American freedom is being protected with such impressive firepower. Our knucklehead opposition politicians, on the other hand, tell us we can save Ethiopia by being nice to the Woyanne fascist regime.

By JAY WINIK | The Wall Street Journal

Now that the grandeur of the inauguration is over, this morning is President Barack Obama’s first in the Oval Office, and the hard work of governing finally begins. More than any president in memory, Mr. Obama has evoked Abraham Lincoln. He made his presidential announcement in Springfield, Ill., where Lincoln once served as a legislator. He copiously read Lincoln histories. He placed his hand yesterday on the Lincoln Bible. But what are the real lessons of Abraham Lincoln for his presidency?

Early on, Lincoln learned that tumult is inherent in governing. Mr. Obama has already declared that he doesn’t want “drama” within his cabinet and staff, but Lincoln’s experience suggests that he should expect precisely that. From the outset of his administration, Lincoln’s secretary of state, William Seward, a former senator from New York, was assiduously scheming against his president. Where Lincoln saw civil war as inevitable, Seward was freelancing, calling for negotiations with the South and privately telling Confederates that their differences could be peacefully resolved.

Then there were Lincoln’s problems with his generals. In 1862, despite Lincoln’s pleading, Gen. George McClellan refused to attack the Confederates. When senators clamored for McClellan to be removed, Lincoln feebly replied, “Whom shall I put in command?” “Well anybody!” Sen. Benjamin Wade told Lincoln. “Well anybody will do for you,” Lincoln said, “but not for me. I must have somebody!”

Only after much wasted time was McClellan finally dismissed. But from there, Lincoln had to contend with a procession of woefully unsatisfactory generals until he eventually found Ulysses S. Grant: He had to fire Ambrose Burnside, get rid of Joseph Hooker, and marginalize George Meade. Even at war’s end, Lincoln was still struggling to forge consensus inside his administration. He outlined his vision for reincorporating the South into the Union, only to meet with fierce resistance from his own cabinet. In one revealing moment, the president sheepishly said, “You are all against me.”

Another lesson from Lincoln is to blend clarity of purpose with steely pragmatism. It was Lincoln and Lincoln alone who had a mystical attachment to the Union, and he was willing to do almost anything to preserve it, even as the body count mounted and it became clear that the sacred struggle would be neither brief nor necessarily victorious. Checking out books from the Library of Congress, the president gave himself a crash course in military strategy, and day after day, year after year, dragged his tired body to the War Department to monitor the progress of Union armies in the field. He hectored his generals constantly to be on the offensive: “hold on with a bulldog grip and chew & choke,” “stand firm,” “hold . . . as with a chain of steel.”

And despite his revulsion for slavery — “if slavery is not wrong then nothing is wrong” — he hesitated to do anything about emancipation lest he jeopardize a fragile Union coalition that included slave-owning states. He even flirted with fantastic schemes to resettle blacks in Liberia. But once an opportunity presented itself to strike a death-blow to slavery, he took it. After the stirring Union victory at Antietam on Sept. 17, 1862, Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation. Though billed as a war measure based on “military necessity,” in one masterful stroke Lincoln imbued the Northern war effort with a larger moral purpose, while becoming a personal emblem of freedom himself.

He was unfailingly pragmatic in his command of military strategy as well. Early in the war he made it a central tenet that the goal of Union generals should be the destruction of Confederate armies. But by 1864, when public support was waning, and it looked as though he might lose his bid for re-election, he allowed Gen. William Tecumseh Sherman to unleash total war on the South — a form of war that Robert E. Lee had adamantly rejected when his armies moved north through Maryland and Pennsylvania. Sherman ravaged Atlanta beyond recognition, sending innocent civilians fleeing the city. He then laid waste to a vast corridor stretching some 400 miles, culminating in the burning of Columbia, S.C. Said one Southerner who witnessed this cloud of destruction and plunder, “We are going to be wiped off the face of the earth.” Sherman was unrepentant, and so was Lincoln.

But Lincoln was never vengeful. Once the tide of the war finally changed, he made sure that the looting and burning ended, particularly when Union armies made their way into North Carolina and Virginia. As Lincoln fatefully told one general, “I would let ’em up easy.”

Perhaps more than anything else, President Obama should learn from Lincoln the importance of perseverance. The fact is that as late as 1864 — well after the battle of Gettysburg, which in hindsight is often seen as the great turning point of the war — the Union was still suffering frightful losses. In six weeks alone during the Wilderness Campaign, Lee inflicted some 52,000 casualties upon Grant’s men, nearly as many soldiers as America would lose in the entire Vietnam War. The single battle of Cold Harbor was an unmitigated bloodbath; 7,000 men slaughtered in under an hour, most of them in the first eight minutes, more than the Confederates lost during Gen. George Pickett’s infamous Gettysburg charge.

A stunned Lincoln declared that the “heavens are hung in black,” and most of the North agreed. By then, some 200,000 troops had deserted the federal Army, and everywhere Lincoln turned there were fervent antiwar rallies. The influential journalist Horace Greeley wrote that “our bleeding, bankrupt, almost dying country longs for peace.” The Democratic Party, headed by former Gen. McClellan, ran on a peace plank.

How easy it would have been at this juncture for Lincoln to give in or compromise, and history might well have celebrated his refusal to subject the North to the continuing blood and wreckage. But a gloomy Lincoln resisted the calls for Grant’s head. Instead, when Grant marched his army across the James River in pursuit of Lee, refusing to retreat as so many other Union generals had done, Lincoln, with tears in his eyes, telegraphed Grant: “I begin to see it: You will succeed. God bless you. A. Lincoln.”

Related to perseverance is the importance of rhetoric — the words that inspire and articulate national ideals and deeds — but Mr. Obama shouldn’t expect instant results. Lincoln’s first inaugural was a masterpiece of conciliation, but it did little to soothe antagonistic passions in the South or keep the Confederacy from seceding. The importance of Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address, another masterpiece, was almost wholly overlooked by much of the country. A mere 272 words, it was so short that only one fuzzy photograph of the occasion exists. And Lincoln’s second inaugural, arguably the finest speech given in American history, was treated with contempt by most Southerners. In each case, only with the flow of time do we see how important these speeches are to the overall narrative of the American story. And only in retrospect did they more fully illuminate our path and stitch up our wounds.

Just as important as the elements of governing, Mr. Obama can also learn from Lincoln about the personal side of being president. If Lincoln was marked by one trait, it was humility — and the fact that he was always himself. Resisting temptations to fit in with established Washington, Lincoln liked to say, “I presume you all know who I am, I am humble Abraham Lincoln.” His self-derogation was real, and so was his simplicity: He referred to himself as “A,” greeted visitors with “Howdy,” and stuffed notes in his pockets and stuck bills in his drawers. Lincoln also knew the importance of diversions to help him weather the strains of war, frequently going to plays and comedies — he often liked to say that he needed a “little laugh.”

And finally, Lincoln knew that as president of the United States, he was the steward of the precious fabric of American democracy, and equally importantly that he was just one link, and a temporary one at that, in the chain of presidents elected to watch over it. As Carl Sandburg once remarked, there were 31 rooms in the White House, and Lincoln was not at home in any of them. He knew it was never really his house.

Mr. Obama, as improbable and eloquent a president as Lincoln, will almost surely come to feel the same.

(Mr. Winik, a presidential historian, is the author, most recently, of “The Great Upheaval: America and the Birth of the Modern World”)

To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist. – President Barack Obama, Jan. 20, 2009

Senator Barack Obama took the oath of office to become the 44th president of the United States of America at the U.S. Capitol in Washington on January 20, 2009. The following is full text of his inaugural address:

My fellow citizens:

I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you have bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors. I thank President Bush for his service to our nation, as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.

Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because We the People have remained faithful to the ideals of our forbearers, and true to our founding documents.

So it has been. So it must be with this generation of Americans.

That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war, against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost; jobs shed; businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly; our schools fail too many; and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.

These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable but no less profound is a sapping of confidence across our land – a nagging fear that America’s decline is inevitable, and that the next generation must lower its sights.

Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this, America – they will be met.

On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord.

On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn out dogmas, that for far too long have strangled our politics.

We remain a young nation, but in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.

In reaffirming the greatness of our nation, we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of short-cuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted – for those who prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things – some celebrated but more often men and women obscure in their labor, who have carried us up the long, rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.

For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life.

For us, they toiled in sweatshops and settled the West; endured the lash of the whip and plowed the hard earth.

For us, they fought and died, in places like Concord and Gettysburg; Normandy and Khe Sahn.

Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.

This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week or last month or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions – that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.

For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of the economy calls for action, bold and swift, and we will act – not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We will restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology’s wonders to raise health care’s quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. And all this we will do.

Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions – who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short. For they have forgotten what this country has already done; what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage.

What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them – that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply. The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works – whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. And those of us who manage the public’s dollars will be held to account – to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day – because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.

Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched, but this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control – and that a nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our Gross Domestic Product, but on the reach of our prosperity; on our ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart – not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.

As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our Founding Fathers, faced with perils we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man, a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience’s sake. And so to all other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born: know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity, and that we are ready to lead once more.

Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead, they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.

We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more, we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort – even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people, and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we will work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet. We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense, and for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken; you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.

For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus – and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.

To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society’s ills on the West – know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy. To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history; but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.

To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to suffering outside our borders; nor can we consume the world’s resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.

As we consider the road that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who, at this very hour, patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us today, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages. We honor them not only because they are guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service; a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves. And yet, at this moment – a moment that will define a generation – it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all.

For as much as government can do and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter’s courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent’s willingness to nurture a child, that finally decides our fate.

Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends – hard work and honesty, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism – these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history. What is demanded then is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility – a recognition, on the part of every American, that we have duties to ourselves, our nation, and the world, duties that we do not grudgingly accept but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character, than giving our all to a difficult task.

This is the price and the promise of citizenship.

This is the source of our confidence – the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny.

This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed – why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall, and why a man whose father less than sixty years ago might not have been served at a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.

So let us mark this day with remembrance, of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America’s birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At a moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words be read to the people:

“Let it be told to the future world…that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive…that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet [it].“

America. In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children’s children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God’s grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.

By Alemayehu G. Mariam

It is time to close ranks against an arrogant and abusive dictatorship in Ethiopia! It is time for all Ethiopians in the Diaspora to come together and stand up against Evil. As the old saying goes, “All that is necessary for evil to triumph is that good men and women do nothing.”

Today Evil has triumphed in Ethiopia, and good Ethiopian men and women must forge solidarity to rescue their country from the clutches of a malignant dictator. A thuggish dictatorship in Ethiopia is on a crime spree: a leading opposition figure is snatched off the street and slammed into prison to serve out a life sentence. Ms. Birtukan Mideksa, President of Unity, Democracy and Justice Party (UDJP), is put back in prison because she expressed a personal opinion about the “pardon” she received following her conviction in a kangaroo court. Peaceful and lawful political parties and organizations are under the constant threat of dissolution, mindless bureaucratic control and regulation and vindictive prosecutions. Opposition political leaders and dissidents remain under 24-hour surveillance, relentless harassment and intimidation. Members of the independent press are subjected to police interrogation, constant harassment, arbitrary arrests, detentions and persecution. The charity work of international non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Ethiopia has been criminalized; and by “law”, they are prohibited from working on human rights issues in the country. Human Rights Watch predicted that this pretentious and asinine law “will make Ethiopia one of the most inhospitable places in the world for both Ethiopian and international human rights groups.”

Human rights violations in Ethiopia in the past year have intensified as thousands of political prisoners are held in detention facilities throughout the country in violation of the “laws” and “constitution” of the country, and international law. The country’s limited resources continue to be squandered on a misbegotten war. The ruling thugs in Ethiopia have been accused of committing war crimes on a massive scale in Somalia, and crimes against humanity against Ethiopians. Famine threatens to destroy one-quarter of the Ethiopian population as the dictators sip on Remy Martin Louis XIII cognac and throw lavish balls and galas to entertain themselves. The cost of living in Ethiopia has reached astronomical levels, depriving the vast majority of Ethiopians the capacity to earn a living or feed their families. The corrupt and decadent plutocracy and its lackeys continue to rapaciously plunder the country’s economy and resources. Cumulatively, the ruling thugs have propelled Ethiopia to the top of the list of failed states in the world.

Against this background, pro-democracy Ethiopians in the Diaspora have remained organizationally fragmented, politically divided and remain incapable of working collaboratively with each other. Leaders and representatives of political parties have been unable to forge solidarity and common purpose to oppose a ruthless dictatorship. They have failed to provide adequate leadership, guidance and direction to the struggle. As a result, there is much disillusionment and disappointment among Diaspora Ethiopians. Some feel betrayed by those whose political or civic leadership has fallen short; they are turned off by politics. Many have reached a low point of pessimism and believe that it is impossible to create solidarity among Diaspora Ethiopians. They say it is impossible to unite the Ethiopian Diaspora because there are just “too many differences. They say we don’t like to admit our mistakes or to ask forgiveness for them. They say we are more concerned about getting credit for doing something than delivering results. They say we lack trust in each other, and we are quick to undermine each other’s efforts than building upon them. Others have vowed never to be involved in politics; others harbor contempt for those involved in it. There are also many who have vowed never to quit their efforts to resist dictatorship and defend democracy, freedom and human rights in Ethiopia. These Ethiopians reject the politics of self-defeatism and capitulation, and firmly embrace the power of collective action.

Then there is PERCEPTION. Ethiopians in the Diaspora have become the laughing stock of dictators who often remind us with contempt that we are a do-nothing group of whiners who can not even talk to each other civilly let alone unite and present a credible alternative to their brutal dictatorship. They taunt us “to go into the bush and fight our way to political power” as they did. They hold us insomuch contempt that they have the audacity to say publicly that we can be bought and sold for thirty pieces of silver — or a promise for plot of land, a government job, duty-free imports and the illusion of access to power. They talk about our principles and integrity in the same manner as brokers talk about commodities on the Chicago Board of Trade. They insult our intelligence by telling us cock-and-bull stories about gold worth millions of dollars walking out of the front door of the banks and other stories fit for kindergartners. But perception is reality and what we believe about ourselves and what our adversaries think about us are important. We must deal with both perceptions and realities.

We have now come to the crossroads: We must close ranks and deal with the reality of a ruthless dictatorship and dispel perceptions of Diasporic impotence and dysfunctionality through collective, concerted and decisive actions.

Let’s Open Hearts and Minds!

One of the biggest realities today for Diaspora Ethiopians is the fact that we are in a lose-lose situation in opposing the ruling thugs in Ethiopia. Because of our fragmentation and inability to forge a common democratic front and maintain solidarity, we have been unable to act effectively and help our people in the motherland. Because we have been unable to learn from our past mistakes, make corrections and come to a collective resolution on an action plan to help overcome the challenges facing the Motherland, we find ourselves in a state of political paralysis. Because we have been locked into a zero-sum game where only one side wins and the other sides always loses, we find ourselves in an endless loop of lose-lose outcomes. Because we have been concerned with turf — some political leaders want to maintain insularity and primacy, some civic society leaders run their organizations through a narrow field of vision, political and civic groups often compete for the same base of membership often resulting in conflict and antagonisms, etc. — we have been unable to focus our collective energies on the enormous tasks before us.

We must transform this lose-lose situation into a win-win situation through a process of cooperation, collaboration, partnership and team work for the ultimate benefit of the Ethiopian people. But a win-win situation requires concerted, determined and relentless effort to change hearts and minds, beginning with each individual.

Change must first come in our hearts. Ethiopians in the Diaspora need to come to a new understanding that transcends the bitterness, petty grudges, personal animus and hatred, recrimination and distrust of the past. The reason is simple: the motherland is suffering! At a time when lawful internal opposition is crushed, dissent stamped out, human rights trampled upon, famine is spreading like wildfire, we cannot afford to stand by idly suspicious and distrustful of each other. We have a higher duty that requires us to purge our hearts of thoughts and feelings that weaken us as a unified democratic opposition. The time has come to take a stand, to make a public declaration that “our differences are far less important than the urgent need to work together in the cause of freedom, democracy and human rights in Ethiopia.” We must replace the self-defeatism and self-doubt which weighs heavily on our hearts today with the courage of a can-do spirit and defiance in the face of Evil. We must stop practicing the politics of personal destruction of our allies and potential allies in the cause and embrace the politics of collective reconciliation and consensus-building. We must begin to cultivate a genuine sense of brotherhood and sisterhood.

We must also open our minds. Many of us in the Diaspora confuse symptoms in the Ethiopian body politics with the real disease afflicting the Ethiopian nation. Zenawi’s dictatorship is a symptom of a more fundamental disease of poverty of democratic culture, institutions and practices afflicting Ethiopian society. If Zenawi left tomorrow, the symptom that manifested itself in his dictatorship may be removed, but the disease of despotism, intolerance of dissent, narrow-mindedness and prejudice will not be gone with him. Zenawi replaced his intellectual mentor Mengistu; and in the end, he managed to refine his mentor’s reign of terror to a new level of cruelty and depravity. We must open our minds and develop rational approaches, long-term strategies and initiatives to create a win-win situation.

Opening our minds requires a number of steps. First, we must change the way we think about, understand and react to the problems of dictatorship and democracy-building in Ethiopia. We must critically examine our assumptions about our understanding of the current dictatorship and the dire situation it has created in Ethiopia today. We must ask fundamental questions: Who is in control of Ethiopia today? Alternatively, who is NOT in control in Ethiopia today? Can Ethiopians deviously fragmented into ethnic, regional, linguistic, etc., groups ever be able to control their country or destiny? How can Ethiopians rescue their country from the clutches of criminal thugs? 2) We must develop a new understanding of the issues and problems in a broader context. When a dictator arbitrarily jails leading opposition leaders, bans civil society, decimates the independent press and sneers at the rule of law, is that a triumph of dictatorship or failure of a united democratic opposition? Alternatively, if pro-democracy Diaspora Ethiopians could come to a consensus that a dictatorship of thugs is the central problem of governance in Ethiopia today, is it possible to oppose such thugs by relying on the old strategies of one-upmanship, duplicity, intrigue, turf-protection, recriminations and working at cross-purposes?

Second, we must also develop a new approach — a new paradigm — to the struggle for democracy in Ethiopia based on an express commitment to a set of core values and principles that will enable us to defer our differences for another time. Our core values must be built on two compelling philosophical principles: 1) Our humanity must always rise above our ethnicity, nationality, religiosity, Africanity or Ethiopianity. 2) No one can be truly free in Ethiopia unless ALL Ethiopians are free. If we subscribe to these two core principles, open our minds and hearts and collectively pull together, we will soon find ourselves in a win-win situation.

But let us be absolutely clear about our New Paradigm: We are not concerned about a particular dictator or his long criminal record. Our new paradigm is about the future of the country we would like our children to inherit. For that reason alone, our goal is to win the hearts and minds of Ethiopians both at home and in the Diaspora by appealing to their innate sense of humanity, decency, dignity, compassion, thirst for freedom and yearning for human rights and the rule of law. This is our turnaround. When thugs use force and violence to enforce their rule, we must use reason and truth to empower the people and liberate their spirits. When thugs use intimidation and harassment to control the people, we must use knowledge and facts to expand their intellectual horizons. When thugs make the people their enemies by acts of unspeakably cruelty, we must make friends with them by spreading the gospel of freedom and human rights among them, and forging a common bond in their suffering and yearning for democracy. Opposing dictatorship is not the problem. Everybody (except the dictators) agrees it is a bad thing. But what is needed is consensus to build a viable and effective pro-democracy movement in the Diaspora. In our new paradigm, the central issue will be how to get all Ethiopians who believe in freedom, democracy and human rights involved and engaged in a pro-democracy movement. That is why we are calling for a convention of Diaspora Ethiopians which is inclusive of all segments of society — political leaders and their support groups, grassroots advocates and activists, civil society and religious organizations and their members, media representatives and concerned individuals — to join in and facilitate this grand dialogue at a Diaspora convention.

Let’s Meet and Shake Hands!

So how do we begin this long and difficult journey? We begin by shaking hands and making a personal commitment to participate in a new dialogue. We begin by working to create opportunities to meet and greet our “adversaries” in the pro-democracy movement with open arms, open hearts and open minds. We begin by accepting responsibility for past mistakes without playing the blame or victimhood game. We begin by acknowledging each other’s vital importance to the cause of freedom, democracy and human rights in Ethiopia, and expressing genuine appreciation to each other for taking the first steps in the direction of consensus-building and concerted action. As we shake hands, it will be necessary to check in our egos, our past grudges, and the bitterness of the past at the gate. There is no place for them at the convention. We shall begin the enormous task ahead with a compassionate heart, clear conscience, critical mind, and liberated spirit.

A Diaspora Convention and Manifesto: Let’s Get Busy in 2009!

Our preliminary task is to establish a mechanism to facilitate the planning of an all Diaspora Ethiopians convention to develop an agenda which focuses on democracy, freedom and the protection of human rights in Ethiopia. There are preliminary steps to be taken in that direction. First, Ethiopian Diaspora communities throughout the world need to begin discussions on the viability, timeliness and appropriateness of an all Ethiopia Diaspora convention at this point in our history. We believe there is a groundswell of interest in such an effort based on the massive input we have received from many groups and individuals. Second, we need to initiate broad discussion about the core issues that bind Diaspora Ethiopians. We believe there is widespread support among Diaspora Ethiopians on the need to work together on the issues of democratic institution-building, institutionalization of basic freedoms and protection of human rights. Third, we need to prepare ourselves to come to an agreement on a Diaspora Ethiopian Manifesto which provides a clear statement of who we are and what we stand for. We believe it is necessary to provide a public declaration of principles and intentions of our efforts to ensure maximum transparency and accountability.

In taking these preliminary steps, we must be mindful of what it takes to do it right. First, the dialogue must be open to all who agree on the core issues of democracy, freedom and human rights in Ethiopia. There shall be no precondition for participation in the dialogue except for philosophical agreement on the two core principles mentioned above. Second, leadership and active participation in the dialogue must not be left entirely to the usual suspects — the academics, the political and civic leaders and the partisan advocates. All segments of the Ethiopian Diaspora community must take ownership of the dialogue. Most of all, the involvement and participation of the younger generation of Ethiopians and women is paramount. Effective activism requires active involvement of these two segments of the population. Young people and women bring dynamism, energy, fresh ideas, and renewed commitment to the cause. If there is any doubt about the enormous role women can play in defending freedom, democracy and human rights in Ethiopia, one need only look at the heroic contributions of Birtukan Mideksa. It is not surprising that Birtukan should be the ultimate symbol of courage and defiance against the thuggish dictatorship in Ethiopia. We should insist on the full engagement of women and young people in this dialogue.

The dialogue we hope to begin in earnest must be tightly structured. We must make a clean break with the troubled dialogue of the past which emphasized ethnic, linguistic and regional differences, historical grievances and political or ideological differences. We must make explicit commitments to defer for another time such issues and focus on the core issues freedom, democracy and human rights. If we can do that, I believe 2009 will prove to be a watershed year. In 2009, we may be able to get pro-democracy Diaspora Ethiopians to speak in one voice to defend democracy, freedom and human rights in Ethiopia. We have cause for great optimism. Where dictators draw their strength from the barrel of a gun, we draw our powers from the wisdom, compassion, goodness, spiritual and moral strength of our people and ancient culture. Our people are waiting for a new message of hope from across the seas. To date, they hear a cacophony of noises that grate their ears and ache their hearts. We have a duty to mend their aching hearts with a clear message that says Ethiopians in the Diaspora have resolved to speak in one voice for the cause of democracy, freedom and human rights in Ethiopia.

Past Mistakes and Future Greatness: A Call and a Plea to the Ethiopian Diaspora to Open Dialogue Only on One Question: What is Good for the Country Our Children Will Inherit?

President-elect Barack Obama recently posed a central question to the American people: “It is time to put good ideas ahead of the old ideological battles, a sense of common purpose above the same narrow partisanship, and insist that the first question each of us asks isn’t ‘What’s good for me?’ but ‘What’s good for the country my children will inherit?’” We must pose the same question to Diaspora Ethiopians: “What’s good for the country our children will inherit?” Put differently, is the Ethiopia that is good for Zenawi and his thugs the Ethiopia we would like our children to inherit? Barack obviously understood that Americans do not want their children to inherit an America that is good for the rapacious Halliburton, the mercenary army of Blackwater and the Wall Street crooks. He talked about a new American spirit, a can-do spirit that will enable Americans to rise above the problems of the day. “It is this spirit that will enable us to confront these challenges with the same spirit that has led previous generations to face down war and depression and fear itself. And if we do — if we are able to summon that spirit again; if are able to look out for one another and listen to one another, and do our part for our nation and for posterity — then I have no doubt that, years from now, we will look back on 2009 as one of those years that marked another new and hopeful beginning for the United States of America.”

We in the Ethiopian Diaspora can also look to our history and “summon that spirit” that led us to defeat a mighty European colonial power twice and the spirit that helped us withstand great trials and tribulations in our history. We can summon that great spirit which just three years ago that led to the massive electoral victory of Kinijt in the first free election in the history of Ethiopia. Today, in the Ethiopian Diaspora we do not have a poverty of spirit, only of personal and political will. Let us make 2009 a new and hopeful beginning for Ethiopia.

We must urgently open dialogue on what is good for the country our children will inherit!

The Fierce Urgency of Now to Fight for the Ethiopian Dream!

As Barack Obama thoughtfully reflected on the situation in America, “Our problems are rooted in past mistakes, not our capacity for future greatness.” One can make the same argument for Ethiopians. We must not be prisoners of past mistakes; rather we should use genuine dialogue and consensus-building as weapons of liberation and transform ourselves into a mighty force of democratic change in Ethiopia. Eleanor Roosevelt said, “The future belongs to those who believe in the beauty of their dreams.” And our beautiful dream for the Ethiopia that our children will inherit should be one where the rule of law is woven into the fabric of the society and permeates the deepest recesses of the consciences of every Ethiopian; where no person shall fear for their personal security and liberties; where government fears the people and the people hold government on a short leash; where rights guaranteed by constitutional and international law are observed and protected; where judges are independent of political control and perform their duties with fidelity to the country’s constitution and laws; where elections are free, fair and universal; where every man, woman and child shall have the freedom of opportunity; where there is full legal and social equality among men and women; where one’s ethnic, linguistic or regional origins are respected and protected by law; where the free press performs its natural office of informing citizens and serving as a watchdog on government corruption and abuse of power; and where no person will be imprisoned or persecuted because of their political ideas or beliefs.

These are my “beautiful dreams” for Ethiopia, as I hope they are for many Ethiopians in the Diaspora. That is why I have committed myself to the cause. I have no illusions about the enormity of the task and difficulty of the enterprise we are about to undertake. Some well-intentioned people might be skeptical of the call to dialogue and my urgent plea on behalf of this beautiful dream. They may consider it idealistic and impractical. No doubt, the wardens of Ethiopia Prison Nation, Inc., will laugh boisterously and wager our efforts will fail. As they have disdainfully questioned many times before, they will do so again: “How can they aspire to serious dialogue when they can not even talk to each other under ordinary circumstances?” Let them laugh. But we should not be discouraged in our efforts to form a united Ethiopian Diaspora voice for freedom, democracy and human rights in Ethiopia. The true test of our success is in holding dialogue by putting the urgent needs of Ethiopia and Ethiopians above our own narrow interests. We must begin this dialogue with the fierce urgency of now. As we celebrate Dr. Martin Luther King’s birthday today, it is important for us to heed to his prophetic words: “We are now faced with the fact, my friends, that tomorrow is today. We are confronted with the fierce urgency of now. In this unfolding conundrum of life and history, there is such a thing as being too late. Procrastination is still the thief of time.” We must act now and begin the dialogue. Tomorrow is too late. That’s why I am calling on all Ethiopians in the Diaspora to come together with the fierce urgency of now and act to rescue our country from chokehold of thugs.

Post Script: Doing Nothing is Not An Option!

We can’t afford to sit down with folded arms and wait for something to happen. We must act now as a unified Diasporic force. If we don’t, the nightmare of Zenawi’s brutal dictatorship could linger on for some time to come. In short, a bad situation could become dramatically worse. We did not arrive at our present predicament suddenly or by some accident of history. What we see today has been unfolding for the last 18 years. During this period, many Diaspora Ethiopians stood watching on the sidelines in silence, and did nothing. That option is no longer available to us.

We will come forward with specific and concrete proposals for a Diaspora Dialogue in the foreseeable future. For now, we plead earnestly with all Ethiopians in the Diaspora to close ranks, open hearts and minds, shake hands and prepare to get busy in 2009.

The former president of Ethiopia’s western region of Benishangul-Gumuz, Ato Yaregal Aysheshum, has changed his story about defecting and now he claims that he is in Canada for medical treatment. Click here to listen:
[podcast]http://www.ethiopianreview.info/audio/yaregal_ayshesum_jan2009b.mp3[/podcast]

On January 17, Ethiopian Review had reported that Ato Yaregal defected and has joined the opposition camp. The same day the story was published, an internet discussion forum that is run by the Woyanne propaganda chief Bereket Simon, brought Yaregal for interview from where he was hiding. Apparently, he still keeps with him a mobile phone that the Woyanne regime assigns to all its puppet regional officials to keep tabs on them.

In the interview with the Woyanne internet forum, Yaregal denied that he has defected and that he has received permission from Meles Zenawi to get medical treatment abroad.

First of all, this fool further exposed himself what kind of puppet he is by saying that he asks permission from Meles Zenawi to get medical treatment abroad, although he was president of a bantustanized region. Imagine the governor of Texas or California asking permission from the U.S. president to to travel abroad.

Secondly, why did he have to travel through Uganda, stay there for several days, fill out political asylum forms with the local UNHCR office, before traveling to Canada?

The truth of the matter is that when Meles sacked him in November 2008 from his position as president of Beninshangul-Gumuz and appointed him to some commission, Yaregal was angry and started contacting Ginbot 7 officials, telling them that he wants to defect and join the opposition. He wanted to use his membership in Ginbot 7 for his political asylum case. Ginbot 7 officials facilitated his trip to Uganda where they took him the office of the UNHCR’s director.

But once he arrived in Canada safely, he refused to speak out against the regime’s atrocities and corruption in the Benishangul region, which he had told about to the UNHCR office in Uganda. He told those who assisted him to come to Canada that that he has hotels and other properties in Ethiopia and that the Meles regime will confiscate them if he speaks up. He also expressed concern about the safety of his children who are still in Ethiopia.

It was at this point that Ethiopian Review decided to publish the story him. It seems that Yaregal wants to be in a safe country and live a life of luxury with the money he looted without taking accountability for his part in the Woyanne crimes in Ethiopia. At the same time, he is too greedy in that he wants to save his ill-gotten properties in Ethiopia.

Yaregal Ayshesum had played a major part in all the atrocities and massive corruption that were being committed by the Meles regime in Ethiopia for the past several years. The Government of Canada should thus deny his asylum request.

When Yaregal contacted Ginbot 7 officials, he told them that he could not continue to see the crimes being committed by his boss Meles Zenawi and that he wants out. Thinking that this man perhaps has a sliver of human conscience and that he may want to do the right thing from now on, they helped him escape to Uganda and then to Canada.

Even while in exile, Yaregal continues to prostitute himself for the Woyanne brutal dictatorship.