regret for their role in the downfall of Emperor Haile Selassie, and profound nostalgia regarding his rein.

The Current Political Turmoil in Ethiopia: Responses, Opportunities and the Challenges of Resistance

Events and political crises in Ethiopia, with systematic killings and atrocious crimes being inflicted upon our people, are presently worsening day by day. The political position of the unelected leader, Meles Zenawi, is trembling, and his political status, including the positive perceptions he had tactically created among the leaders of the international community, is now vanishing in the eyes of world leaders, international journalists, and the leaders of human rights organizations and other non-governmental institutions. The creatively invented accusations he directs at his political opponents are finding no listeners either inside or outside Ethiopia. The TPLF-controlled media talks day and night but for many years has had no audience. Saddest of all, even when the TPLF media occasionally presents a factual news item, because it came from a transmission of the discredited TPLF leadership, Ethiopians tend to believe it only if the authenticity is confirmed by other media channels or other information sources. Also, the leadership of the unelected ruling party in Ethiopia has recently been progressively exposing its true, natural face and behaviour, not surprisingly given the unpopular and hostile measures undertaken, this is creating more and more enemies both at home and in the international community.

Additionally, it is undeniably also true that Mr. Meles and those surrounding him have, both knowingly and unknowingly, been engaged in providing Ethiopians at home and abroad, who are struggling for their freedom, equality and dignity, with a goodly amount of fuel conducive to generating additional energy and encouragement to collectively and uninterruptedly intensify the political and diplomatic war to end the nearly fifteen years of repressive rule of the TPLF and its entire leadership.

In more explicit terms, the most vicious measures undertaken in recent times by the unelected ruling party against the innocent and peace loving Ethiopians – including the incarceration of our leaders, journalists, and leaders of civil society; the continuation and intensification of killings, including women and children; and the open criminalization of those whom Ethiopians see as their most indispensable human assets, charging them with treason and genocide must be employed as appropriately and effectively as possible by all peace loving Ethiopians and friends of Ethiopia both to fuel our energy and motivation, and as forces of unification to increase the direct participation of our people in the resistance and consolidate our voices, speaking in a dramatic fashion against the illegal rule of our people and country by an unelected quasi-foreign enemy.

Indeed, in logical terms, it would be reasonable to expect that the incalculable, appalling crimes currently being committed against our people – which for the TPLF leadership have become an obsession and a permanent culture – and the selection of Ethiopian political activists and human rights defenders to be charged, with the intention to hunt and imprison or kill us, would have had some positive effects. It would have been used as an effective bridge to link and strengthen our efforts, bringing together the knowledge and management capacities and the lobbying experience of various political and legal actors to enable us to achieve the goals desired by the people of Ethiopia.

Regrettably and most disappointingly, however, this has not been the case. While the situation described above is the reality in today’s Ethiopia and the daily experience of Ethiopians, and while wide-ranging opportunities have been created to free our people from decades of political repression, divisive Ethnic Policy, continuing impoverishment and gross and persistent human rights violations, it is only a few Ethiopians who are actively, tirelessly working in the forefront of the political and diplomatic wars being currently waged against the unelected leadership of Meles Zenawi, sacrificing their energy, time and money and even their lives. I am aware that uncovering for public discussion and debate the long-existing wounds and suggesting that new differences, disputes and divisions are developing among Ethiopians at home and abroad may have unintended effects and consequences, especially in these uncertain and sensitive times. It is, however, my deepest conviction that the culture of “don’t mention and don’t discuss at this time” applied to the actors and factors that are smoldering in our minds and hearts as we stand at the beginning of a journey, confronting hugely long distances to travel in the fight against a common enemy with an enormous and complex arsenal of power, can stand in our way. That is, a culture of not treating the wounds and not tackling the unfolding differences and divisions in a timely fashion can have dramatically harmful effects, serving as an obstacle – a bottleneck – standing in the way of the progress and eventual achievement of the intended goals and desires of our people. These are the factors that have in recent times become major sources of my anxiety. It is indeed disappointing and even hurtful to witness that, while almost the entire Ethiopian population would like to see the immediate removal of the quasi-foreign and most ruthless leadership of Meles Zenawi, with its divisive policies, from the land of Ethiopia; while millions of knowledgeable and skilled Ethiopians are well aware that Ethiopia is badly in need of their efforts, management and legal skills and other experience; while they, the silent majority, eagerly await the days of liberation and are prepared to test and share the fruits of freedom – yet they remain reluctant to stand side by side in the forefront of resistance, hand in hand with their compatriot sisters and brothers, collectively facing the complexity, challenges, anxieties and pains being experienced today by a limited but determined section of Ethiopian society.

It may also be healthy to state specifically that, while complex, multiple strategies still need to be wisely crafted, and projects need to be planned and carried out on various fronts – huge efforts that will require our collective hands and efforts – some of our compatriots continue to show unwillingness and inability to compromise, to accept the universal saying “the enemy of my enemy is my friend” and the principles of a “one-man, one-vote” system, and to work together harmoniously within the resistance for the collective well-being of our people and the future liberation of our country. In recent times this has become a source of wrangling, frustrating highly motivated, active and productive supporters of Kinijit, thereby incapacitating the Kinijit Support Group itself and increasing the sources of my anxiety – the likely extension of the duration of stay of Meles’s regime in power. Indeed, it is more than depressing, it is frightening, even appalling to continually hear uncompromising statements, rigid standpoints and controlling behaviours from our compatriots, who are spending a good amount of time wrangling over issues such as “who is going to be the leader of the Kinijit Support Group,” or themselves believing and tirelessly making all possible efforts to convince others that, without their leadership and secretively devised methods, the established or planned Kinijit Support Groups will be either snatched or destroyed by those of Meles’ cadres who are primarily wandering aimlessly through some States and European countries. As a result, constructive ideas meant to help in approaching and enlisting those among the silent members of each community within the Ethiopian Diaspora and friends of Ethiopia who have managerial, diplomatic and lobbying experience – so as to add their voices to the broader camp of resistance and effectively utilize their badly needed skills – have often been resisted and rejected with the traditional argument and suspicion that those who are not yet involved might possibly (or perhaps must) have previously served or be otherwise associated with the regime of Ethiopia’s enemy – Meles and those surrounding him. This, at least in my view, is a very bad assumption, a self-centered and damaging strategy – a potential challenge and a possible bottleneck to the resistance.

Given the exceptional issues facing us, and especially given that our leaders and a disproportionately high number of other Ethiopians, including women and children, are languishing in TPLF’s disease-infected jails and concentration camps, it is time to regain our senses. If we mean to achieve our desires and goals, we will need to sacrifice our energy, time and money and to do this in a constructive, productive and meaningful fashion. We will need first of all to separate ourselves from the bad, old and destructive habits and cultures of suspicion, from unnecessary and unhelpful secretiveness and from looking at each other so arrogantly and disparagingly. In this respect, it is my view and deepest conviction that the door of our resistance should be open to every peace-loving Ethiopian and friend of Ethiopia. This should include those who have previously been a part and parcel of the unelected regime of Meles Zenawi, if they are fortunate enough to defect and manage to reach the camp of the people’s resistance, and on the condition that they wholeheartedly believe in and support the people’s struggle.

Purpose of the Main Article

The text above presents an overview of my previous and recent talks addressed to gatherings or courses on issues of the Horn of Africa, combined with some fresh observations of events and political turmoil in Ethiopia. It is my idea to go further with this material, also incorporating new thoughts, when I have the opportunity. The main purpose of the coming article “A Critical Look at the Responses and Strategies of Ethiopians to Decades of Political Repression, Divisive Ethnic Policy, Continuing Impoverishment and Territorial Disintegration” will be to take a close, critical look at the strategies and collective responses of Ethiopians to the 1974 Ethiopian revolution, including the achievements, challenges and failures of the resistance groups at the time to the rise of the Provisional Military Administrative Council, otherwise known as the Derg or Committee. The attempt will be to understand and draw lessons that might be helpful in the current struggle. The factors and actors that may have contributed to the creation, expansion and strengthening of the military, the power structures of the TPLF and EPLF, and their eventual takeover of the whole of Ethiopia from the previous dictator, the regime of Mengistu Hailemariam, will be examined. An attempt will also be made to briefly assess the moods, anxieties, responses and experiences of Ethiopians to the arrival of the invading TPLF/EPLF forces in their villages, towns and cities in May 1991. The extent of the involvement, activities, participation and contributions of opposition groups to the process of democratization in Ethiopia since 1991 will be briefly highlighted. The general development of the current political crisis, and more specifically the confrontation between the quasi-foreign leadership of Meles Zenawi and the people of Ethiopia, are the primary focus of the paper. Therefore substantial attention will be allocated to dealing with the professionalism and organizational structures of major opposition parties both prior to and after the May 2005 parliamentary election, including the involvement and support given by the Ethiopian Diaspora to the opposition. Particular attention will be devoted to the preparations made by Ethiopians for the possibility that the TPLF leadership would employ its usual violent means in the face of losing the election. This includes their responses and newly devised strategies to limit or even eradicate some negative sources of division and destruction in our culture, replacing them with a sense of togetherness great enough to be capable of galvanizing the forces of unity and resistance so as to effectively challenge the inhuman and atrocious criminal measures undertaken by the unelected leadership currently ruling our country by the barrel of the gun.

Readers who wish to contact the author or inquire about the availability of the main article can reach me at [email protected]