“Ethiopian Telecommunications Corporation” (ETC)
In August 1998, the World Bank (WB) issued a corruption report on Ethiopia and summarized:
In the Government’s view, the following are the major determinants of corruption: a poorly functioning legal and judicial system inconsistent with the 1994 Constitution; an overregulated bureaucracy, emphasising regulation rather than service delivery; a low-paid civil service; a new yet rudimentary government, based on a federal structure; and weak budgetary and financial control, with an outdated procurement structure, and poorly trained financial staff…
That WB report made a number of recommendations to combat corruption including, “strengthening links with civil society and the private sector to identify critical areas relating to corruption”, “elimination of excessive regulation”, “promotion of competitive market conditions and greater transparency”, and facilitation of “dialogue among Parliament, Civil Service, Civil Society, the Private Sector, the Media, the government, the Chamber of Commerce, other members of the business community, and civil society on implementing the anti-corruption program and developing complementary activities.”
By 2013, the “overregulated bureaucracy” of 1998 had become even more over-regulated. Government service delivery remains abysmally poor. The “new rudimentary government” had grown tentacles that crushed and pulverized everything in its reach. The “procurement structure” across agencies had been transformed into a bottomless vortex of corruption, fraud, waste and abuse of public funds, including foreign aid and international loans. The “poorly functioning legal and judicial system” evolved to become an exquisite kangaroo court system which permits arrest and incarceration of suspects without sufficient evidence. (Ethiopia is the only country in the world where the prosecution can arrest and jail suspects indefinitely while repeatedly asking leave of court to gather evidence of guilt on the suspects!) The “poorly trained staff” evolved into a sophisticated band of official thieves and swindlers. The regime that cemented itself in power in Ethiopia since 1998 is so corrupt that its venality is arguably exceeded only by the regime of General Sani Abacha of Nigeria in the mid-1990s who, alongside his family members, associates, cronies and supporters, looted Nigeria’s coffers to the tune of over USD$16 billion.
The two most effective anti-corruption institutions recommended in the 1998 WB report — the independent media and civil society organizations — have been totally decimated. In its January 2013 report, Human Rights Watch concluded, “The ruling party has passed a host of laws attacking the media and civil society, including the Charities and Societies Proclamation that has made independent human rights work in the country almost impossible. The state has frozen the assets of the last two remaining groups – the leading women’s rights organization, the Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association EWLA) – which has provided free legal aid to over 17,000 women – and the Human Rights Council (HRCO).” Ethiopia’s independent media has been annihilated with dozens of journalists in jail or in exile. According to Freedom House, “Ethiopia [in 2012] is currently the second-leading jailer of journalists in Africa, after Eritrea.”
Since the WB’s 1998 study, the cancer of corruption has metastasized throughout the Ethiopian body politic like cancer. In 2011, Global Financial Integrity (GFI), the renowned organization that reports on “illicit financial flows” (illegal capital flight, mispricing, bulk cash movements, hawala transactions, smuggling, etc.) out of developing countries, reported: “Ethiopia lost $11.7 billion to outflows of ill-gotten gains between 2000 and 2009… The people of Ethiopia are being bled dry. No matter how hard they try to fight their way out of absolute destitution and poverty, they will be swimming upstream against the current of illicit capital leakage.” The economy heaves under excessive regulation and taxation. The regime has a stranglehold on power and its supporters and cronies have sucked the economy dry. The regime operates in total secrecy and with no transparency and accountability for its official activities.
In June 2012, the World Bank issued its comprehensive 448-page “Diagnosing Corruption in Ethiopia”. It was a study of extraordinary depth and scale. It was a “clinical” diagnosis of cancerous corruption that has has metastasized throughout the country’s “health, education, rural water supply, construction, telecommunications, justice and land sectors”.
For crying out loud…
Over the past several months, I have commented on the 2012 WB’s corruption findings in the land and education sectors in Ethiopia. Here I comment on corruption in the telecommunications sector.
According to the WB, corruption in the Ethiopian telecommunication sector specifically “includes bribery, extortion, fraud, deception, collusion, cartels, abuse of power, embezzlement, trading in influence, money laundering, and similar unlawful actions.” Billions of dollars have been lost in the telecommunications sector from outright theft, fraud, waste, abuse, profiteering, nepotism, kickbacks, sweetheart deals, shady dealings, malfeasance, mismanagement and mindboggling incompetence. There is little accountability and transparency in the “Ethiopian Telecommunications Corporation”; and it has become the home and playground of the most avaricious corruptoids in Ethiopia.
The 2012 WB report attributes corruption in the ETC to a number of factors including an “environment where there is a combination of exceptionally high investment costs and poor service delivery”, “lack of accountability for the sole service provider”, “anticompetitive practices in the market” and “serious mismanagement within the telecommunications sector.”
In its assessment of corruption in the telecommunications sector, the WB begins its analysis with the following ironic observation:
Ethiopia boasts the oldest functioning telephone system in Africa. In 1894, just 17 years after the invention of the telephone, work began on the provision of telephone and telegram communication between Addis Ababa and Harar, a distance of some 477 kilometers. [The regime]… invested some US$14 billion in infrastructure development between 1996 and 2006” [amounting to] about 10 percent of GDP in the sector, an unusually high level of investment by international standards…. [The investments] are currently directed into fixed, wireless and mobile network infrastructure, including third-generation (3G) mobile technology as well as a national fiber-optic backbone…”
Despite the country’s exceptionally heavy recent investment in its telecoms infrastructure, it has the second lowest telephone penetration rate in Africa. It once led the regional field in the laying of fiber-optic cable, yet suffers from severe bandwidth and reliability problems. And it boasted the first privately owned public telecoms service in Africa, yet is now the only nation on the continent still permitting a state-owned company to maintain a monopoly on all telecoms services. Amid its low service delivery, an apparent lack of accountability, and multiple court cases, some aspects of the sector are perceived by both domestic and international observers to be deeply affected by corruption.
Ethiopia established its telecommunications infrastructure the same year Europe laid its plan for the “Scramble for Africa”. In 1894, the Berlin Conference was held to enable European nations to chop up Africa and colonize it without the need for imperialistic wars among themselves. By 1904, telegraph lines ran into the capital Addis Ababa from Harar in the east, Tigray in the north and Jimma in the south.
According to Freedom House, in 2011, mobile, internet, and fixed line telecommunications in Ethiopia is the second lowest in all of Africa. According to the International Telecommunication Union (ITU), “in 2011, there were only 829,000 fixed telephone lines in actual operation (a decrease from 908,000 lines in 2010), serving a population of 83 million for a penetration rate of less than 1 percent.” Internet penetration in Ethiopia, the second most populous country in Africa with a population approaching 90 million in 2013, is less than 1 percent (0.7%), keeping that country at the tail end of all African countries; and for that matter all countries in the world. The bar graph displayed below (obtained from the WB report) shows that in 2009, Kenya, Sudan, Somalia, Djbouti and Eritrea were ahead of Ethiopia in the percentage of internet users, and for all practical purposes in mobile and fixed line telecommunication services as well.
For crying out loud, how is possible for a country that has had telecommunications services for 119 years and “boasted having the oldest functioning telephone system in Africa” to have the lowest telecommunications penetration rate in Africa today?
In the name of the Almighty, how is that possible for a country that has invested “US$14 billion in infrastructure development between 1996 and 2006” and made “exceptionally heavy recent investment in its telecoms infrastructure” to have the lowest telecommunications penetration rate in Africa?
How is that possible for a country whose economy has allegedly been growing at galloping double-digit annual rates for the past decade and whose population is pushing 90 million to trail at the tail end of the most vital element of technology in the modern world?
All things being relative, and in all earnestness, was Ethiopia better off in telecommunications in the Nineteenth Century than it is in the 21st?
What a low down dirty shame!!!
Anatomy of tele-corruption in Ethiopia
Tele-corruption in Ethiopia occurs at the structural level. The WB report reveals that the systemic cause of corruption is attributable to a “combination of monopolistic service provision and apparently weak accountability mechanisms.” The ETC is a state-owned monopoly and “the sole provider of telecommunications services in Ethiopia (including fixed-line, mobile, Internet, and data communications).” Telecommunications “equipment is provided and installed by international suppliers.” Anyone who seeks to “operate any telecommunications service” must obtain a “license” from the ETC. Some “20 entities, including Ethiopian Airlines and the World Bank, have been granted special authorizations to operate independent communication links.”
Corruption in the telecommunications sector in Ethiopia manifests itself in a number of ways. ETC charges excessively “high rates for its services. International bandwidth costs in Ethiopia were approximately double those in neighboring Kenya.” The regime was hell-bent on “seeking to curtail and control communication services” following the disputed 2005 elections and “banned telephony (telecommunication services for the purpose of electronic transmission of voice, fax, or data, between distant parties) and created a new organization, the Network Operation Centre, to control internet service.” The ETC’s billing system has been a total disaster. According to the WB report, “In 2006, the system failed completely, resulting in a revenue loss of US$6.3 million. The entire customer database was lost and there was no backup, even though the equipment for such a backup had reportedly been procured.” The procurement system (the process involving in advanced planning, scheduling, and purchasing of goods and services with the aim of cost savings, more efficient business operation, etc.), is completely corrupted particularly in light of “Ethiopia’s increasingly close political relationship with China.” In sum, the ETC is the most sacred cash cow for the regime members, their cronies and fat cat associates in the business sector. The WB report notes that “Although the ETC has been unable to keep pace with demand, there are no firm plans to allow another operator to enter the market.” So, Ethiopia, the first to have telecommunications in all of Africa in 1894 today finds itself at the tail end of the telecommunications revolution in all of Africa!
Rigged contracts: ground zero for corruption in the telecommunications sector
Ground zero for corruption in the Ethiopian telecommunications sector is the procurement process. According to the WB report, in 2006 the ruling regime entered into a “highly unusual” “Vendor Financing and Supply Agreement for financing, supply, and installation of telecoms equipment up to a value of US$1.5 billion.” (The expected expenditure on improvements to the telecommunications sector by 2012 was USD$4 billion.) Among the “unusual” characteristics of the “high value” Vendor Agreement include, “granting one supplier the right to supply all telecoms equipment to the ETC over a three-year period.” The regime agreed “for a period of three years, to place all telecoms contracts with the supplier. Specifically, the agreement required the ETC to place nine prespecified equipment packages with the supplier.” According to the WB report, there was “no commercial justification for the award of such a large contract to one supplier”. The Agreement was signed without “competitive tender taking place” and there was no “effective contractual mechanism for price protection and technical compliance.” The Agreement “as signed provided for a 13-year loan period, with the first three years being interest-free.”
The rigging of telecommunications procurement is mindboggling. What is amazing is not only the fact that there was no competitive tender for either financing or equipment supply or even that the whole telecommunications kit and caboodle was handed over to one vendor; rather it is the cavalier, disdainful arrogance of unaccountability of the regime in making the deals. The regime dealt with the sole source vendor as though they were betting their own money at a crap table in a Las Vegas casino. According to the WB report:
The procurement process for the vendor finance contract was initiated by the ETC through a request to several suppliers. The equipment to be supplied under the proposed financing was not specified in detail at that time, and the process was kept informal for the most part… The ETC’s financial requirements were not provided in detail to those suppliers (other than possibly the winning supplier) that had been approached to consider providing such financing. There is no evidence of a formal tender procedure for the finance package. The supplier selected by the ETC to supply the finance package was the only company that offered a financing package that suited the ETC’s purposes. The equipment supply element of the vendor financing contract was not put out to competitive tender. This absence of competitive tender means that there is a considerable risk of overpricing and unfavorable contract terms for the ETC…
The ETC committed to purchase all telecoms equipment over a three-year period from one supplier. Such a wide-ranging commitment without competitive tender is highly unusual. There does not appear to be any commercial necessity to place the whole US$1.5 billion contract with one supplier. The nine different equipment packages being sought (for example, mobile, customer data center, and Internet) could have been placed with different suppliers and still have resulted in a compatible and efficient network. This sole sourcing commitment means that there is a considerable risk of overpricing and unfavorable contract terms for the ETC in relation to each supply contract.
The details of the rigged Agreement are madding. The “contract was awarded before agreement on either the specification or price—and without a sufficient contractual price protection mechanism.” The “contract was not in accordance with the ETC’s procurement procedure. Procurement procedures are bypassed allowing sole-source purchasing instead of competitive tendering. In some cases, the ETC purchases new equipment when it already has the necessary equipment in the warehouse. The ETC’s procurement procedures allow for the debarment of poorly performing suppliers, but the ETC does not appear to exercise this right. Some prequalifications and tenders allow too much room for subjective assessment, potentially causing some suppliers to be inappropriately eliminated from the tender list.”
There were no ascertainable “procedures for ensuring technical quality and competitive pricing.” There was no way of determining “whether prices far exceed reasonable industry prices.” The supplier had “no incentive to provide a competitive price.” Implementation of the Agreement remained shrouded in a veil of total secrecy.
For obvious reasons, the WB report could not come out and say it, but the truth of the matter is that somebody or somebodies had a BIG payday when the Vendor Agreement was signed! Somebody or somebodies got a BIG cut worth millions of dollars in kickbacks. The USD$1.5 billion Vendor Agreement was rigged by rip-off artists who never thought they would be discovered or someday prosecuted.
According to the WP report in July 2007, the “ETC allegedly dismissed 16 high-level employees for corruption as a result of an 2007 audit report that suggested irregularities in purchases from international suppliers. The contracts in question allegedly were worth US$54 million.” In January 2008, the so-called anti-corruption agency “brought charges” against a “former ETC CEO and 26 former ETC executives for allegedly procuring low- quality equipment from companies that were supposed to be rejected on the basis of procurement regulations.” The contracts in question were worth US$154 million. In August 2008, the so-called anti-corruption agency “arrested a senior ETC manager after receiving an audio recording and transcript from an anonymous source in which the manager is allegedly recorded soliciting a bribe from an international supplier.” Assuming that the money reportedly lost to corruption and low quality equipment is not lowballed, one can make a rough guestimate of 10-14 percent of the cost of the Vendor Agreement of USD$1.5 billion ending up in the pockets of a few officials and their fat cat cronies and/or being lost through fraud, waste, abuse and gross incompetence.
Rooting out corruption in telecommunications sector
The war against corruption in Ethiopia cannot be won by selectively “catching” a few token corrupt officials out of power and their associates and putting them on show trials. The solution to corruption in Ethiopia is not having Twiddle Dee investigating and prosecuting Twiddle Dum. As the late Meles Zenawi once remarked in the context of 10,000 tons of coffee which disappeared from the warehouses, “We all have our hands in its disappearance.” Those in power and those removed from power on allegations of corruption have their hands deep in the cookie jar. Everyone knows they are two sides of the same coin. The only difference is that when the coin is flipped, one side is down and out and the other up and about. Those in power cannot aspire to sainthood by crucifying their buddies who were feeding with them at the same trough of corruption just weeks ago. Those in the regime pointing an index finger of corruption on their former brethren should be aware that three fingers are pointing directly at them. They are not above suspicion or reproach when it comes to corruption. They are as guilty or as innocent of corruption as the ones they have arrested and jailed.
Those in the regime should not insult our intelligence by trying to pass off Mickey Mouse corruption investigations for real professional no-stones-left-unturned investigations of corruption using state-of-the-art forensic accountancy and white collar crime investigative techniques. I say Mickey Mouse not to ridicule but to describe accurately a state of facts. The so-called anti-corruption agency, having investigated two dozen Customs officials and their alleged collaborators for 2 years, arrested and jailed them has yet to produce credible evidence of their criminal culpability. In an incredible affront to the principle of the rule of law, the “anti-corruption” agency has taken repeated leaves of court to gather evidence on the guilt of these suspects. Could there be a more Mickey Mouse system of justice (even worse than a kangaroo court) in the world?
The World Bank prescribed the right medicine for corruption in its 1998 report. (Those who do not want to face facts can try to distract attention from corruption in Ethiopia by criticizing the World Bank for being a “neoliberal” institution and casting aspersions on it.) The fact of the matter is that the WB identified the most important and proven components of any anti-corruption efforts: civil society and media institutions.
In the fight against corruption, it is vital to “strengthen the links with civil society and the private sector to identify critical areas relating to corruption”. Vigilant civil society institutions which work freely at the grassroots levels and provide anti-corruption awareness, education, training and monitoring are the first line of defense and the first responders against corruption. The independent press must flourish so that it can aggressively and doggedly investigate and report corrupt officials and practices for public scrutiny. In the democratic countries, it is the independent media which seeks out and exposes corruption, fraud, waste and abuse in government. It is the independent media that provides the public a voice to speak out against corruption and empower ordinary citizens to pursue their corruption complaints against officials and work with government to promote good practices.
The WB is right in prescribing the “elimination of excessive regulation” and “promotion of competitive market conditions and greater transparency”. In the telecommunications sector in Ethiopia, regulations are used to ensure regime officials and their cronies can suck dry a particularly lucrative sector of the economy. Telecommunications is a cash cow that can be milked endlessly. Deregulating and de-monopolizing the telecom sector means competitive rates, cheaper operational costs and greater public access to and expansion of telecom services. It also means less cash in the pockets of regime officials and their cronies. There is no economic or commercial reason why the telecom sector cannot be de-monopolized and full competition by domestic and foreign companies allowed to provide cost-effective and efficient nationwide telecommunications services.
The WB is correct in urging “dialogue among Parliament, Civil Service, Civil Society, the Private Sector, and the Media” and “facilitating dialogue among government, the Chamber of Commerce and other members of the business community, and civil society on implementing the anti-corruption program and developing complementary activities.” Anti-corruption efforts must be multipronged and not left to an anti-corruption agency which itself is corruption suspect. “Outsourcing” the management of the telecom sector for a couple of years is no cure for corruption. It has been reported that the regime agreed to pay some 30 million euro to a European company to manage its telecommunications sector through 2012, much of it to cover the salaries and expenses of 24 personnel. Another boondoggle to continue corruption?
In my recent commentary “The Corruption Game”, I questioned whether the arrest of a couple dozen corruption suspects in the Customs Authority was a shot across the bow in the “war against corruption” or a public relations stunt. I concluded that the regime was “showboating and grandstanding the corruption issue to nail its opponents and get public relations credit and international handouts at the same time.” I opined that the whole effort was a “public relations political theater” by the regime “desperately trying to catch some positive publicity buzz in a media environment where they are being hammered and battered everyday by human rights organizations, NGOs, international media outlets and others.” I still believe that deciding on the integrity of a corruption investigation of one group of corrupt officials in power against another group of corrupt officials out of power is like trying to select a beauty queen in a pageantry of monkeys, to allude to an old Ethiopian proverb.
But even if the whole effort is window-dressing, I will give Hailemariam credit for aspiring to achieve a goal of clean government instead of clone government. Even though Hailemariam has said many times he will unwaveringly follow Meles’ footsteps, it is possible for him to rise up from a quagmire of corruption and walk on the path that could lead to “radical improvements in terms of governance and democracy.” In the meantime, ordinary citizens, those out of power, abused by power, who fell from power, who could not care less about power, the powerless, the disempowered or the powerful, should heed Edward Griffin’s counsel: “To oppose corruption in government is the highest obligation of patriotism.”
Professor Alemayehu G. Mariam teaches political science at California State University, San Bernardino and is a practicing defense lawyer.
Previous commentaries by the author are available at:
http://open.salon.com/blog/almariam/
www.huffingtonpost.com/alemayehu-g-mariam/
Amharic translations of recent commentaries by the author may be found at:
http://www.ecadforum.com/Amharic/archives/category/al-mariam-amharic
http://ethioforum.org/?cat=24
ፕሮፌሰር ዓለማየሁ ገብረማርያም
ትርጉም ከነጻነት ለሃገሬ
‹‹በየቀኑ በየቀኑ ሰማያዊዎች አሉኝ›› (ሰማያዊ ወይም “ብሉስ” አፍሮ አሜሪካውያን የሚታወቁበትና ይዘውት የተሰደዱት የንጉርጉሮ ባህላዊ ሙዚቃቸው ነው) አለ ዘማሪው ቢቢ ኪነግ በሚወዳት ክራር “ሉሲል” ላይ፡፡ እኔም በየቀኑ በየቀኑ ላለፉት ስምንት ዓመታት የ‹‹193/763 ሰማያዊዎች›› ነበረኝ:: “አስከ 25ኛው ሰአት ድረስ አላቋርጥም ምክኛቱም አሁን የምኖረው በሰማያዊ ተስፋ ላይ ነውና” አለ ዘማሪው ኤሪክ ክላፕተንም!፡፡እኔም በበኩሌየሰማያዊውን ሃይል እየተጎናጸፍኩ ነው::
እኔም ሰማያዊና ደስተኛ ነኝ፡፡ ማለትም ሰማያዊ እንደ ኢትዮጵያዊያን ወጣቶች ሰማያዊ ፓርቲ በኢትዮጵያ፡፡ሰማያዊን ቀለም የመረጡበትም ምክኒያት የአንድነታቸውን መሰረት፤ ሰላምን ተስፋን በኢትዮጵያ ለማጠናከር ነው፡፡ ሰማያዊ ሲባል ልክ እንደ ተባበሩት መንግሥታት ሰማያዊ ለሁሉም ሕዝቦች፤ በወደፊቱ ተስፋና ሠላም ላይ ለመተባበር ላለሙት ሁሉ ሰማያዊ አይነት ነው፡፡ ልክ እንደ አውሮፓ ሕብረት ሰማያዊ፤ ወደ 24 የሚጠጉ ሃገራት ለትክክለኛው የኤኮኖሚና ለፖለቲካዊ ጥምረት እንደሚሰሩት አይነት ሰማያዊ ነው፡፡ ልክ
እንደኢትዮጵያዊያን ሰማያዊ ሁሉ፤ ሁሉም ኢትዮጵያዊያን በሕብረት ላይ እንደተሳሰሩትና በ21ኛው ክፍለ ዘመን በሰላማዊ፤ ተስፋ በለመለመበት ለመተባበርና አንድ ለመሆን እንዳቀዱት አይነት ሰማያዊ ነው፡፡ ወደፊት ሰማያዊ! ቀጥሉ!!! በርቱ!!!
ሰማያዊውን መስመር ተከተሉ
ላለፉት ዓመታት እንደምታስታውሱት ስለኢትዮጵያዊያን ኦቦሸማኔዎች (የወጣቱ ትውልድ ማለት ነው) ስናገር፤ ስጽፍም ነበር:: ስለ ኦቦሸማኔ፤ ትውልድ ለበርካታ ዓመታት ሳነሳ ነበር፡፡ አሁን ይፋ ማውጣት እፈልጋለሁ፡፡ የዘመናት ልዩነትን ጨርሼ ወደ ኦቦሸማኔዎች ዋሻ ለመግባት ተሻገሬያለሁ፡፡ ነውና አዎን ከዳሁ! ጉማሬዎችን (ማለትም ወጣት ያልሆነው መንቀሳቀስ የተሳነው አጅ አግሩ የተሳሰረው የደነዘዘው ትውልድ) ጥያቸው ሄድኩ:: እኔ አሁን ‹‹ኦቦ-ጉማ›› ነኝ:: (ማለትም የጉማሬ ወገን ከኦቦሸማኔዎች ጋር መወገን የመረጠ)::
ጉዳዩ አንደዚህ ነው፡፡ ኦቦ ሸማኔዎች እየተፈናጠሩ ሲነሱ ክፍ ከፍ ሲሉ ፤ እስከላይኛው ጠርዝ ድረስ ሲምዘገዘጉና ከፍ ሲሉ አየኋቸው፡፡ በቅርቡም መንገዶቹን ሲሞሉ፤ ሳያነገራግሩ ፈራ ተባ ሳይሉ ሲተሙ ጎዳናውን ሞልተው አየኋቸው፡፡‹‹እንዴት ደስ የሚያሰኝ ትዕይንት ነው›› አልኩ፡፡ በጎዳናዎቹ ላይ ሲፈሱ መሰከርኩ፡፡ (ኦቦሸማኔዎች ስለ ሠላም፤ ስለፍትሕ፤ ስለነጻነት፤ እና ስለሰብአዊ መብት ሲያቀነቅኑ ሲዘምሩ አጋጥሟችሁ ያውቃል?) እንዴት ደስ የሚልና ስሜት ያመቀሰቅስ ድምጽ ነበር! የኔ ዜማ እየዘመሩልኝ ነበር እኮ!!፡፡›› ከእንግዲህ እኔ ከኦቦሸማኔዎች ጋር ነኝ፡፡ ከፈጣኖቹና ከአስፈሪዎቹ ቆራጥ ኦቦሸማኔዎች ኋላ አየተጎተትኩም ቢሆን እጉኣዛለሁ፡፡
አቤት እስቲ እይዋቸው ኦቦ ሸማኔዎች ሲሮጡ! እስቲ እንደ ንጋት ጸሃይ ሲወጡና ሲያበሩ ተመልከቷቸው! ‹‹እንደንስር አሞራ አክናፎች እየመጠቁ ፤ እየፈጠኑ፤ ድካም ሳይሞክራቸው፤ እርምጃቸው ሳይቋረጥ፤ ሳይዝለፈለፉ ይራመዳሉ፡፡ ‹‹እስቲ ይታያችሁ እንደ ጉማሬዎች መንገላወድ፤ መዳህ ሳይሆን፤ አቦሸማኔዎች ሲጀግኑ፤ ማየት አያስደሰትም፡፡ ያስገርማል! አይደለም እንዴ?
በዐመቱ የመጀመርያው ጦማሬ ላይ፤2013 ‹‹የኢትዮጵያ ኦቦሸማኔዎች ትውልድ ዘመን›› ብዬ ሰይሜ ነበር፡፡ ያ ያልኩትዓመት ደሞ ይሄው የአሁኑ ወቅት ነው፡፡ አንዳንድ ጉማሬዎች ተቃውሞ ነበራቸው፡፡ ‹‹ኦቦሸማኔዎችን ተዋቸው፤ እነሱብልጭታና ምንዛሪ ናቸው›› ብለው ነበር፡፡እኔ ደግሞ እስቲ በመስታወቱ ውስጥ ተመልከቱ አልኩ፡፡
የኢትዮጵያን አቦ ሸማኔዎች ‹‹ስንት ሰአት ነው? ግዜው ምንድነው?›› አልኳቸው፡፡ በነጎድጓዳ ድምጻቸው ‹‹የኦቦሸማኔዎች ሰአት ግዜ ነው›› ሲሉ መለሱ፡፡ አልተሰማኝም! ‹‹የኦቦሸማኔዎች ሰአት ግዜ ነው!!›› ብለው በድጋምሜ አናጉት:: አስቲ ድምጻችሁን ከፍ፤ ኮራ ብላችሁ በሉት! ‹‹የኦቦሸማኔዎች ሰአት ግዜ ነው!!!›› ወደፊት!!!!
በ2013 አመት መጀመርያ የኢትዮጵያ ኦቦሸማኔዎች ከፍ ብለው መጥቀው በአዲስ ከፍታ ላይ ያንጸባርቃሉ ብዬ ነበር፡፡ ከፍ አድርገው ኢትዮጵያችንን ያነሷታል፡፡ ያን እያደረጉ ነው፡፡ እነዚህ ኦቦሸማኔዎች እንማን ናቸው? የኢትዮጵያ የኦቦሸማኔዎች ትውልድ ምሩቃኑና የሰለጠኑ ባለሙያዎች ብቻ ሳይሆኑ፤ ‹ብልሆቹንና ብሩሆቹን› ብቻ ሳይሆን፤ የተጨቆኑትን ወጣቶች ለነጻነት ዓየር እንዲበቁ፤ በመደለል፤በማግባባት በሙስና የተታለሉትን፤ ለጭቆና የተዳረጉትን ሰብአዊ መብት በመደፈሩ ድማጻቸውን ስላሰሙ የተወገዙትን፤ ሁሉ ያካትታል፡፡የኢትዮጵያ ኦቦሸማኔ ትውልድ ማለት፤ የእስክንድር ነጋና የሰርክዓለም ፋሲል ትውልድ ማለት ነው፡፡የአንዱዓለም አራጌ፤ የርዕዮት ዓለሙና የውብሸት ታዬ፤ የበቀለ ገርባ፤የኦልባና ፈይሳ እና የሌሎችም መሰሎቻቸው ትውልድ ነው፡ ኦትዮጵያን ሰቅዞ ከያዛት የብረት አምባገነናዊና ጨቋኝ ገዢ የሚያላቅቃት የኦቦሸማኔ ትውልድ ብቻ ነው፡፡
ኢትዮጵያን ጊዜው ካለፈበት ከሻገተና ከነቀዘ የበሰበሰ፤ በሃሰትና በቅጥፈት ላይ ከተመሰረተ፤ገዢ መንግስት አላቆ፤ ወደ ሕዝባዊ ስርአት የሚያስገባት የኦቦሸማኔው ትውልድ ብቻ ነው፡፡ በጃንዋሪ 2013 የግሌን ‹‹የኦቦ ጉማ››ቃል ገብቼ ነበር፡፡ ‹‹በ2013 የኢትዮጵያን ወጣቶች ባለኝ አቅምመና ችሎታ ለማስተማር ለማማከር ለመምከር እሞከራለህ ብዬ ቃል ገብቼ ነበር፡፡ ያን ቃሌን አላፈረስኩም፡፡ ቁጥራቸው ባዘቀዘቀ ወቅትም መረት ላይም ወድቀው 1,2 ,3,… ተነሱ ሲባል የኢትዮጵያ ኦቦሸማኔዎች እንዲነሳሱ ሲቆጠርም አልተለየሁም፡፡ ተነሱ ኦቦሸማኔዎች! ተነስታችሁ የኢትዮጵያን ብርሃን አሳዩ! በማለት ቃሌን ጠብቄአለሁ::
እቅጩን መናገር አስፈላጊ ነው፡፡ጉማሬዎች ከኦቦሸማኔዎች ጋር ቃል አፍርሰዋል፡፡ ኦቦሸማኔዎች በጉማሬዎች ክህደት ደርሶብናል ይላሉ፡፡ኦቦሸማኔዎች መገለልና ልዩነት ተሰርቶብናል ይላሉ፡፡ኦቦሸማኔዎች፤ ታማኝነታቸውና አክብሮታቸው እንደ ማንቋሸሽና ብልግና ድፍረት ተወስዶብናል ይላሉ፡፡ ኦቦሸማኔዎች በርካታ ቅሬታዎችን ባነሱዋቸው ነጥቦች ላይ የጉማሬዎች ቸል ባይነት ያደረሰባቸውን ግድየለሽነት ከዚያም ያስከተለውን ዝግመት በቁጭት ያነሳሉ፡፡ ኦቦሸማኔዎቹ ጉማሬዎችን ተጠያቂነትን ተቀበሉ ባልን ተገፍተናል፤ ሃሳባችንን በነጻ በመግለጻችን በዘምተኞቹ ጉማሬዎች አርፈን እንድንቀመጥና ትንፍሽ እንዳንል ተደርገናል ይላሉ፡፡
ዛሬ ዛሬ የኢትዮጵያን ኦቦሸማኔዎች ሳይ መላ ሰውነቴ ሰማያዊ ይላበሳል፡፡ አሁን ሰማያዊ የምመርጠውና የምወደውቀለም ሆኗል፡፡ የኢትዮጵያ ሰማያዊ ኦቦሸማኔዎች ከአፍሪካ ሁሉ የተለዩ ብርቅዬ ኦቦሸማኔዎች ናቸው፡፡ሰማያዊ ኦቦሸማኔዎችን ሳይ ሰላምና ተሰፋ ይታየኛል፡፡ ሰማያዊ ኦቦሸማኔነት ሲሰማኝ መከፋፈል አይሰማኝም፡፡ አንድ ሕዝብ ነዋ የሚታየኝ፡፡ከምር ሰማያዊን እመርጣለሁ፡፡ አረንጓዴ ቢጫ ቀይን ግን እወደዋለሁ ከዚያ አኳያ ሺህ ጊዜ ከሰማያዊ ይበልጥብኛል፡፡ እስቲ ታዘቡ! አረንጓዴ ቢጫ ቀይ በውብ ከፈይ ሰማያዊ ተጠቅልሎ! ወድድድድ አደርገዋለሁ፡፡
ሰማያዊውን በአንድነት ሰማያዊውን መስመር እንከተል እላለሁ፡፡ በሰማያዊው ባቡር ላይ ተሳፈሩ፡፡ የመጀመርያው መቆሚያ ጣቢያ፤ ፍትሕ፤ ሁለተኛው ዴሞክራሲ፤ ሶስተኛው መቆሚያ፤ ሃሳብን በነጻነት መግለጽ/ የፕሬስ ነጻነት፤ አራተኛው የፖለቲካ እስረኞች ነጻ መሆን፤ አምስተኛው መቆሚያ የዕምነት ነጻነት፤ ስድስተኛው …ሰባተኛው……ስምንተኛው…….ከእንግዲህ የሚያቆመን የለም፡፡
እነዚህ ኦቦሸማኔዎች መነሻ መድረሻቸውን ጠንቅቀው ያውቃሉ፡፡ ኦቦሸማኔዎች ዘመናዊው መንገድ መመርያ ጂ ፒ ኤስ ሲኖራቸው እኛ ገና አቅጣጫ ጠቋሚ ኮምፓስ ነው ያለን፡፡ እነሱ የተቀየሰ መንገድ ሲኖራቸው እኛ ግን ዘዋሪ ጎዳና ነው ያለን፡፡ አነጋገራችንም በአዙሪት ነው፡፡ እነሱ ሲራመዱም ሲናገሩም ትክክልና ቀጥ ያለ ነው፡፡ እኛ ደሞ መቀኘትና ተረት ተረት እናበዛለን፡፡ ኦቦሸማኔዎች አንድ ጊዜ ጠፍተው ነበር አሁን ግን ተገኝተዋል፡፡እኛ ደሞ እስከናካቴው ላንገኝ ጠፍተናል፡፡ በቀስተደመናው መጨረሻ በፈዘዙና ባረጁ ዓይኖቻችን የወርቅ ማሰሮ እንፈልጋለን፤ ኦቦሸማኔዎች ግን ሕዝባዊ ቀስተደመናን በብሩህ ዓይኖቻቸው ይመለከታሉ፡፡ ይሁኑበት ጃል! አንተውላቸው!! ሽማግሌዎች፤ያረጀን፤ወቅት ያለፈብን ፤ ባለ አሮጌ ካርታ ባለቤቾች ነን፡፡ አሁን አዲስ ቀን ነው፤ሰማያዊ ቀን ነው፡፡ ውቅቱ ዘመናዊ መመርያ ጂ ፒ ኤስ የያዙት የኦቦሸማኔዎች ነው፡፡ በሰማያዊው ባቡር እንትመም! ሁኑበት ወደፊት በሉለት በሉ ሰማያዊ ኦቦሸማኔዎች፡፡
ተገቢው ዝና እንደአስፈላጊነቱ ሊሰጥ የግድ ነው
በኢትዮጵያ ስላለው ገዢ ፓርቲ ሚዛናዊነት አስተያየት እንደምነሳ ይነገራል፡፡ አምርሬ ስለመንቀፌም ይነገራል፡፡ ገዚውን ፓርቲ አንዳችም ወቅት ፋታ መተንፈሻ አልሰጠህምም ተብያለሁ፡፡ ለምንም ተግባራቸው መልካም ተናነግረህ አታውቅም ብለውኛል፡፡ያ ሁሉ እውነት ከሆነ እንግዲህ አሁን ለውጥ አለኝ፡፡ (አስተሳሰቡንና ተግባሩን መለወጥ የማይችል ማንም ቢሆን ለለውጥ አይበቃምና) ሲያጠፉ ጥፋቸውን ካጋነንኩ: መልካም ሲያደርጉ ደግሞ ያለምንም እቀባ ድጋፌ አይጓደልባቸውም፡፡ ሰኔ 1 ቀን ሰላማዊ ሰልፍቻውን እንዲደርጉ ሲፈቅዱላቸው መልካም አድርገዋል፡፡ ለሃይለማርያም ደሳለኝና ለቡድኑ፤ የማይቻል ነው ብሎ በርካታ ሰው ያሰበውን የሚቻል በማድረጋቸው ድጋፌ ጨርሶ አይለያቸውም፡፡ያደረጉትና የወሰዱት እርምጃ ቀላል እንዳልበረ እገነዘባለሁ፡፡ ከባድ ጫናም እንደነበረባቸው ይሰማኛል፡፡መልካም እሳቤ የሌላቸውና እኩይ ምግባር ብቻ ሙያቸው የሆኑት ባልደረቦች፤‹‹አታሞክረው፤ በኋላ ታዝናለህ፡፡ አሁን ሰላማዊ ሰልፉን ብንፈቅድ ሰማይ ይደረመሳል፤ ከዋክብትም ወደ ምድር በመውረድ ይከሰከሳሉ… ይልቁንስ በ2005 እንዳደረግነው ሁሉ የማይረሳ ትምህርት እንስጣቸው›› ብለውት እንደነበር ይሰማኛል፡፡ ሃይለማርያም ደሳለኝ ሠላማዊ ሰልፉ እንዲካሄድ በመፍቀዱ አክብሮቴን እገልጻለሁ፡፡ እሱና የሃሳቡ ደጋፊዎች መልካም አድርገዋል፡፡ ሚዛነዘዊነት አስፈላጊ በመሆኑ ሊመሰገኑ የግድ ነው፡፡(ልዩነት ካለኝ ሰዎች ጋር ትክክል ሲያደርጉ ማመስገን ካልቻልኩ በሚዛናዊነት አላምነም ማለት ነው::) ሃይለማርያምና ደጋፊዎቹ ይህን ውሳኔ ለመወሰን ብዙ ወኔ ጠይቋቸዋል፤ ይህ ነው አመራር ማለት፡፡ የተሳሳተን መንገድ መምረጥ ቀላል ቢሆንም ትክክለኛውን ማደረግ ደግሞ ከባድ ነውና: ከባዱን በመወጣታቸው ምስጋና ይገባቸዋል፡፡ የበለጠ ጉልበት እንዲያገኙና ትክክለኛውን ለማድረግ እንዲያበቃቸው ምኞቴ ነው፡፡
የሰማያዊ ፓርቲ አመራሮች አባላትና ደጋፊዎች እጅግ ሊመሰገኑ ይገባል፡፡ የፓርቲው አመራሮች አልበገሬነታቸውን አሳይተዋል፡፡ የሚፈልጉትን እንደሚያውቁ አረጋግጠዋል፡፡ ምን ማድረግ እንደነበረባቸውም አስመስክረዋል፡፡ መልእክቶቻቸውን ላመስተላለፍ የረጉና የበሰሉ ነበሩ፡፡አንዳችም የቁጣ መንፈስ የእርግማን ቃላት የማውገዝና የጠበኝነት መንፈስ አላሳዩም፡፡ ወደሠላማዊ ሰልፉ ሽርፍራፊ ነገር ተሸክመው አልመጡም፡፡ በትከሻቸው ያነገቡት ዓላማቸውን ብቻ ነበር፡፡ ጠብና ትንኮሳም ዓላማቸው አልነበረም፡፡ መነሻና መድረሻቸው ሁሉ የሰብአዊ መብት መከበር ብቻ ነበር፡፡
የፓርቲው አመራሮች፤ አባላትና ደጋፊዎቻቸው ሁሉ፤ መልካም አርአያ የነበራቸው ናቸው፡፡ ለስነስርአት የተገዙና የረጉ ነበሩ፡፡ አንድም ሰው ድንጋይ አልወረወረም፡፡ አንድም ጠብ አልታየም፡፡ በማንኛውም መልኩ ሰብአዊ መብታቸውን ማስከበር ብቻ ነበር ዓላማቸውና ያንን ነው የተከተሉት፡፡ ለጥበቃ የተመደቡትም የፖሊስ አባላት ቢሆኑ የተለየ ሁኔታ ስላጋጠማቸው ዳር ዳሩን ከመቆም ባሻገር ሌላ ምርጫ አልነበራቸውም፡፡ ጥቂቶቹም ግንብ ተደግፈው በማፋሸግ እንቅልፋቸውን ለማባረር ነበር ጥረታቸው፡፡ ሠላማዊው ሰላማዊ ሰልፍ ሠላማዊነቱ ይህን ይመስል ነበር፡፡ ለዓለም ያሳዩትም በሰላማዊ በክብርና በጨዋ ደንብ ተቃወሞን ማሳየት እንደሚቻል ነው፡፡ የሰማያዊ ፓርቲና አመራሮች አባላትና ደጋፊዎች ለማመስገን ቃላት ያጥሩኛል፡፡ ምንግዜም ከግጭት የወጣና ሰላማዊ መንገድ ከግጭትና ጠብ ጫሪ መንገድ እንደሚበልጥ ያለኝን ቋሚ እምነቴን አረጋግጠውልኛል፡፡
ስለ (ሰብአዊ መብት) ትክክለኛነት አስብ፤ (ሰብዊ መብትን) በትክክለኛ መንገድ ተግባር ማንም ያድርገው ማንም እኔ ምን ጊዜም በእውነተኛው ወገን በኩል ነኝ፡፡ ትክክለኛ ያልሆነውን መንገድ ማንም ያድርገው ማንም አልደግፈውም፡፡ ስለተግበሪው ሳይሆን፤ ስለትግበራው ነው፡፡ስለሃጢአቱ እንጂ ስለሃጢአተኛውአይደለም፡፡ መልካም ተግባር ሊመሰገንን ሊደፋፈር ይገባል፡፡ መጥፎውም ውግዘትና እርግማን ይገባዋል፡፡ በጁን 1 ሰማያዊ ፓርቲም ገዢው መንግስትም ትክክለኛውን ጉዳይ ተግብረዋል፡፡ ስለሰብአዊ መብት ትክክለኛነት በመተግበር ስህተት አይፈጸምም፡፡
ደህና እስከመሰለኝና እስካመንኩት ድረስ የተሳሳተ መንገድ ቢመስልም መልካም ነገር ማድረግን እመርጣለሁ፡፡ የዋህነህ የሚሉኝ የኔ አይሆንም ባዮች አሉኝ፡፡ ‹‹እነዚህን ሰዎች አታውቃቸውም ይሉኛል፡፡›› እየቀለዱ ነውይላሉ፡፡ አንድ ነገር ስላደረጉ ልታምናቸው አይገባምና ትንሽ ጠብቃቸው ይሉኛል፡፡ እኔ ግን ጨርሶ አልጠብቅም፡፡ እንደአመጣጡ እቀበለዋለሁ፡፡ቆይተው ጠባያቸው ሲለወጥ ያን ጊዜ ደሞ ሃሳቤን እገልጻለሁ፡፡
‹‹ታዲያ ቢቀልዱስ?›› ከሃሳብ የበለጠ ተግባር፤ድርጊት ይመሰክራል፡፡ ምናልባትም ይህ የአሁኑ ድርጊታቸው ለለውጥ የሚደረገውን ሂደት አባሎቻቸውና ደጋፊዎቻቸው ላይ የሚፈጥረውን ስሜት ለማየት ያደረጉት ሙከራ ሊሆን ይችላል፡፡ ላሞቹ ወደ ጋጣ እስኪገቡ ድረስ ለሰማያዊ ፓርቲ ሰልፉን የፈቀዱበትን ምክንያት ላንሰላሰል ሳወጣ ሳወርድ መዋል እችላለሁ፡፡ ያ ደሞየራሳቸው ጉዳይ ነው፡፡ በኔ አመለካከት፤በፓርቲው ውስጥ በተሰባሰቡትና በተቃዋሚ ማሃል ያለውን ርቀት ለማጥበብ ለሰማያዊ ፓርቲ ሰልፉን መፍቀዳቸው ጥሩ ጅማሮ ነው፡፡ በተፎካካሪዎች ማሃል ያለመተማመን በበረታ ቁጥር፤ በድንገትም ቢሆን ለመግባባት የሚያስችል ዘር ማቆጥቆጥ ሲጀምር ያንን መንከባከብና ማበረታታት አስፈላጊ ነው፡፡ የሰማያዊ ፓርቲ አባላት ሰላማዊ ሰልፋቸውን በተሳካ መንገድ ሲያካሂዱ፤ለሰማያዊ ፓርቲና ለገዢው መንግስት፤የዕውነት ወቅት ነበር፡፡ ለሁለቱም የተሰነዘረ የፍተሸ ወቅት ነበርና ሁለቴም ወገኖች ፈተናቸውን በሰማያዊ ቀለም አልፈዋል፡፡
ዕቅድህ ለሰላም ይሁን እንጂ ክፋትን አታስብ፤ መልካም አስተዳደርንና ዴሞክራሲን በተመለከተ ለስር ነቀል ለውጥ እና ለመሻሻል ጣር
የተሰማኝን በመናገሬና እውነትን በመተንፈሴ ደስተኛ ነኝ፡፡ ለዚህ ነው የግል ድሀረ ገፅ ‹‹ለሰብአዊ መብትተሟገት፡፡ እውነትን ለሃያላን አስታውቅ›› የሚለውን ጥቅስ የያዘው፡፡ እውነትን እንደማየው፤ እንደምናገረውና እንደሚሰማኝ፡፡ ይህ ደግሞ የኔ ጎራዴና ጋሻዬ ነው፡፡ አንዳንድ ጊዜ እውነት መራር ፍሬ የሚሆንበት ወቅት አለ፡፡ አስቸጋሪም ሊሆን ይችላል፡፡ ከዚያም በተለየ፤ የእውነት ውጤት ጣፋጭ፤ ነጻ አውጪ፤ ብርሃናማና ፍላጎታችንን የሚያሟላ ሊሆን ይችላል፡፡ መለስ ባለፈ ጊዜ፤ ለስንብቱ ለመለስ ወራሾች አንድ የእውነት ሙግት አዘል ጥያቄ
አቅርቤ ነበር፡፡
መለስ ስለ ሰብአዊ መብት ረቀቅ ባለ መልኩ በትንሹም ቢሆን ምልከታ እንዳለው ገምቻለሁ፡፡ የጥርጣሬ ማመሳከሪያ ያህል ላምነው እፈልጋለሁ፡፡ መለስ በ2007 ከአልጀዚራ ጋር ባደረገው ቃለ ምልልስ ላይ፤ ‹‹የኔ ስጦታ (ቅርስ) የተሳካና የተስተካከለ ልማት በማካሄድ ኢትዮጵያን ለዘመናት ከኖረችበት የችግርና የመከራ እስር ነጻ ማውጣትና የተረጋጋ ሃገር እንዲኖር ማድረግ ነው፡፡ መልካም አስተዳደርንና ዴሞክረሲን በተመለከተ መሰራታዊና ስር ነቀል ለውጥ ማድረግ ነው: እናም እኔ ወደ ጡረታ በምገለልበት ጊዜ ያልኳቸው ጉዳዮች ሁሉ ተግባራዊ እንደሚሆኑ ተስፋ አደርጋለሁ› ብሎ ነበር፡፡
‹‹መልካም አስተዳደርንና ዴሞክረሲን በተመለከተ መሰራታዊና ስር ነቀል ለውጥ ማድረጊያው›› ወቅት አሁን ነው፡፡ መሰራታዊ የሆነ የኋልዮሽ ሂደት አምባገነናዊ አስተዳደር፤ማንአለብኝነትና ጭቆናን ተመልክተናል፡፡ ‹‹ያ‹‹ መለስ የወደፊቱ ያለው ጊዜ አሁን ነው›› ሁላችንም በአንድነት ሆነን የዴሞክራሲና የመልካም አስተዳደር መሰረታዊ ለውጥ ምኞቱንና ሃሳቡን ተግባራዊ ለማድረግመስራት አለብን፡፡ ወራሾቹ የሆኑት የመለስ ሹመኞች ይህን የመለስን የውርስ ምኞት በመቀበል ከሌሎች ተቃዋሚዎች ጋር በጥምረት ለመስራትና የመለስን የምኞት ጥማት መወጣት አለባቸው፡፡
የ “መልካም አስተዳደርና የዴሞክራሲ ስርነቀል መሰረታዊ ለውጥ” የሚጀምረው የፖለቲካ እስረኞችን በመፍታትና የሽብርተኝነትንና የእርዳታ ሰጪዎችን ድርጅቶች ሕጎች መለወጥና ማስተካከል፤ የሕግን የበላይነትም ባረጋገጠ መልኩ እንዲተገበር መንገዱ ሲጠረግ ነው፡፡ የዘመን መለወጫው እየተቃረበ እንደመሆኑ፤በመሰረታዊው ስር ነቀል ለውጥ መልካም አስተዳደርና ዴሞክራሲ መሻሻል ሁላችንም በአዲሱ ጎዳና ላይ መራመድ መጀመር ይኖርብናል፡፡
መለስ በቃላት ደረጃም ቢሆን ሲመኝ እንደነበረው፤ ሰማያዊ ፓርቲም ፍላጎቱ የመልካም አስተዳደርና ዴሞክራሲ ስርነቀል ለውጥ ነው፡፡የመለስም ወራሾች ይህን ስር ነቀል ለውጥ እንደሚፈልጉት አልጠራጠርም፡፡ በተቃዋሚውም ጎራ ያሉት ሌሎችም ይህ ነው ፍላጎታቸው፡፡ሁሉም ከተስማማበት ቀላሉ ጥያቄም፤ ይህን ለውጥ እንዴት ማምጣት ይቻላል የሚለው ነው፡፡
ለውጥ ፈለግነውም ጠላነውም በጊዜ መምጣቱ አይቀሬ ነው፡፡ ለውጥ በትክክለኛው መንገ ድ አለያም በሌላ መልኩ መምጣቱ የግድ ነው፡፡ስለዚህም ለውጥን በሰላማዊው መንገድ ብንቀበለው እንጂ ካልሆነ በከፋ መልኬ ስለሚመጣብን ቀናውን እንምረጥ፡፡ በኢትዮጵያ ለውጥን ወጣቱ እየተራበውና እየተጠማው እየፈለገው ስለሆነ መምጣቱ አያጠራጥርም፡፡ወጣቱ የራሳቸውን አመለካከትና ሁኔታ ለውጠዋል፡፡ ከእንግዲህ የሚቀበሉት አይደለም በቅቷቸዋል፡፡ ስለሃገራቸው እጣ ፈንታ ግንባር ቀደም መሆናቸውን ታሪክ ስላስረከባቸው ምንም ሃይል ሊያቆማቸው ከቶ አይችልም፡፡
ለውጥ ለሚፈሩትና ለሚያገሉት በእጅጉ ጨካኝ ነው፡፡ እነዚህ እምቢ ባዮችና ለውጥን ለመቀበል ፍቃድ ሌላቸውየራሳቸውን ጥፋት ቀያሽ መሃንዲሶች ይሆናሉ፡፡ ግርማዊ ቀዳማዊ ኃይለስላሴ ስለ ለለውጥ ተመክረው ያንን ለመቀበል ፍቃደኛነት አጡ፡፡ መንግስታቸው እራሱ በእራሱ አጠፋ፡፡ የጁንታው መንግሥቱ ኃይለማርያምም ስለለውጥ ተመክሮነበር፡፡ መልሱ ግን እብሪት ነበር፡፡ እሱም የእራሱን መንግስት አጠፋ፡፡ መለስም ስለለውጥ ተመከረ፤እሱም አሻፈረኝ አለ፡፡ ስለዚህ አሁን ያሉት ወራሾቹ ሃሳቡ የነበረውን የመልካም አስተዳደርና የዴሞክራሲን ለውጥ በስርነቀል መልኩ የመተግበር ሃላፊነት አለባቸው፤ ያንን የማይቀበሉ ከሆነ ደግሞ የታሪክን ፍርድ መቀበል ነው ምርጫቸው፡፡ ያ ደግሞከፋ ነው:: “ከታሪክ ለመማር ፍቃደኛ ያልሆኑ ሁሉ፤ያለፈውን ሰህተትመድገም ግዴታቸው ይሆናል፡፡”
ለውጥን መፍራት በሰብአዊ ፍጡር ውስጥ ያለ ጉዳይ ነው፡፡ ሰዎች በአንድ ወቅት ኤሌክትሪክ ሃይልንና በዓየር ላይ የሚበሩትን አውሮፕላኖች ይፈሩ ነበር፡ በጋሪና በፈረስ የሚጠቀሙትም: የሰው ልጅ እንዲበር ቢያስፈልግ ኖሮ ክንፍ ይበጅለት ነበር ብለዋል፡፡ አንድ ጊዜ ግን ከፍርሃታቸው ከተገላገሉ በኋላ ለውጦቹን የህይወታቸው አካላት አድርገዋቸዋል፡፡
በአሁኑ ወቅት በኢትዮጵያ ያሉት ባለስልጣናት በሙሉ ለውጥን በእጅጉ የሚፈሩና ስለለውጥም መስማት የማይፈረቅዱ ናቸው:: ስልጣናችንን ምቾታችንን አናጣለን ብለው ይፈራሉ፡፡(አንዳንዶችም ከምራቸው በስልጣን ላይ ለ100 ዓመታት እንቆያለን ብለው ያስባሉ፡፡ የሚያሳዝኑ ሃሳበ ምስኪኖች!) አንዳችም ዕድል ለለውጥ ለመስጠት አይፈቅዱም፡፡ ለውጥን የሚጠይቁትም ቢሆኑ የራሳቸው የሆነ ፍሃትና ጥርጣሬ አላቸው፡፡ለውጡ ምን ሊያስከትል እንደሚችል፤ ምን ይዞ እንደሚመጣ አያውቁትም፤ ሆኖም ግን ለለውጥ ቅድሚያ ሰጥተው ያሻው ይሁን ግን ለውጥ እንፈልጋለን ይላሉ፡፡ ፈላጊዎችም ሆኑ እምቢተኞች የለውጥ የፍርሃት እስረኛ ሊሆኑ አይገባቸውም፡፡ ከፍርሃት እስር ከልባቸው ውስጥ
ከተቋጠረው ድፍረት ጋር እጅ ለእጅ ተያይዘው ለውጥን ማስተናገድ አለባቸው፡፡
አፍሪካ ሞቶ በተወለደ አለያም በጨነገፈ ለውጥ ቆሽሻለች፡፡ በአፍሪካ ውስጥ ቀን በቀን ልዩነት ለውጥ እያየንነው፡፡ የአፍሪካ ፈላጭ ቆራጭ ጭንጋፍ ገዢዎች እንደበጋና ክረምት ይመጣሉ ይሄዳሉ፡፡ አንዳንዶቹ ደግሞ እንደ ሃይለኛ አውሎ ነፋስ በሚልፉበት ያለውን ሁሉ እያጠፉ ይሄዳሉ፡፡ ሌሎች እንደበረሃ ንዳድ ይቃጠላሉ፡፡ ጥቂቶች ደግሞ እነደ ጭጋግ ጉም የጨለሙ ናቸው፡፡ እውነተኛው ለውጥ በአፍሪካ ግን የማይጨበጥ ሆኖ አለ፡፡ እውነተኛ ለውጥ የመሪዎች ብቻ ውጥ አይደለም፡፡ የንዳንዱ ገለ ሰብ ልብና የሕሊና ለውጥ ያስፈልገዋል፡፡
ለውጥን ለመልካምነቱ ልናቅፈውና ልንቀበለው ይገባናል እንጂ ልንፈራው አይገባንም፡፡ የኢትዮጵያ ወጣቶችም ለጥሩና አስፈላጊ ለሆነው ለውጥ ነው የተነሳሱት፡፡ ዛሬ ኢትዮጵያ እያኮበኮበች ያለችው ልዩ ለሆነው ለውጥ ነው፡፡ ከለምለሙ የወጣቶች ሕሊና የሚፈልቀውን ለውጥ ነው፡፡የቀድሞዋ ኢትዮጵያ በዘር በተጠላለፈ፤ የነጋድ መጠቃቀም በቀደመበት፤የጎሳ ውስብስብ ባደራበትና በተረሳ የኋልዮሽ የፖለቲካ ስርአት መሰረት ላይ እንድትገነባ አይሹም፡፡ የጻታ እኩልነትን ይሻሉ፡፡ የሚፈልጓትን ኢትዮጵያ የቀረጹበት የራሳቸው ንድፍ አላቸው፡፡ እኛ የራሳችን ነበረን: እነሱስ የራሳቸው ሊኖራቸው አይገባም? ትክክለኛ ፍርድ ነው፡፡
አደረግነውም አላደረግነውም፤የኢትዮጵያ ኦቦሸማኔዎች ትውልድ አሸናፊነት የተረጋገጠ ነው፡፡ ነፋሱ ወደነሱ አድልቷል፡፡ ቁጥሩም የነሱ ነው:: 75 በመቶው የአትዮጵያ ሕዝብ እድሜው ከ35 በታች ነው፡፡ታሪክ ከነሱ ጋር ወግኗል፡፡ ከነሱ በፊት የነበሩት በሚሊዮን የሚቆጠሩት ወጣት ኢትዮጵያዊያን ደማቸውን አፍሰው፤በላብና በደማቸው ፍጹም የሆነች ዴሞክራሲያዊት ኢትዮጵያን ለመገንባት የጣሩት፡፡ የዓለማችን ሃይሎች የሆኑት ፍትህ፤ነጻነት፤ዴሞክራሲ ከነሱ ጋር ግምባር ፈጥረዋል፡፡ እኛም ከነሱ ጋር መሆን ይገባናል፡፡ ለውጥ በመሳርያን በጉልበት ሊገታ አይችልም፡፡‹‹ጊዜው የደረሰውን ሃሳብ ማንም አያቆመውም::›› የአዳዲስ ሃሳቦች ወቅት፤የትኩስ ወጣቶች ገጽታ በኢትዮጵያ፤ ጊዜው አሁን ነው፡፡
በለውጥ ሂደት የሚተርፉት ባለመሳርያዎቹና ባለገንዘቦቹ አይሆኑም፡፡ ለለውጥ ፈቃደኛነትን ያሳዩ ፤ከለውጡ ጡጫ ጋር አብረው በመንከባለል፤ፈንጂውን የሚከላከሉት ናቸው፡፡ ስሕተት ላይ የሚጥሉትን ነገሮች በማሰላሰል ዘመን ላስቆጥርእችላለሁ? 2005 በ2013 ሊመጣ ይችላል? ስለትክክለኛው ማሰብ ያለብን ቀላል ስለሆነ ሳይሆን፤ አስቸጋሪና ፈታኝስለሆነ ነው፡፡ ስህተትን መፈጸም ምንጊዜም ትክክለኛውን ከማከናወን የበለጠ አስቸጋሪ ነው፡፡
እንደሰብአዊ መብት ተሟግቻነቴ፤ እውነትን በመደገፍ ስህተትን ማውገዝ ተግሬ ነው፡፡ አንድ ሰው የሰብአዊ መብት ተሟጋች ሊሆን ሲወስን ሊወስደው የሚገባው ምርጫም ይሄው ነው፡፡ ስለሰዎች ሰብአዊ መብት እጨነቃለሁ እንጂ ስለፓርቲ ፖለቲከኞች ስለ ፖለቲካ ዘይቤ ወይም መሰሎች አይደለም፡፡ ሥላጣን ወሳኙ ሳይሆን አመላካች ቅያስነው፡፡ ጥሩም መጥፎም ሊሆን አይችልም፡፡
ከዓመታት በፊት በሰላማዊ መንገድ መብታቸውን ለማስከበር የወጣቱት ንጹሃን ዜጎች በመጨፍጨፋቸው ሰበብ ወደሰብአዊ መብት ተሟጋችነት ስቀላቀል፤ከ8000 ቃላት ያላነሰውንና አድርጌው የማላውቀውን ‹‹ግዙፉ ሲነቃ›› በሚል ርዕስ ረጂሙን ንግግሬን አነበነብኩ፡፡ በአሜሪካ የሚኖሩ ኢትዮጵያዊያንና ኢትዮጵያዊያን አሜሪካኖች በሃገራቸው ጉዳይ ልዩነት ማምጣት ይችላሉ?(እዚህ ይገኛል) ያንንም በአጭሩ ላስረዳ እችላለሁ፡፡ ‹‹የዓላማችንን ትክክለኛነትየምናረጋግጠው በደም በጨቀየና የሙታን በድን በሞላበት በጦር ሜዳ ሳይሆን፤ በወንዶችና ሴቶች ቋሚ ልቦቻችንና በማሰቢያ ሕሊናችን ነው፡፡›› አሁንም መመርያዬ ይህ ቀላል እሳቤ ነው፡፡
ከሰማያዊ ፓርቲ ሕዝባዊ ሰላማዊ ትእይነተ ሕዝብ ብዙ የምንማረው ጉዳይ አለ፡፡ ዋነኛው ነገር ሰላማዊ ሕዝባዊ የተቃውሞ ሰልፍ የሚፈራ ሳይሆን የሚደገፍና ተቀባይነት ያለው መሆኑን ነው፡፡ ምናልባት ከሰማያዊ ፓርቲ አባላትና ደጋፊዎች ጋር በጎዳናው ላይ ልንተም አንችል ይሆናል፤ ከሰማያዊ ፓርቲ ሰላማዊ እንቅስቃሴ ጋር በጋራ መቆማችንንና መወገናችንን ግን ለማሳወቅ መጠራጠርና ማፈግፈግ የለብንም፡፡በሰማያዊ ፓርቲ ውስጥ ያሉት ወጣቶች ብቻቸውን ሊያከናውኑት አይችሉም፡፡ ‹‹እኛ›› በሥልጣኑ ላይና ከሥላጣኑ ውጪ ያለነው ሁሉ እንጂ፡ ከሚነሱት ኦቦሸማኔዎች ጋር መነሳት ብቻ ሳይሆን ከጎናቸው መቆምም ይጠበቅብናል፡፡
ኢትዮጵያዊያኖች በመስቀለኛው መንገድ ላይ ናቸው፡፡ አክራሪነታችንን እሹሩሩ እያልን፤በጥላቻ መረቃችንን እየቀቀልን፤ በብጥብጥ፤ ግጭትና አምባጓሮ በመስቀለኛው መንገድ ላይ ቆመን መቅረትን መምረጥ እንችላለን፡፡ አማራጩ ደግሞ ሰማያዊውን ጎዳና በመምረጥ ሰማያዊውን ስብስብ በመከተል፤ ወደ እርቀ ሰላም መግባባት መወያየት ማምራት እንችላለን፡፡ ሁላችንም ወደ ሰማያዊው ጎዳና መሰባሰብ ይኖርብናል እላለሁ ምክንያቱም እስካሁን በጥቂት የተሄደበት የተጎደነበት በመሆኑ የወደፊቱ መጓዣም ስለሆነ::
‹‹ሠላማዊ ለውጥን የማይቻል የሚያደርጉት: የሁከትን ለውጥ አይቀሬ ያደርጉታል::›› ጆ ኤፍ ኬ
በኔ አስተያየት ደግሞ‹‹ሰማያዊ ለውጥን የማይቻል የሚያደርጉት የሁከትን ለውጥ አይቀሬ ያደርጉታል::››
*የተቶረገመው ጽሁፍ (translated from): ttp://open.salon.com/blog/almariam/2013/06/10/ethiopia_rise_of_the_blue_cheetahs
(ይህን ጦማር ለሌሎችም ያካፍሉ::) ካሁን በፊት የቀረቡ የጸሃፊው ጦማሮችን ለማግኘት እዚህ ይጫኑ::
http://www.ecadforum.com/Amharic/archives/category/al-mariam-amharic
http://ethioforum.org/?cat=24
Just feeling proud and blue all over
“Everyday, everyday I have the blues” sang B.B. King on his faithful guitar Lucille. Everyday, everyday for the last eight years I’ve had the blues, the “193/763 Blues”. “Ain’t gonna stop until the twenty-fifth hour, ‘Cause now I’m living on blues power,” belted out Eric Clapton. I am feeling blue power too!
I am blue and happy as a blue lark. I mean blue as in the Blue Party (Semayawi Party) of young people in Ethiopia. They chose blue to symbolize their ideals of unity, peace and hope in Ethiopia. Just like U.N. blue for all nations united in peace and hope for the future. Like European Union blue, over two dozen states working for a more perfect economic and political union. Like Ethiopian blue — all Ethiopia united, peaceful and hopeful in the Twenty-first Century. Go Blues! Onward!
Follow the blue line
Y’all remember me talking, writing and raving about Ethiopia’s Cheetahs, the young generation, for years now. (How hip is it for a venerable member of Ethiopia’s Hippo Generation to rave about the Cheetahs?) Well, I want to make it official. I done crossed the generation gap and gone over to the Cheetahs’ lair. Yep! I sold out. Double-crossed them Hippos. Hippos ain’t hip enough for me no more. I am now a “Chee-Hippo” (A hip Hippo who likes to hang out with Cheetahs). Surprised?! Didn’t see it coming?
Here is the deal. I saw them Cheetahs leaping and rising, rising higher and higher. I recently watched them prowl the streets, but didn’t see them growl or howl. I said, “What a beautiful sight!”
I heard them purring though the streets. (Ever heard Cheetahs purr songs of justice, freedom and human rights?) I said, “What a beautiful sound! They are purring my song!”
I am with the Cheetahs. Well, actually, I am just tagging along. More like dragging behind the fast and furious Cheetahs.
Oooh! See them Cheetahs run! Watch ’em rise and shine like the sun. Watch them Cheetahs “soar on wings like eagles; they will run and not grow weary, they will walk and not be faint.” Imagine rising, flying Cheetahs with a Hippo in tow! Funny, I know.
In my first commentary of the year, I declared 2013 “Ethiopia’s Year of the Cheetah Generation”. This is their year, I proclaimed. Some hippos disagreed. “Ignore the Cheetahs. They are into flash and cash.” I say look into the mirror.
I asked Ethiopia’s Cheetah’s, “What time is it?” “It’s Cheetah Time!”, they thundered. I can’t hear yoooou! “IT’S CHEETAH TIME!” Say it loud and proud! “IT’S CHEETAH TIME!” RIGHT ON!
I said in 2013 Ethiopia’s Cheetahs will rise and shine and soar to new heights. They will lift up and carry Ethiopia on their wings. They are doing just that. Just who are these Cheetahs?
Ethiopia’s Cheetah Generation include not only graduates and professionals — the ‘best and the brightest’ — but also the huddled masses of youth yearning to breathe free; the millions of youth victimized by nepotism, cronyism and corruption and those who face brutal suppression and those who have been subjected to illegal incarceration for protesting human rights violations. Ethiopia’s Cheetah Generation is Eskinder Nega’s and Serkalem Fasil’s Generation. It is the generation of Andualem Aragie, Woubshet Alemu, Reeyot Alemu, Bekele Gerba, Olbana Lelisa and so many others like them. Ethiopia’s Cheetah Generation is the only generation that could rescue Ethiopia from the steel claws of tyranny and dictatorship. It is the only generation that can deliver Ethiopia from the fangs of a benighted dictatorship and transform a decaying and decomposing garrison state built on a foundation of lies into one that is deeply rooted in the consent and sovereignty of the people.
In January, I made my own solemn “Chee-Hippo Pledge”. “I promise to reach, teach and preach to Ethiopia’s youth in 2013.” I kept my promise. I kept faith with Ethiopia’s Cheetahs even when they were down for the count. 1-2-3… Rise Cheetahs, rise! Rise and shine bright on Ethiopia!
I made it “official” in late January and reclassified myself from a Hippo to a “Chee-Hippo”. I made my announcement in “Rise of the Chee-Hippo Generation”. I sent out an urgent SOS. “Emergency! Cheetahs in peril! Need help PDQ!” I was down on my knees pleading with them to restore faith with the Cheetahs:
Truth must be told: Hippos have broken faith with Cheetahs. Cheetahs feel betrayed by Hippos. Cheetahs feel marginalized and sidelined. Cheetahs say their loyalty and dedication has been countered by the treachery and underhandedness of Hippos. The respect and obedience Cheetahs have shown Hippos have been greeted with disdain and effrontery. Cheetahs say Hippos have misconstrued their humility as servility; their flexibility and adaptability have been countered by rigidity and their humanity abused by cruel indignity. Cheetahs feel double-crossed, jilted, tricked, lied to, bamboozled, used and abused by Hippos. Cheetahs say they have been demonized for questioning Hippos and for demanding accountability. For expressing themselves freely, Cheetahs have been sentenced to hard labor in silence. Cheetahs have been silenced by silent Hippos! Cheetahs have lost faith in Hippos. Such is the compendium of complaints I hear from many Ethiopian Cheetahs. Are the Cheetahs right in their perceptions and feelings? Are they justified in their accusations? Are Hippos behaving so badly?
Perhaps they thought SOS meant Silence Over Silence?
When I see Ethiopia’s Cheetahs today, I feel blue all over. Blue is my favorite color now. Blue Cheetahs of Ethiopia, the rarest Cheetahs in all of Africa. When I see the blue Cheetahs, I feel peaceful and hopeful. When I feel Cheetah blue, I don’t see division. I see one nation. I really like blue, but I love green, yellow and red in that order a thousand times more. Check it out. It’s green, yellow and red, all wrapped in velvet blue. I’m just loving it.
I say follow the blue line crowd. Get on the blue train, y’all! First stop, Justice. Second stop, Democracy. Third stop, Free Speech/Press. Fourth stop, Free Political Prisoners. Fifth stop, Religious Freedom. Sixth stop… Seventh stop… There is no stopping us now!
Them Cheetahs know where they are going. They got GPS. We got old maps. They have a destination. We have detour loops. We keep going in circles. Talk that way too. They walk and talk straight. We talk riddles with forked tongues. They were once lost, but now they are found. We are lost and never found. At the end of the rainbow, we look for a pot of gold bleary-eyed. They are just looking for a rainbow nation bright-eyed. Aarrgh! Old people, old times, old maps.
It’s a new day, a blue day. The day belongs to the Cheetahs with GPS. Let’s get the hell out of the way! Let’s follow the Cheetahs. Let’s get on the blue train. Onward, Blue Cheetahs. Onward!
Got to give credit where it is due
I have often been accused of being unfair to the regime in Ethiopia. I have been criticized for criticizing them “harshly”. They say I have never given the regime a break. Never given them credit for anything. If that were ever true, it has changed now. (A person who can’t change his/her mind can’t change anything.) Just as I may have been “harsh” when I felt they did wrong, I am unreservedly supportive when they do right. They did right by Ethiopia’s young people when they let them have their peaceful march on June 1. I give full credit to Hailemariam Desalegn and his team for making possible what many believed was impossible. I can’t imagine it was an easy thing to do. There must have been enormous pressure on them. I can imagine the prophets of gloom and doom saying, “Don’t do it! You’ll be sorry. If we let them protest, the sky will fall and the stars will come down crashing! It will open the door for more protests and there will be more trouble… Let’s crackdown like 2005. Let’s teach them a lesson they will never forget.”
I respect Hailemariam’s decision to let the peaceful protest take place. He and his team did the right thing. Fairness requires they be given full credit. (If I cannot be fair to those with whom I disagree when fairness requires it, then I don’t believe in fairness.) I commend Hailemariam and his team for having the courage, foresight, and will power to let the protest take place. It takes guts to do what they did. That’s what I call leadership. Doing the right thing when it is easier to do the wrong thing, that is real leadership! I wish them more power to do the right thing.
The leaders and supporters of the Blue Party deserve a whole lot of credit. The party leaders showed their mettle. They proved they know what they want. They proved they know how to do it. They were civil in delivering their messages. No angry denunciations or recriminations. They played it by the book, by the Constitution. Their attitude was not antagonistic or bellicose. They did not come to the protest with a chip on their shoulder. They carried their cause on their shoulder. They were not itching or sniffing for fights. They just wanted to defend their human rights.
The party leaders, members and supporters were exemplary in every way. They were well-disciplined and well-regulated. There was no mob unruliness or hooliganism. Not a single person threw rocks. Not a single fight occurred. Not a single window was broken. No property was destroyed. Not a single crime was committed. Not a single person carried a weapon. Protesters walked and assembled and sang patriotic songs and chanted freedom slogans. Even the police assigned to monitor them stood on the sidelines watching nonchalantly. Some of them appeared to be yawning, struggling to stay awake. That’s how peaceful the protests were. I lack the words to honor and complement the leaders, members and supporters of the Blue Party. They have shown the world it is possible to protest peacefully and with dignity. Yes, with dignity! They have affirmed my fundamental belief that the peaceful path is always better than the violent path. Always.
Think (human) right, do (human) right
I am on the side of right regardless of who does right. I am against the side of wrong regardless of who does wrong. For me, it is about the act, not the actors. It’s about the deed, not the doers. It’s about the “sin, not the sinners.” Good deeds deserve appreciation and encouragement. Bad deeds deserve condemnation and discouragement. On June 1, 2013, both the Blue Party and the regime did the right thing. Both deserve appreciation and encouragement. You can’t go wrong doing right by human rights!
I care about doing the right thing so much that I believe it is okay to do right even for the wrong reasons. I have my dear naysayers telling me I am naïve. They say I “don’t understand these people.” They are playing games. I should not trust this one gesture. I should sit, wait and see what they will do next. Hell, I am not going to wait. I call it as I see it, when I see it. If and when they crackdown, then I will speak my peace.
I say, “So, what if they are playing games?” Action speaks louder that thoughts, intentions or words. Perhaps this is their trial balloon to see how change on their part will be viewed by their own supporters and reciprocated by their opponents. I can speculate about their reasons for letting the Blue Party members and supporters have their protest until the cows come home, but won’t. That is their business. In my view, letting the Blue Party conduct its peaceful demonstrations is a good first step to build a teeny-weeny bit of confidence between those in power and those on the outside. Where absolute distrust and mistrust rules in the relations between opponents, the tiniest gesture that appear to dispel doubt and plant the seeds of trust should be nurtured. When Neil Armstrong stepped on the surface of the moon, his first words were, “One small step for a man, a giant leap for mankind.” I hope and pray that the fact the Blue Party protested peacefully on June 1, 2013 will be one small march for the Blue Party and a giant leap of faith for all parties in Ethiopia. “Hope always springs eternal in my breast”, to paraphrase a line from Alexander Pope’s verse.
When the Blue Party members successfully held their protest, it was a moment of truth for the Blue Party and the regime. They had their test and both passed with flying blue colors!
Plan for peace, not strife; plan for “radical improvements in terms of good governance and democracy”
I take pride in speaking my mind and in speaking the truth. That’s why myblogsite proclaims, “Defend human rights. Speak truth to power.” The truth — as I see, hear, speak and feel it — is my sword and shield. The truth can sometimes be a bitter fruit. It can also be painful. It does not have to be that way. The truth can be sweet, liberating, enlightening and fulfilling. The truth can set us all free. In my farewell remarks on the passing of Meles, I put a truth challenge to Meles’ political heirs.
I have sought for some signs that Meles at least believed in human rights in the abstract. I shall give him the benefit of doubt that he did. In an interview with Al Jazeera in 2007, Meles said, ‘I’d hope that my legacy would be one of sustained and accelerated development that would pull Ethiopia out of the massive deep poverty that it was mired in, full and total stabilization of the country, radical improvements in terms of good governance and democracy. I’d hope by the time I retire, we’d have made significant strides in all of those in the future.’
It is time now to make “radical improvements in terms of good governance and democracy” had seen a radical regression into tyranny and despotism. The “future” Meles spoke of is now. We should all work collectively to implement his aspirations for “radical improvements in terms of good governance and democracy” now.This is Meles’ legacy his surviving officials should acknowledge openly and work with others to implement as the ultimate tribute to Meles’ leadership. The ‘radical improvement in good governance and democracy’ begins with the release of all political prisoners, repeal of antiterrorism and civil society and other oppressive laws and declaration of allegiance to the rule of law. As the Ethiopian new year is just around the corner, we can all begin afresh on the road to “radical improvements in good governance and democracy.
The Blue Party seeks the same goal of radical improvements in terms of good governance and democracy that Meles wanted. I have no doubts Meles’ successors want such improvements as well. So do all others in the opposition. There is perfect consensus about what needs to be done between those in power, those out of power, the powerful and the powerless and those who couldn’t care less about the powerful or the powerless. So, why is it not possible to put our collective noses to the grindstone, shoulders to the wheel and work for radical improvements in good governance and democracy?
The simple question is how to bring about “radical improvements in terms of good governance and democracy”? How do we bring about change?
Change comes whether we like it or don’t want it. Change can come the right or wrong way. It is wiser to come to change before it comes to us. Change in Ethiopia is now inevitable because the young people are demanding it. They have changed their minds and hearts about their own situation. “They can’t take it anymore!” No force can stop them because they are commanded by history to take charge of the destiny of their country.
Change is unkind to those who fear it, reject it. Those who feared and rejected change ultimately became the architects of their self-destruction. H.I.M. Haile Selassie was advised to change and he steadfastly refused. His regime self-destructed. Junta leader Mengistu Hailemariam was advised to change. He turned arrogant. His regime also self-destructed. Meles was advised to change. He too refused. Now it is up to his successors to make the choice he wanted and yearned to make but couldn’t. Their choice is clear: Make radical improvements in terms of good governance and democracy or face the verdict of history. “Those who do not learn from history are doomed to repeat it.”
It is in human nature to fear change. People once feared electricity and machines that fly in the air. Those riding horses and buggies said, “If man were made to fly, he would have wings.” Once they overcame their fears, they made those changes part of their lives.
Many of those in power in Ethiopia today are afraid of change because they feel they will lose their power and privilege. (Some truly believe they can remain in power for one hundred years by sheer force. What a pity!) They are not willing to take any chances. Those who are demanding change also have their own fears and anxieties. They don’t know what change will bring, but they are willing to take a chance. Neither those in power nor those out of power should be prisoners of fear of change. They must break out of their prison of fear and cross the threshold of courage holding hands with faith in their hearts.
Rarely does change come by accident. As Dr. Martin L. King said, “Change does not roll in on the wheels of inevitability, but comes through continuous struggle. And so we must straighten our backs and work for our freedom.” Ethiopia’s Cheetahs have launched their peaceful struggle for rights and against wrongs. Change will not be easy, but “The harder the struggle [for change], the more glorious the triumph.” We cannot afford to be paralyzed by the fear of fear. We have brave young Ethiopians ready, willing and able to build a brave new Ethiopia. With them out in full force, we have nothing to fear but the fear in our own hearts.
Africa is littered with stillborn change. We see change without a difference all over Africa every day. African dictators come and go like the seasons. Some move like hurricanes destroying everything in their path. Others burn like the desert sun. A few hang around like blinding fog. But real change remains elusive in Africa. Real change is not mere regime change. It requires heart and mind change.
We must embrace change for the good, not fear it. Ethiopia’s young people are rising for good and necessary change. Today Ethiopia is poised for a special kind of change. It is change that flows form the fertile imagination of the youth. They are imagining a brave new Ethiopia. They don’t want the old Ethiopia built on a foundation of ethnic division, tribal affiliation, religious sectarianism and communalism. They want gender equality. They have their own blueprint for the kind of Ethiopia they want. Why shouldn’t they have their Ethiopia? We had ours, isn’t it time they have theirs? It’s just fair.
Regardless of what we do or don’t, the ultimate triumph of Ethiopia’s Cheetah Generation is assured. The numbers are on their side. Seventy percent of Ethiopia’s population is under 35 years of age. History is on their side. Millions of young people before them spilled their blood and poured sweat and tears to build a democratic and just Ethiopia. The forces of our universe — justice, freedom, democracy — are on their side. We should be on their side too.
Change cannot be stopped by guns or tanks. “Nothing can stop an idea whose time has come.” The time for fresh ideas, fresh young faces, fresh leadership for a refreshed Ethiopia is now. Though change can be delayed, thwarted and deferred, it can never be stopped. To paraphrase one of my favorite poets, Langston Hughes:
What happens to a change (dream) deferred? Does it dry up/like a raisin in the sun?
Or fester like a sore–
And then run?
Does it stink like rotten meat?
Or crust and sugar over–
like a syrupy sweet?
Maybe it just sags
like a heavy load.
Or does it explode?
Those who survive change are not those with the guns or the money. They are those who can adapt to change, roll with the punches and prevent an explosion.
I can spend my time thinking and worrying about things that can go wrong. Could there be a 2005 in 2013? It is easy to think about how things that can go wrong. It is far more difficult to think about how things can go right. We must think right not because it is easy, but because it is hard. Doing right is often harder than doing wrong.
It is my duty as a human rights advocate to promote and support right and oppose wrong. That is a choice one has to make in becoming a human rights defender. I care about human beings, not parties, politicians, ideologies or whatnot. Power is a means not an end in itself. It is neither good nor bad.
I believe in using power to do good; to protect the powerless from the powerful; to use power to prevent the abuse of power; to use power to bring together the powerless with the powerful; to use power to empower the youth. I believe in the irresistible power of ideas and have little faith in the power of gunpowder. I believe in the use of power to heal, not to kill or to steal. I believe in the power to give people hope. I believe in the power of peace.
I am told I will eat these words I have written soon enough when “they start cracking down”. If I am proven wrong in my optimism, it won’t be the first time. But I am an incorrigible optimist. I shall maintain a fixed gaze on the “long arc of the universe that bends towards justice.”
When I got involved in human rights advocacy headlong seven or so years ago following the killings of the young unarmed protesters, I gave the longest speech I have ever given (nearly eight thousand words). It was titled, “Awakening Giant! Can Ethiopians and Ethiopian Americans living in America make a difference in their homeland (also available here)?” I could summarize it all in one sentence. “We prove the righteousness of our cause not in battlefields soaked in blood and filled with corpses, but in the living hearts and thinking minds of men and women of goodwill.” I am still guided by those simple ideas.
There are great lessons to be learned from the Blue Party protests. The biggest one is: Peaceful protest need not be feared; it must be embraced. We may not be able to march the streets with the Blue Party members and supporters, but we should not hesitate to declare our solidarity with their peaceful movement. The young people in the Blue Party cannot do it alone. They need us all as partners and helpers. “We” are those in power and those out of power. We should not only rise with the rising Cheetahs, we should also stand by them!
Ethiopians are at the crossroads. We can choose to remain stuck in the crossroads nursing our bigotry, stewing in our hatred and sizzling in violence, conflict and strife. Or we can choose the blue line, join the blue crowd and head in the direction of reconciliation, accommodation and consultation. I say, we should all get on the blue line because it is the road less travelled, the road of the future. To paraphrase Robert Frost’s verse,
We shall be telling this with a sigh
Somewhere ages and ages hence:
Two roads diverged in a wood, and we—
We took the one less traveled by,
And that has made all the difference.
Ethiopia’s youth united can never be defeated. Power to the youth! Blue Cheetah Power!
“Those who make peaceful change impossible will make violent change inevitable.” JFK
Professor Alemayehu G. Mariam teaches political science at California State University, San Bernardino and is a practicing defense lawyer.
Previous commentaries by the author are available at:
http://open.salon.com/blog/almariam/
www.huffingtonpost.com/alemayehu-g-mariam/
Amharic translations of recent commentaries by the author may be found at:
http://www.ecadforum.com/Amharic/archives/category/al-mariam-amharic
http://ethioforum.org/?cat=24
