The dust over part of the Horn of Africa is about to settle. In April, 1993, Eritreans will have a long awaited opportunity to exercise their right of self determination and to tell the world in no uncertain terms what their long and costly struggle has been all about. They will go to the ballot box to cast their votes, and only those who are not in touch with Eritrean affairs will doubt the outcome of the forthcoming referendum. It will be a resounding yes for independence, and Eritrea will go on to enter the membership of sovereign states.
What will linger in the entire Horn of Africa consisting of Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia and Sudan for some time is economic {www:deprivation}. Arguably, this is the poorest and most deprived region of the world. Per capita income, life expectancy, and literacy are among the lowest in the world; and adult and infant mortality and morbidity are among the highest. It is a region where the most basic needs of life — clean water and food — are a luxury to the overwhelming majority of the region’s population. Consequently, millions of people unnecessarily die of hunger, preventable diseases and lack of shelter.
The Horn has been one of the most politically unstable in the world. The world associates the region with endless strife, economic deprivation and sorrow. The fires of war and destruction have raged for too long, and they are still raging uncontrollably in Somalia and Sudan. There are entire generations in the Horn who do not know what peace is all about. In Eritrea where the guns are now silent and peace is being savored, the mere sound of overflying fighter jets prompts women and children to scramble for cover.
It would be easy indeed to dwell at length on past and current miseries of the Horn region. In Eritrea and Ethiopia the legacy of oppressive regimes is evident everywhere and in every aspect of life. Reconstruction and revitalization of their economies and the introduction of democracy will require a great deal of patience and cool determination on the part of citizens and governments alike. It also has to be an awesome responsibility for anyone group including the transitional and provisional governments in Ethiopia and Eritrea, respectively, to assume leadership under these conditions and prepare the people who have already suffered too much and for too long for the sacrifices and the hard work needed to build new democratic societies.
One can draw ample lessons from the mistakes of the past. Better yet, one should take advantage of the precious peace that is reigning now, crystallize the issues, and begin to lay the foundations for true democracy and economic prosperity.
The problems facing the Horn nations are of {www:gargantuan} proportions. They are both material and psychological, and there is no quick fix to them. I believe this is the time to shift paradigms. It is time to drop the rancorous and negative debate of the recent past and to adopt a more constructive attitude. It is a time to accentuate the positive, and to start a dialogue toward a broad based agreement for a strategic partnership which can lead to economic and political security in the region.
Eritrea and Ethiopia are relatively in the best position to form the core of a sound and sustainable partnership for peace and prosperity. Shared values and overlapping interests in three key areas serve as the basis for this strategic partnership: socio-cultural, geo- political, and economic.
1. Socio-Cultural: Eritrea and Ethiopia share sufficient social and cultural values emanating from a long tradition of cross border interdependence and common religious practices, especially Christian and Islamic. They have sufficiently similar tastes in such matters as foods, spices, clothes, music, lyrics and literature. The people of Eritrea and Ethiopia should value highly the cultural traits they share and should work to preserve and to enrich them.
2. Geo-Political: The Horn nations are in a sensitive and volatile region where political turbulence has been common and where now a fragile peace prevails. The instability resulted from external and internal factors. First, there have been colonial and imperialist intrusions from outside the region for economic, political and religious dominance. The Portuguese, the Turks, the Italians, the French, the English, the United States, and the Soviet Union, are examples of nations who in one way or another have sought to control or influence events in the region and contributed to instability. There have also been similar acts of aggression and domination form within the region. Emperors Menelik and Haile Selassie of Ethiopia colonized or otherwise sought domination of Somalia and Eritrea, and consequently de-stabilized the region. Second, economic underdevelopment and the absence of democracy have resulted in internal strife and instability.
Neither the external nor the regional threats have been permanently removed. The region remains to be of strategic interest to the industrialized world. Its proximity to the largest oil deposits of the world, its unconfirmed but probable endowment with vital resources, and its Red Sea and Indian Ocean resources will continue to attract uninvited attention for a long time to come. The long road to democracy and prosperity will also increase the risk of intra-region and domestic instability.
The political future of each nation in the region is unavoidably intertwined with that of the rest of the region. No nation in the region can expect to live or prosper in isolation. In this day and age no country can expect to be insulated effectively from the challenges and problems of other nations, no matter how distant. The events surrounding the recent Gulf War between Iraq and Kuwait were a clear demonstration of how an entire region, if not the whole world, can be affected. The tragic events in the former Yugoslavia too are a good example. The troubles there are threatening peace in neighboring countries such as Albania, Austria, Bulgaria, Cypress, Greece, Hungary, Romania and Turkey. Indeed, they are potentially a threat to the entire world. Instability in one country can easily create instability in another, and peace in one can be helpful in others. Horn nations need to forge a security alliance to repel external aggression whether politically or religiously inspired. They should form a partnership to tackle the problem of refugees, to apprehend common criminals or terrorists who may cross boundaries, and to protect and preserve the fragile environment. They should also enter into agreements to eliminate any possibility of hostile action between them.
Appreciation of the complex external and internal political environments, therefore, renders worthless the outrageous allegations that Eritrea is poised to de-stabilize Ethiopia and to prosper at its expense, or that Eritrea will endanger Ethiopia’s security and sovereignty by allowing Ethiopia’s enemies to enter through its ports and boundaries. There should be no credibility to these kinds of allegations. Ethiopia’s stability and economic prosperity can only benefit Eritrea, and Eritrea cannot be stable and prosperous if neither stability nor prosperity prevail in Ethiopia. The rational assumption should be that there will be a high degree of coincidence of strategic interests between Eritrea and Ethiopia, and that both will identify their interests internationally in roughly similar ways. Accordingly, if we appreciate the common interests of the two countries we will be able to deal with the future relationship between Eritrea and Ethiopia in a much healthier and realistic way.
3. Economic: The Eritrean and Ethiopian economies are similar in level of development and structure. They compare too in demand structures including incomes and tastes and preferences. These similarities suggest that their consumers will purchase products characterized by similar degrees of sophistication and quality. They also suggest that the two countries stand to benefit from a free trading partnership leading to larger markets and scale economies.
An example will shed additional light to what is being suggested: If Ethiopia produces a surplus of shammas (a form of cotton shawl), woolen blankets, floor-rugs or teff (a grain from which the staple food, injera, is made). Who is likely to buy these? Not the Swedish, not even the Somalis or the Sudanese. The Swedes are not likely now to find Ethiopian blankets and floor-rugs sophisticated enough for their taste, and they have yet to develop sufficient and sustainable taste for injera. Furthermore, the cost of transporting Ethiopian blankets, shammas and floor-rugs to Sweden will make these products less price-competitive. The neighboring Somalis and the Sudanese too are not likely to have taste for these Ethiopian products and particularly woolen blankets and floor-rugs because of the obvious differences in climate. Clearly, the likely market for such Ethiopian products is Eritrea.
Similarly, if Eritrea produces excess beer, wines, spirits or sweaters, neither Sweden nor Somalia and Sudan are the likely markets for these products. Even if we assume no trade barriers between Eritrea and Sweden, transportation, insurance and handling costs would tend to make Eritrean beer, spirits, and wines uncompetitive in Sweden. And in close-by Somalia and Sudan religious and cultural practices would limit the market for beer, spirits and wines. Clearly, Ethiopia is the logical market for Eritrean products.
Through economic cooperation and useful competition, Eritrea and Ethiopia have a great opportunity for greater efficiency and growth. An economic alliance between the two countries can eliminate abject poverty and increase food security for both of their peoples. Here too, any suggestion that Eritrea would benefit only at the expense of Ethiopia would be outrageous and preposterous. Ethiopia’s economic viability is essential to Eritrea no less than the economic viability of Japan and Germany to their trading partner and competitor — the United States. To allege otherwise would be tantamount to suggesting that modern trade is based on a zero-sum-game theory where one nation’s gains are necessarily the other’s losses. That, obviously, is not the case, and trading partners should benefit simultaneously.
The Horn of Africa nations should join in economic and trade partnership, and Eritrea and Ethiopia should form the nucleus of this alliance. At a Horn of Africa Conference in New York city in May, 1992, I proposed that a Horn of Africa Free Trade Area (HAFTA) consisting of Djibouti, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Somalia, and Sudan be formed as soon as possible. I believe now as I did then that this is a concept whose time has come. Eritrea and Ethiopia should lay the foundation for this form of cooperation and should include the other countries in the region at an appropriate time. It is encouraging to note that the Provisional Government of Eritrea and the Transitional Government of Ethiopia have recently conducted negotiations with a view of fostering economic cooperation between the two countries. This is a step in the right direction and it should be encouraged.
The present anxiety being experienced by some concerning Eritrea’s rights and exercise of self-determination is somewhat understandable. It appears to be rooted in the insecurity of living in a post- separation world, a feeling that the future is dim and grim. Although uncertain, the future need not be dim or grim. Barring a self-fulfilling prophecy, it can be brighter. There is no denying that major and qualitative changes have occurred in the Horn of Africa and particularly in regards to Eritrea and Ethiopia. These changes may be too large and too drastic for some to accept or even to keep up with. But they are irreversible. One can either remain incorrigibly captive of the past or can begin to develop capability for a flexible and rational adaptation to the changing environment.
There is a useful lesson to be drawn from a piece of Scandinavian history which is analogous to the Ethio-Eritrean experience. In 1814 through a treaty of Kiel, a Jean Bernadotte (Napoleon’s marshal) who eventually succeeded to the Swedish monarchy as Charles XIV John forced his sovereignty over neighboring Norway. For no other reason than in appreciation of his stand against his former master Napoleon, the allied great powers gave their support to his policy over Norway. As should be expected, the treaty of Kiel was immediately repudiated by the weak but tenacious Norwegian people who contended that “it violated the principles of international law by purporting to dispose of an entire nation without its consent” and claimed the right to determine their own sovereignty. Bernadotte believed that the poverty and trade depression in Norway which followed the end of the Napoleonic wars, and the severe taxation which was made necessary would weaken the Norwegian resolve for sovereignty. He ignored the wishes of the Norwegians and continued to rule through a viceroy who was generally a Swede. Later in 1836, he arbitrarily dissolved the Norwegian legislature and declared Norway a mere province of Sweden. Over the years, successive monarchs made minor concessions to appease the Norwegians but allowed Swedish influence to predominate where the interests of the two countries differed. This only increased the resolve of the Norwegians to secede. Later attempts to hold on to Norway by promoting unity under the garb of “Scandinavianism” also failed. Early in 1905 the lone but determined Norwegians felt compelled to take matters into their own hands, and decided to hold a referendum. On August 13, 1905 they voted overwhelmingly for severance of the union, and King Oscar of Sweden wisely respected their wishes by immediately relinquishing the crown of Norway.
On the outbreaks of World War I (1914) and World War II (1939) Norway and Sweden joined Denmark to proclaim a policy of neutrality primarily designed to preclude any possibility of hostile action between them.
Following separation, and to this date Sweden and Norway have not only co-existed peacefully but also have cooperated closely in economic, political and cultural matters in ways that have made it easier for them to secure one of the world’s highest standards
of living.
In modern times the Scandinavian countries have been associated uniquely with peace and prosperity. They have succeeded in part because of their ability to appreciate sooner than most other countries the values of peaceful coexistence and regional cooperation.
The Horn is fragile. Without peace, the tragedies of the early seventies and eighties can be repeated easily, and most probably in a larger scale. Then, TV screens around the world were filled with the images of death: fly-haunted corpses, skeletal children crouched in pain, emaciated bodies of children, women and men, and frail villagers desperately scratching the scorched land with bare hands for signs of grains. The tragedy that is taking place in Somalia today is a grim reminder of what can easily recur in the entire region. No Horn nation need sustain such tragedies.
The Horn of Africa nations and particularly Eritrea and Ethiopia have an excellent opportunity now to emulate the Scandinavian experience and to initiate cooperation for peace and prosperity. What is needed is a new spirit and a fresh start.
(Abraham Z. Kidane, Ph.D., is a Professor of Economics and Director of International Programs at California State University, Dominguez Hills.)
In the March 1993 issue of the ER I wrote about some of the contributions of the Oromo people to Ethiopian civilization. In this article I will attempt to depict a few of the contributions of the Amhara to Ethiopian Civilization. A number of the contributions of the Amhara people to Ethiopian civilization are best represented by the achievements of their monarchs. For this reason, I will first of all briefly state a few of the achievements of the Amhara royalty.
Even though the early settlements of the Amhara are supposed to be Lasta and Saynt, they had already settled in Gagn, Shewa, Maqet, Shadaho, Wadla and Dilanta by the thirteenth century, if not earlier. Later, they populated Gojjam and Gonder. Like the Axumite Ethiopians, they were of Semitic stock, though their language, Amharic, exhibits both Semitic and Cushitic features as a result of their association with Cushitic peoples. Their emperors trace their origin to Axumite emperors who claimed to be the descendants of the Solomonic Dynasty. They also consider Axum, a city in Tigray, their holy city, the center of their religion, church and culture. As a matter of fact, their civilizations is an extension or an offshoot of the Axumite civilization in essence, though it looks different in appearance.
The last Axumite emperor from whom Amhara emperors claimed descent is said to be Dil Ne’ad. According to one version of Amhara history, Dil Ne’ad had fled from Axum to escape to Shewa from his servant Mera Teklehaimanot, who usurped his power to establish the Zagwe Dynasty. Before that, when Dil Ne’ad ascended to the Axumite throne in 910 AD, he had made an effort to restore the Christian religion which was
devastated by the Jewish Queen Yodit (also known as Gudit). To this end, it is believed that he built the Cathedral of Axum Zion and the great monolithic church of Michael Amba in eastern Tigray. With his flight to Shewa, Axum fell; or in other words, it ceased to be the heart of Ethiopian civilization. Since the Amharas claim that Dil Ne’ad was their last emperor who ruled for a while from Axum before fleeing to Shewa, they too, should have been Axumites before they fled to Shewa with their emperor. Later, in central Ethiopia, they coined a new language, Amharic, while they were serving at the court of Zagwe emperors who spoke with them Amharic, in order to tell secrets in it. It was called “Lisane-Negus” (the tongue of kings) because the royalty started to speak it. Had the Amharas not created Amharic, they might have continued to be called Axumites,
or even Tigreans.
After the fall of Axum, the ex-Axumites who became Amharas in Shewa, Lasta, Gojjam and Gonder had numerous emperors. These rulers were soldiers and scholars. Quite a number of them made significant contributions to Ethiopian civilization. According to the Shewan Amhara, one of the descendants of Dil Ne’ad the Axumite who survived in Shewa on exile while the Zagwe Dynasty was ruling Ethiopia, was Yekuno Amlak. It was he who restored the Solomonic Dynasty around 1270 AD. It is believed that Emperor Yekuno Amlak built his capital in Tegulet, Shewa, which also became the center of the future Shewan Amhara aristocrats. The first thing Yekuno Amlak did to consolidate his sovereignty was to bring a Metropolitan from Egypt, in accordance with the tradition of Axumite emperors. Yekuno Amlak is best remembered for bettering Ethiopian administration and for enhancing religion and culture, by following in the foot-steps of Emperor Lalibela the Great. He thus constructed monolithic churches at Lasta. It suffices to mention here the superb work of art, the rectangular Genet Mariam church which is a great attraction to this day. In addition, he established once again, the territorial unity of Ethiopia.
Amde-Tsion (1314-1344) was a great Amhara emperor. It was Amde-Tsion who first attempted to provide a sort of constitution defining the responsibilities of the emperor and the hierarchy of the Ethiopian Royal Charter, which evolved later as Serate Mengist. He promoted scholarship during his reign. His scholars revised the Axumite translations of the Scriptures and for the first time transcribed in Geez various texts for rites and liturgies. He encouraged the clergy to compose hymnals. He established libraries and filled them with precious apocryphal works such as The History of Adam, legends of apostles, rare manuscripts, miniatures with such artistic qualities whose impact lasted upto the 16th century. He also founded on the islands of Lake Tana the monasteries of Gelila-Zekarias and Kevra’an. He supported the monastery of Debre-Damo in Tigray thus making it the center of great scholastic achievement in the whole of Ethiopia. Amde-Tsion became so popular for his deeds that his subjects composed songs praising his name.
Amhara emperors made Ethiopia famous and respected in the eyes of the outside world through diplomacy and by defending the interests of Coptic Christians in Egypt and Nubia. During the reign of Emperor Seyfe-Ared (1344-1372), for instance, Ethiopia was the official protector of the Patriarchy of Alexandria. During the reign of Dawit I (1382-1411), Ethiopia defended the Copts in Sudan. Emperor Dawit established a good relationship with the Hanafite Emir of Egypt, and obtained from Jerusalem a piece of the True Cross (Gemade-Meskel) together with precious paintings among which was the rare Kuer’ata Re’su, the figure of Christ crowned with thorns. Ethiopia is seen with awe to this day for her possession of such rarities.
Dawit I invited craftsmen from Florence to build churches and monasteries such as Debre-Worq in Gojjam. He funded Turkish artisans to introduce to Ethiopia handicrafts, weaponry and tailoring.
Following his example, Emperor Yeshaq (1414-1429), too, employed foreigners to build his nation. An Egyptian by the name of Mameluk, for example, reformed the Ethiopian army and instructed the military in the use of Greek weapons. The contributions of Yesehaq included the construction of churches such as Kosoge and Yeshaq-Debr.
During the reigns of Emperors Dawit I and Yeshak alone, monks translated the Senodos and Didascalia from Arabic. It is believed that, The Fetha Negest (The Judgments of The Kings), which became the standard work on Ecclesiastical and Civil Law in Ethiopia, was translated then. Biographies of Saints (Gedle) such as Abba-Libanos or Gebre-Menfeskedus, Lalibela and Na’akueto Le’ab were also being composed at the same time. Historical writings about the deeds of Emperor Amde-Tsion also appeared. The translation of Snaxarium, (Senksar) into Geez, which was enlarged later by Ethiopians who included the lives of their great saints was also started around this time. Among the literatures of this period the prophetic book, Fukare-Iyesus (The Prophecy of Jesus), inspires awe in Ethiopians to this day.
Zera-Yacob (1434-1468) was perhaps the greatest Amhara emperor. The first step Zera-Yacob took when he came to power was to go to Tigray to pay homage to the abode of his ancestors and to be coronated at Axum, in accordance with their tradition. Shortly after his return from Axum he built a number of churches and monasteries like Metmaq in Tegulet. After that he moved his capital to Debre Berhan. Zera-Yacob was not just an emperor. He was a scholar and a writer. He promoted the open discussion of theological and other issues, and took part in them demonstrating the depth of his knowledge and wit. Among several of the books he wrote are Mesehafe Milad, and Mesehafe Birhan. It was during his reign that Tamere Mariam was translated into Geez. The life history of saints, hymns, books of revelations such as The Book of the Mystery of Heaven and Earth, diverse occult literatures including magical spells and astrological formulas were composed and compiled. The world famous Mesehafe Henok, which survived only in Ethiopia, and Lefefa Sedk, which is comparable to the precious Egyptian Book of the
Dead, were preserved under the care of the Amhara Emperor Zera-Yacob.
As a far-sighted emperor of international diplomacy, Zera-Yacob communicated with the civilized world outside Ethiopia. He corresponded with European leaders such as Alfonso of Aragon for the well-being of his country. Zera-Yacob also spread the good news of the Gospel among his own people in the remotest part of Ethiopia, who worshiped rocks, trees, as well as evil-spirits, and sacrificed to them human beings. His successor, Emperor Be’ede-Mariam (1468-1478) carried on Zera Yacob’s policies.
Emperor Naod (1494-1508), besides defending the territorial integrity of Ethiopia and his religion, wrote verses, hymns and built beautiful churches including Mekane Selassie. His empress, the wise Eleni, constructed the most gorgeous church of Mertula-Maryam, whose style is said to be Italian.
The successors of Emperor Na’od, emperors Lebene-Dengel (1508-1540), and Gelawdewos (1540-1559), were preoccupied with defending their religion, civilization, and territorial integrity from Emir Ahmed-al Ghazi, whom they called “Ahmed Gragn.” The Christian Ethiopian emperors believed and feared that Ahmed Gragn as well as foreign Muslim invaders, including the Turks and the Dervishes, were out not only to expand their territories and convert the Christians to their religion by force, but also to destroy the Christian civilization.
Their fear was not groundless. Ahmed Gragn destroyed all those wonderful churches built over generations which were masterpieces even in the eyes of advanced Europeans, burnt down, precious books, manuscripts, paintings, all sorts of art works and other valuable items which would have been a great treasure for all of humanity including Muslims world-wide. According to the chronicler of Ahmed Gragn, upon seeing the destruction of the splendid church of Mekane- Selassie, which shone with gold, pearl and artistic paintings, Ahmed Gragn himself gasped in admiration: “Is there anywhere in the Byzantine Empire, in India, or in any other land a building such as this, containing such figures and works of art!” When he reached Lalibela, he was spell-bound by the awe-inspiring beauty and splendor of those rock-hewn churches. Luckily, he ordered his soldiers not to destroy them.
Emperor Gelawdewos was not only a warrior king, he was also an architect who built churches such as Tedbabe Mariam, and a writer who wrote, The Confessions of Gelawdewos.
Even though both Lebene-Dengel and Gelawdewos were engaged in tragic wars most of the time, art and literature did not stop from flourishing during their reigns. Etchege Habakkuk’s work, Ankasa Amin, and his translation of Barlam and Yosef, are noteworthy. Numerous Geez chronicles have come down to us which narrate about the reigns of Lebne-Dengel, Gelawdewos and their successor, Emperor Minas .
Minas (1559-1563) fought with Ethiopian Muslims and Turkish expansionists as well. The Turks who began to settle in Tigray in 1557 worried him. They occupied Massawa, Arkiko, and the fortress of Debarwa. They also destroyed and plundered the famous Debre-Damo, mercilessly slaughtering its monks.
Emperor Sertse-Dengel (1563-1597) waged fierce battles against the Turks. Being an emperor who was not detached from his Axumite and Tigray roots, he celebrated his coronation among the monks, priests and the citizens, as well as the daughters of Axum and Shire who glorified him amongst them. In return, he showered them with lavish gifts. He gave to Axum and the churches around its vicinity lands and other valuable things. In the latter part of his life, he built two palaces and a church in Gubae (Enfraz) and at Ayba, in the Wegera region, which later became a part of Gonder. When Sertse-Dengel died in 1597, he had expelled the Turks, expanded Ethiopia and laid the corner-stone for the civilization of Ethiopia at Gonder.
Susenyos (1571-1632) was captured in a battle by the Boren tribe when he was a little boy and lived in Shewa with the Oromo growing up in accordance with their custom and way of life. He was the first Amhara of noble birth who was closely associated with the Oromo both before and after he became an Ethiopian emperor. He filled his court with Oromos and was always surrounded by them. He was crowned Emperor of Ethiopia in Axum in 1608. Even though he made several campaigns against foreign aggressors, he was converted to Catholicism as a result of which he shed a lot of blood to crush opposition, until his abdication to his son Fasiledas (1632-1667).
In spite of the distress Susenyos caused to his people because of his conversion to Catholicism, he made significant contributions to Ethiopian civilization. During his reign, Amharic was developed by the Portuguese missionaries. Not only did they preach in it, they also translated some of the Scriptures and wrote theological discourse in it to convert the Orthodox Ethiopians to Catholicism. When the Portuguese painted Jesus and other saints in Churches to attract Ethiopians, the Ethiopian monks developed a unique Ethiopian style of painting to counter the Portuguese. Whether it was by accident or because Susenyos created a conducive atmosphere for them, art, literature and architecture blossomed during his administration. As mentioned above, Ethiopians invented a new style of painting and illumination of books. Regarding literature, numerous works were composed in and translated into Geez, such as Ra’ey (Visions), the Coptic Chronicle, The Book of Hawi, and perhaps The Fetha-Negest. New styles of architecture were introduced. The Church of Gonder Gorgora, and that of Bareay Gemb, the palaces of Guzara at Enfraz, and the ones at Gorgora, were very original.
Emperor Fasiledas (1632-67), the main builder of Gonder banished the Jesuits and restored Orthodox Christianity in Ethiopia. Not only that, but also to secure his restoration, he blocked all the sea routes to Ethiopia to prevent any Catholic Europeans from entering Ethiopia. Emperor Fasiledas, however, is best remembered in Ethiopia for building in Gonder the palace bearing his name. This palace, with its huge swimming pool amidst a garden and a pavilion rising out of the water, which has partly survived to this day, is a great architectural contribution to Ethiopian and African civilization.
Fasiledas’ son, Tsadiku Yohannes (1667-82) was perhaps the most pious Amhara ruler. To the buildings which his father had constructed, he added at least two, one for himself and another for the royal library. It was he who founded the church of St. Anthony with its magnificent paintings. He was, most of all, reputed for allowing theologians and scholars to discourse openly in his presence and for encouraging them to meditate on the holy scriptures on secluded islands by providing their provision.
Iyasu the Great (1682-1706) was the last significant Amhara emperor who ruled Ethiopia. He too built palaces, churches and monasteries of great spiritual and artistic values. In Gonder he constructed the sanctuary of Debre-Berhan, decorated with precious paintings. He rectified The Fetha-Negest and the laws by which Ethiopia was ruled. He established good relationship for Ethiopia with Europeans such as the Dutch and the French.
Among the Amhara royalties at Gonder, three important figures who made significant contributions to Ethiopian civilization after the death of Iyasu the Great, and before Ethiopia was divided into dukedoms, were Emperor Bakaffa (1721-30), his wife the beautiful Empress Mentwab, and their son Emperor Iyasu II. These three struggled to develop Ethiopia, safeguard their religion and the territorial integrity of their country, in addition to building palaces, churches and other fabulous edifices.
Emperor Tewodros II (1856-68) arose and eliminated the dukedoms. Tewodros was neither an Amhara nor a member of the Solomonic Dynasty. He was Quaran who assimilated the Amhara culture and spoke Amharic. He ascended to the throne by the might of his gun. Even though he burnt churches, cities and peoples who stood on his way, and though he committed many other atrocities, he is credited for trying to restore the Ethiopian empire and modernize it. Without the cornerstone which he laid to unite Ethiopia, the Tigrean Emperor Yohannes IV (1872-89), and the Shewan Amhara Emperor Menelik II (1889- 19130, perhaps would not have united Ethiopia easily.
Nevertheless, Menelik II, who belonged to the Amhara royalty of the Solomonic Dynasty that was left in Shewa when the seat of the monarchy was moved to Gonder in the 17 century, achieved with extraordinary wit, humanism, diplomacy and military strategy what both Tewodros and Yohannes failed to achieve by sheer use of force. Besides winning the Battle of Adwa in 1896 and keeping the independence of Ethiopia, he strove to build a nation. The end result of his efforts was a unified, peaceful and expanded empire with a fine infrastructure for the modernization of Ethiopia.
Emperor Haile Selassie I (1892-1974) himself followed in the footsteps of Menelik in order to modernize Ethiopia. He made contributions in the fields of education, government administration, military, means of transportation, telecommunications, industry and administration.
So far, we were made aware of only the contributions of Amhara nobles to Ethiopian civilization. How about the Amhara common folks? Their contributions to Ethiopia civilization, too, are tremendous.
Among the Amhara common folks were a number of saints, philosophers, poets, scholars, writers, painters, singers, and patriots. Ethiopian gedles are filled with the stories of great saints including those of Amhara descent. Towering among the Amhara saints is the 13 century monk, Abune Tekle-Haimanot, who was born in Bulga, Shewa. He is the
only Ethiopian saint to be canonized by the Coptic Church. Abune Tekle-Haimanot was an important figure in Ethiopian history for two reasons. The first is his contribution to the spiritual life of Ethiopia. The second, the key role he played in restoring the Solomonic Dynasty without bloodshed.
According to Gedle Tekle-Haimanot and Gedle Iyasu Mo’a, Abune Tekle- Haimanot and perhaps another Amhara saint by the name of Yesus Mo’a mediated the peaceful transition of power from the last Zagwe emperor, Yitbarke to Yekuno Amlak, the descendant of Dil Ne’ad, the last Axumite emperor of the Solomonic Dynasty. For this, Yekuno Amlak appointed Tekle-Haimanot as the temporary head of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, and gave 1/3 of the royal lands to the Church. Yekuno Amlak appointed Iyesus Mo’a, who was also his teacher in his youth, as his Aqabe Se’at.
Abune Petros was another great Amhara saint who was also a scholar of ancient Ethiopia. The descendant of Abune Tekle-haimanot, Abune Petros. During the invasion of Ethiopia by Fascist Italy, the Italians executed him in public on July 22, 1928 (EC) in Addis Abeba for refusing to collaborate with them.
Wolde Hiwot was a great Amhara philospher who lived in Shewa in the 17th Century. He was a disciple of Zera-Yacob the Axumite, the greatest Ethiopian philosopher. Wolde Hiwot was a rationalist who advocated critical thinking about one hundred fifty years
earlier than European rationalists.
The perfection of the art of composing poetry known as qine is a major contribution of the Amhara. There is a debate on who started qine. Some scholars attribute qine to the Axumite Saint Yared who lived in the Sixth Century AD. Others contend that it had existed before St. Yared. There are those who say that the Amharas innovated it in the 16th Century. I think that it was St. Yared who created qine. However, the Amhara developed it. If St. Yared laid the corner-stone of qine, the Amhara invented sem’ena worq, which is a subtle form of qine.
Gonder and Gojjam were the centers of Ethiopian universities, including the schools of qine, music, philosophy, theology, painting, astrology, astronomy, mathematics, history and occult, to mention just a few. Ethiopians from Tigre and Shewa went as far as Gonder and Gojjam to study in the great colleges where the masters, the seasoned professors, shared their wisdom with them. It took a student over thirty years to graduate with a degree from one of these colleges majoring in just one discipline. Some of the genius masters, however, graduated majoring in three to four fields, which was extremely difficult thing to do. Most notable among the Amhara geniuses are Arat-Ayna Goshu (the four-eyed Goshu), who was called so because he was a master in four
fields, Memher Tselalo Wolde-Mariam, Memher Sewagegnhu, Memher Akale Wold (who was a friend of Emperor Tewodros and highly regarded by him), Aleka Heruy and Memher Engeda Wolde-Mariam.
Ethiopian universities were not open only to male professors as it used to be in Europe. They have appointed women as professors for centuries. Among some of the known names of female Amhara professors in recent history were Weyzero Meselech, Weyzero Abeba, Weyzero Haimet, Emahoi Lekidelu and Emahoi Gelanesh. The last one, Emahoy Gelanesh, was the daughter of a master, Merigeta Hadis from Gojjam. The fact that she was blind did not prevent her from replacing her father after his death.
Sem’ena worq is purely an Amhara phenomenon. It is a testimony to the richness of the Amharic language as evidenced by the double meaning of almost every word, and to the poetic genius of the Amhara people. Qine and Sem’ena worq, a division of qene, are the highest forms of poetic expression. It is ambiguous, and at the same time plain. It suggests one thing, and at the same time myriads of things. Its power lies in its ambiguity. It is like a hearth which looks cold and dead, but has red, hot embers hidden underneath its ashes. Europeans attempted to attain this sort of poetry in the form of symbolism and surrealism as late as the 19 Century, whereas the Amhara of Ethiopia were well-versed in it for hundreds of years.
Three of the greatest Amhara poets who excelled in qine were Yohannes Geblawi, Tewaney and Kifle-Yohannes, who lived in the fifteenth, sixteenth and seventeenth centuries respectively.
Qine, particularly sem’ena worq, was not limited to intellectuals. Laymen, emperors and empresses too, created it impromptu to express their feelings.
Every Amharic song fits in to one of the four scales known as Tizeta, Anchihoye, Ambassel and Bati. Each scale or tuning system produces its own melody which is different from the other three. Tizeta and Anchihoye bear the names of songs, whereas, Ambassel and Bati are the names of songs and places simultaneously. Judging by these last names of places and by the contents of the Amharic songs which refer to Wello, I believe the four scales of Ethiopian music played by Kirar and Masinqo were invented by the Wello Amhara.
In my opinion, the people of Wello are the most artistic people in Ethiopia. The Amhara of Wello are so artistic-hearted that almost every leading azmari (bard, minstrel) including Assefa Abate, Shishig Chekol, Etagegnhu Haile, and probably Bahiru Kengne, were from Wello.
Another legacy of the Amhara in the field of music is the begena (harp) with its divine poems whose impact compels human beings to be mellow and spiritual. The Amhara play the begena during lent to praise God, meditate upon life and death, and to strengthen the faith of their fellow Christians. The begena culture is one of the qualities which makes Ethiopia a unique Biblical country, reminding the visitor of King David and his harp.
The wedding ceremony of the Amhara with its melancholic songs, the poems of the maidens who tease the groom and his bestmen, and the whole marriage celebration which is reminiscent of an old tradition, makes Ethiopia colorful and exotic to
the outside observer.
Amhara clergymen have created the bulk of those paintings and books about which Ethiopia boasts and cherishes as her artistic treasures. Mixing paints from leaves and different stones, they told stories of angels, saints, queens, emperors, historical events and the mundane life of the peoples of Ethiopia. Not only that, but they tanned hides, made parchments, bounded and wrote books, taking the pain of illuminating them with loving tenderness. They also translated foreign literatures of value and passed them on to us. These books and paintings are scarce items which museums world-wide treasure dearly considering them to be a great human achievement.
Two more remarkable contributions of Amhara to Ethiopian civilization are the Amharic language and literature. Whether Amharic spread among the non-Amhara peoples of Ethiopia as a natural course of things or by means of coercion, the outcome is positive. All Ethiopians whose native tongue is not amharic, now have one more language at their disposal and to their advantage. They can communicate with their fellow Ethiopians without an interpreter. Moreover, they can also read novels, poetry, history, science, philosophy and a plenty of other books which deal with different fields of knowledge. They can listen to and read world news in this language. Amharic has been a key which opens the doors of plenty of information and knowledge areas to all Ethiopians who are fortunate enough to know it. Praise is due to Afework Gebre-Yesus, Belaten-Geta Hiruy Wolde-Selassie, Bitwoded Mekonnen Endalkachew, Kebede Mikael, Hadis Alemayehu, Mengistu Lemma, Abe Gubegna, Birhanu Zeryehun, Mahteme-Selassie Wold-Meskel, Aleka Zeneb, Aleka Taye, Alemayehu Moges, Tekle-Tsadik Mekuria, Tsehafe-Tezaz Gebre-Selassie, Aleka Atseme-Giorgis, Belata Merse-Hazen Wolde-Kirkos, the sayings attributed to Aleka Gebre Hanna and the host of other writers who wrote in Amharic.
If the Amhara scholars contributed a written literature to Ethiopian civilization, the laymen have provided Ethiopia with oral literature. The common Amhara folks conveyed across the wisdom of their ancestors and their own interpretation of life through folklore including proverbs, sayings and folktales. The oral literatures of the Amhara summed up the gist of their experiences and observations of life with a few stunning words or sentences, so that we can learn a lesson or two which help us to live better.
Pertaining to dance, the Amhara of Wello, Gonder and Gojjam have enriched Ethiopian choreography by adding their famous shoulder-dance (iskesta) to the number of other Ethiopian dances.
The contributions of the Amhara in the art of cooking and brewery should not be overlooked. Among the old nations of the world, Indian and Chinese food are supposed to be two of the best. Compared with the variety of rich Amhara dishes, however, they are insignificant. No honest person can deny that the Amhara are great experts in cooking and brewery.
Last, but of course not least, the most important contribution of the Amhara to Ethiopian civilization and to the survival of that civilization, is their struggle to safeguard the independence of Ethiopia and to protect her territorial integrity from foreign aggressors. Whenever Ethiopia was at stake, the Amhara were ready to sacrifice themselves. Poor or rich, they gave up everything else including their families and faced their enemies bravely to shed their blood for their country together with other Ethiopians who also loved their motherland. Bare-footed, with tattered clothes and empty stomach, especially the Amhara peasants defended Ethiopia always. Yet, their lives have not been any better than the lives of other Ethiopian peasants. Inspite of this, they have been attacked unjustly lately being confused with the defunct Amhara ruling elite.
The Amhara of Ethiopia, both nobles and commons, have indeed contributed immensely to Ethiopian civilization. To deny this is to be blind to facts.
_______________________ Fikre Tolossa, Ph.D., is Assistant Dean of Faculty at Columbia Pacific University in San Rafael, CA. He is also Associate Editor of ER.
(The New Yorker) — ANNALS OF POLITICAL TERROR about political prisoners in Ethiopia. Tells about the rise, in 1974, of a revolutionary party known as the Derg, led by Col. Mengistu Haile Mariam, a 5’3″ ordnance officer known as the Black Stalin of Africa: he was responsible for the deaths of hundreds of thousands–perhaps millions–of his countrymen. The central part of Haile Selassie’s empire–the old kingdom of Abyssinia–is a high plateau, towering some ten thousand feet above sea level and marked by isolated valleys and deep volcanic rifts. A light-skinned, thin-lipped ethnic group known as the Amhara dominated the highlands–and the courts of the empire–for hundreds of years. They were in the minority, but they presided over a disparate collection of what were, in effect, principalities: desperately poor regions populated by some eighty ethnic and linguistic groups, all consisting mostly of peasants, living amid their goats and cattle in conical mud-and-thatch huts. The kingdom’s mountain fastness and its altitude had to a large extent guaranteed its isolation, and for centuries it remains an impregnable feudal realm. Tells how the problems of land tenure, reform, and famine, when coupled with the oil price shock of 1973, caused a revolution in Ethiopia. Power shifted to a complete unknown–Mengistu Haile Mariam. He was later known as the Black Stalin of Africa. He held power for 17 years, during which he organized innumerable massacres. [read the full text here]
Accurate and timely economic and demographic data are essential for fair and efficient allocation of resources as well as for acceptable electoral representation. Sensible public debates and compromises among various interest groups should no longer be hampered by a false sense of demographic reality.
Are the Oromo the majority ethnic group in Ethiopia? Is Ethiopia predominantly Muslim? Is Wello region predominantly Oromo? Is the urban population in Eritrea and Gonder more literate than the urban population in Bale, Wellega and Illubabor? According to the 1984 census, the answer to all these question is “no”. The picture that emerges from the 1984 population census reflects both conventional wisdom and surprise: Ethiopia is a largely Christian, a culturally diverse and regionally balanced “nation of ethnic minorities.”
Statistical Data
Until very recently little was known about the population of Ethiopia. The First and Second Round National Demographic Surveys provided valuable estimates of the size distribution of the population of Ethiopia by some basic characteristics such as age and gender. In 1981, a survey on the sedentary population of rural Ethiopia provided a still better demographic information for the surveyed areas. Areas not surveyed for security problems included Eritrea, Tigrai and some other awrajas.
The 1984 national census revealed a population count of 42,616,878, some 2,859,262 more than what was expected based on earlier surveys. The census had provided Ethiopia the first and most complete account of its people. For the first time also, the distribution of the census population by important factors such as age, gender, religion ethnicity, geographic area and many other characteristics of the population are now available.
Ethiopia currently stands the third most populated country in Africa after Nigeria and Egypt and ranks 20th in the world. Its population is characterized by high mortality, high fertility, high unemployment (and high under-employment) and is one of the fast growing nations (in population size: growth rate of 2.9 percent per year) in the world. In 1992, for example, the population of Ethiopia (including Eritrea’s 3,387,500) is estimated at about 55 million and is expected to reach 71 million by the year 2000.
Some Specifics
The 1984 census provided us with data on 92 ethnic groups in Ethiopia many of which were small in size (some even as small as the Kewama {283 people} and Sheta ({88 people}). The largest ethnic group, the Oromo, accounted for 29 percent (12,387,674) of the total population and was closely followed by the Amhara which accounted for 28 percent (12,055,250). The distant third and forth largest ethnic groups, respectively, were the Tigrawai and Gurage.
The Oromo are proportionately under-represented in the urban areas as are the Amhara and many other smaller groups. For example, while the Oromo account for 29 percent of the total population, they make up for only 7 percent of the urban population. The Amhara account for 28 percent of the total population but only 18 percent of the urban population. On the other hand the third and fourth largest ethnic groups, the Tigrawai and the Gurage, were over-represented in the urban areas. The most urbanized ethnic groups in Ethiopia consisted of the Adere (82 percent of 29,518) and the Dorze (62 percent of 43,964). We clearly see that no single ethnic group in Ethiopia is a majority and that Ethiopia is indeed a nation of many minorities which, depending on the region they live in, may constitute a majority.
The most populated region was Shewa (including Addis Abeba) accounting for 19 percent of the total population followed by Harerge (10 percent). Sidamo and Wello each accounted for 9 percent of the population each while Gojjam accounted for 8 percent and Gonder for 7 percent of the population. The regions that had the smallest share of the population were Illubabor and Bale (2 percent each). The observed ethnic mix in each region exhibits the diversity of our nation and the relative harmony that must have existed for centuries.
Ethiopia is one of the least urbanized countries in the world with only 11 percent of its people living in urban centers. With the exception of a few cities, males in many urban areas are outnumbered by females. The higher gender ratio in Asseb, Wonji, Shewa and Dilla may be explained by the male dominated migration to these cities relative to others. Ethnic groups also tend to have different sex patterns of migration to urban centers. For example, in Addis Abeba there were 34 percent more Gurage males than Gurage females when all other major ethnic groups (e.g., the Amhara, the Oromo and the Tigrawai) were outnumbered by females. This differential sex-specific ethnic migration was, in part, responsible for the observed population distribution of Addis Abeba.
Over 1.4 million residents were reported in Addis Abeba in 1984 and accounted for 29 percent of the total urban population. The population was 50 percent Amhara, 17 percent Gurage, 17 percent Oromo, 8 percent Tigrawai and the rest consisted of different ethnic groups. Addis Abeba inhabitants were 86 percent Christian with Muslims accounting for only 11 percent of its residents.
The national religion distribution was consistent with expectation. We find, for example, that 61 percent of Ethiopians were Christian, 33 percent Muslim and that 6 percent of our population practice indigenous religions. Consistent with expectation again, Gojjam, Gonder, Wellega and Shewa regions were predominantly Christian while Harerge and Bale were predominantly Muslim. The surprise regions, however, were Arsi, Illubabor, Kefa and Wello where the differences between the proportion Christian and the proportion Muslim were much smaller than one would have expected based on conventional wisdom. Gamo Gofa and Sidamo had a substantial proportion of indigenous religion followers. Indigenous religion was also practiced by a sizable proportion of populations in Kefa and Illubabor residents.
Since the literacy campaign started early in the 1980s its “effectiveness” has become the subject of discussion. Before the census date only 8 percent were reported literate in Ethiopia. In 1984 about 19 percent reported that they were attending schools making the total percent literate as high as 27 percent. The literacy report assumed that those attending schools at the time of the census would have been able to read and write in the language of instruction. This, however, is not necessarily true and literacy status might have been exaggerated. Literacy status in Ethiopia varied by region, gender and rural or urban residence. In rural areas, for example, males were about 2.4 times more likely to be literate whereas in urban areas the gap between the sexes was smaller (1.3 times). As expected, rural areas were the least literate with Gamo Gofa (12 percent) and Kefa (17 percent) falling at the bottom and Arsi and Bale at the top, with 30 percent and 35 percent, respectively.
The increase in the percentage of literate was the result of the literacy campaign. An assessment of the contribution of the literacy campaign vis a` vis the direct and indirect costs incurred on the campaign will have to consider the growth of the school age population, the expansion of schools as well as many other relevant factors, such as duration of the program. Literacy status of the population at present is expected to be much higher than 27 percent. Such rapid increase in literacy status, supplemented
by the observed decline in the observed population-to-medical doctor ratio will translate into a better standard of living in the long run through, for example, higher income and better health.
Many seem to be pre-occupied with questions that relate to ethnicity and religion more than common problems which all our people share including chronic malnutrition, unprecedented poverty, ill health, lack of education and very high unemployment. A careful study of our society will reveal that no single social group has the edge over these and other social indicators. For example, Gojjam which is populated by 87 percent Amhara and 95 percent Christian had one of the highest infant mortality rates (IMR) in 1981 (182 infant deaths for every 1,000 live birth). Wellega, on the other hand, is 89 percent Oromo and 85 percent Christian but had only half the IMR (95 per 1,000) of Gojjam. Gamo Gofa which has a negligible proportion of the largest ethnic groups (the Amhara and the Oromo) and splits its population into 49 percent Christian and 48 percent indigenous religion followers recorded an IMR of 162. This example clearly shows that homogeneity in religion and/or ethnicity (or their lack of) does not explain regional IMR differences not will it inform us of the country’s unacceptably high IMR rate of about 150.
Sometimes differences in social indicators do not always happen in the same direction. An example of this may be obtained from a child mortality study conducted by the author on the settled population of rural Ethiopia. Controlling for literacy status, religion and other background factors, it was found that in the North (Shewa, Gojjam, Gonder and Wello), Amhara children died more often than expected compared to Oromo children. In the rest of the regions (excluding Eritrea and Tigrai) Oromo children died more often than Amhara children. Such differences are brought about by complex social, economic and cultural factors that are not easily reduced to one or two indicators. The public debate should, therefore, be more diverse in its coverage of issues so that we will educate ourselves more about the marvels of our rich cultural heritage. An inaccurate understanding of our demographic realities will only hinder any social reform efforts. Ethnicity and religion should only be discussed in their capacity as proxies for other socio-economic indicators. We may start by expecting writers to substantiate claims. The census and other surveys may serve as starting points in this regard. It is time that we refer to factual data that are within acceptable margins of error when disseminating information on our population. Only then will one tell fact from fiction.
_________________ Abate Mammo, Ph.D., is a demographer by training. He currently works for the State of New Jersey Department of Health as Research Scientist. Statistical tables and references have been omitted.
Ethiopia has not always been ruled by “pure” Amhara and Tigre Monarchs. The fact is that some Oromo blood did indeed flow in the veins of Ethiopian monarchs since the 18th Century. By then the Oromo had already {www:consolidate}d their power after their rise in the 16th Century.
I will indicate in this paper some of the personalities of Oromo descent who {www:exert}ed extraordinary influence on Ethiopian history and governments. The Oromo were important figures throughout the last four hundred years. Crowned as emperors and empresses and granted military and nobility titles, they directed many of the historical events of Ethiopia.
The first close contact between the Oromo and the Ethiopian monarchy occurred when Prince Susenyos, born in 1571, was captured in his youth by the Boren tribe in a battle. This was the beginning of a relationship that marked the political and historical future of Ethiopia.
Prince Susenyos learned the Oromo language and grew up in accordance with the Oromo culture. The Oromo treated him amicably as a prince amongst them.
He joined his relatives at the age of eighteen when he was retrieved in exchange for Oromo captives. When Atse Sertse Dengel died in 1597, some people who feared that Susenyos would ascend to the throne tried to kill him; and he returned to his old friends, the Oromos, for protection and shelter. They welcomed him as a prince once again, and even made him their leader. With the help of his Oromo soldiers, he fought many battles against the Amhara who took over the throne. He was crowned in Gojjam in 1604. He garrisoned two Oromo regiments, Ilmana and Denssa in Gojjam, and made his Oromo soldiers Chewawoch (equivalent to Neftegnoch) over the Amhara peasants. Ilmana Denssa exists to this day as the name of an area in Gojjam.
Atse Susenyos trusted only his time-tested Oromo soldiers. He promoted a number of them to high ranks and filled his palace with them. At times he was so busy with his Oromo friends that he hardly found time to see the Amharas. Inspite of this, some of his Oromo followers who had seen him as their leader felt betrayed when he became an Amhara emperor and left to fight him. The rest remained loyal to him and served him until the end. Even though the Oromo became part of the ruling class during the reign of Atse Susenyos, it was not until the first three decades of the 18th Century that they were able to sit on the Ethiopian throne directly.
The first Oromo empress of Ethiopia was Wabi, whose throne name was Welete-Bersabeh, the daughter of an Oromo chieftain from Wollo. She joined the Solomonic Dynasty when she married Emperor Iyasu Berhan- Seged who ruled Ethiopia from Gonder between 1723 and 1747 Ethiopian Calender. After the death of her husband, Empress Bersabeh’s son, Iyoas, became the emperor of Ethiopia.
Emperor Iyoas appointed Oromos to higher positions like Emperors Susenyos and Iyasu did. He preferred his Oromo kinsmen from Wollo to the Gondere relatives of his grandmother, Empress Mentewab. He brought his Oromo uncles Lubo and Birele from Wollo, and made Lubo his inderasse (viceroy), and appointed Birele as a dejazmach and governor of Begemdir. This was the third time in Ethiopian history when the Oromos and their language dominated the court of an Ethiopian emperor.
A Yejju Oromo chieftain by the name of Ali Gwangul, popularly known as Ali The Great, defeated Atse Tekle-Giorgis I, Emperor of Ethiopia in 1784 and became the ruler of Ethiopia without crowning himself. After his death in 1788 his brother Ras Aligaz succeeded him and ruled Ethiopia for three year.
Around 1802, another Yejju Oromo named Grazmach Gugssa, later called Gugssa The Great, became Ras and reigned over Gojjam, Lasta, Begemdir, Semen, Yejju and Wollo from his capital city Debre Tabor. Upon his death in 1825, his son Ras Imam or Yemam succeeded him and reigned over Ethiopia for three years. His brother Ras Mareeye succeeded him in 1828 and ruled until 1831. Ras Mareeye was succeeded by his brother Ras Dori in 1831. In the same year he marched to Tigrai, took over Axum and defeated Dejazmach Sabagadis, the ruler of Tigrai at the Battle of May Islamay. Before Ras Dori succeeded his brother, he was the governor of Damot. When he left his governorship of Damot, another Oromo by the name Ras Gobena ruled Damot.
Dembia and Quara, the birth place of Emperor Tewodros II in Gonder, were ruled by another Oromo, Dejazmach Alula, the eldest son of Ras Gugssa.
After the death of Ras Alula, his son Ras Ali ruled Gonder. His widowed mother was Weyzero Menen, the daughter of Liben Amede, an Oromo ruler of Wollo. When Atse Yohannes III married her she became Itege, and as such, and Ethiopian empress.
When Atse Tewodros subdued all the Ethiopian princes in his effort to unite Ethiopia, his wife, Itege Tewabech, who was one of the daughters of Ras Ali II and the grand daughter of Itege Menen, became an Oromo empress of Ethiopia.
Ras Gugssa’s grandsons, Merso and Betul (The father of Empress Taitu, Emperor Menelik’s wife), were important noblemen of Oromo descent. When Ras Ali was defeated by Ras Wube, Merso and Betul captured Wube. As a result, Ras Ali rewarded Merso with the governorship of Semen. As the brothers were heading for Semen, Ras Ali changed his mind and arrested the brothers for a while. After a short while he reconciled with them and made them governors of some districts in Gojjam.
Ras Betul had a son named Wele. Emperor Menelik II favored Wele so much that he promoted him to Ras and appointed him to be the governor of Gonder and Yejju. Ras Wele Betul was one of the heroes of the Battle of Adwa. Ras Wele’s son, Ras Gugssa married Queen Zewditu, the daughter of Emperor Menelik, who became the empress of Ethiopia a few years after the death of her father. Upon her ascension to the throne she divorced Ras Gugssa Wele. He retreated to Gonder which he continued to govern.
Negus Mikael of Wollo, whose name had been Muhamed Ali before he was converted to Christianity, was the Oromo king of Tigre and Wollo respectively. His son, Lij Iyasu, who was the grandson of Emperor Menelik, reigned over Ethiopia without crowning himself for three years (1913-1916.) Lij Iyasu’s mother, Woizero Shewarega Menelik is said to be half Oromo through her mother Desta, who was supposed to be an Oromo from Wollo.
An Ethiopian empress of Oromo descent who played a vital role in Ethiopian politics and history in the 2nd half of the 19th Century and the beginning of the 20th Century was Taitu Betul, the wife of Emperor Menelik II. It is true to say that she reigned with Menelik in that unforgettable era of Ethiopian history. She was Menelik’s counselor, as well as policy maker in many state affairs. As a matter of fact, it was she who encouraged Menelik to fight the Battle of Adwa against the Italians, in order to save Ethiopia from European colonization and humiliation. She herself fought at the Battle of Adwa in 1896. She was brilliant and her determination discouraged the Europeans who had colonial {www:scheme}s for Ethiopia.
Dejazmach Wolde-Mikael Gudissa was another great nobleman of Oromo descent who ruled Gola, near Ankober in Shoa. Negus Sahle-Selassie, the great king of Shoa, was his grand father. Emperor Menelik was his cousin.
The Oromo also functioned as military and administrative leaders. Fitawrari Habte-Giorgis Dinegede, was an Oromo who was raised to noblehood by Emperor Menelik II who esteemed his merit very highly. He became a counselor in the government and commander-in-chief of the Ethiopian army in 1896 at the end of the Battle of Adwa. Even though many prominent Amharas, including Liqe-Mequas Abate, wished to be in that post, Menelik appointed Fitawrari Habte-Giorgis.
Fitawrari Habte-Giorgis was known for being a wise statesman who played a vital role in Ethiopian politics. It is true to say that it was because of his influence that Lij Iyasu was replaced by Tefferi Mekonen (Haileselassie I). Had he not been loyal to Emperor Menelik, he had the power and influence to crown himself after the overthrow of Lij Iyasu.
Dejazmach Balcha Aba Nefsso was another great Oromo general who fought in the Battle of Adwa. He ruled Sidamo and Harer and died at the age of eighty fighting against the fascist Italians in 1936.
Ras Gobena Dachi was one of Emperor Menelik’s highly revered generals. As the commander Menelik’s army, he participated in several military campaigns to the south. He was famous for being a great military strategist. He is the most controversial figure among Oromo intellectuals. Some Western-educated Oromos do not even want to hear his name blaming him for conquering the south. Others defend him stating that, after all, he was a great soldier who believed in Ethiopian unity, and who acted in a fashion appropriate for his time to achieve that goal.
The most recent example of Oromo {www:genealogy} involves Empress Menen Asfaw and her husband Emperor Haile Selassie. The last Oromo Empress of Ethiopia, Itege Menen Asfaw was the granddaughter of Ras Mikael of Wollo and the niece of Lij Iyasu. Crown Prince Asfawossen, is her son.
A leader of an Oromo descent who reigned over Ethiopia longer than any monarch was, believe it or not, Emperor Haile Selassie I, whose given name was Teferi Mekonen. His father Ras Mekonen was the son of Dejazmach Wolde-Mikael, the governor of Gola, near Ankober, who was the son of (Ato?) Gudissa. Teferi Mekonen was reputed for being fluent in the Oromo language, even though he spoke it only when the need arose. I believe his mother Yeshimebet Ali, too, was an Oromo whose father was a Muslim. The name of her mother is said to be Wolete-Giorgis. It seems that HaileSelassie was not interested in having the genealogy of his mother revealed for reasons known only to himself. Maybe, it was to conceal the fact that his maternal grandfather was a Muslim. That could be one reason why his biographers, when he was still alive, mentioned only his mother’s first name dropping her father’s name.
There was a rumor that she was a Gurage. However, as I pondered upon the name of her father Ali, I suspected that Ali was an Oromo from Wollo, as there were a number of Alis from there who played a vital role in Ethiopian history. As I posed this question to an elderly lady who happens to be a relative of Emperor Haileselassie, she informed me: “I have heard that Ali was an Oromo from Wore Ilu, Wollo, where my relatives come from. The mother of Yeshimebet was indeed Wolete-Giorgis. She had a half-sister by the name of Mamit Balcha. Balcha was an Oromo.”
From all these facts we can see that those leaders who ruled Ethiopia during the past 250 years were not “pure” Amharas or Tigreans. They were nobles of Oromo descent. Some pseudo-historians do not accept these leaders as Oromos arguing that the mentality and ways of life of these leaders were the same as the Amhara rulers. Others {www:refute} this argument saying that all rulers, regardless of their ethnic background, are the same. It is the nature of power which determines their mentality, behavior and ways of life and not their ethnic identity. Still others assert that Emperor Iyoas, Ali The Great, and Ras Aligaz at least, ruled in a purely Oromo fashion, if there was ever such a fashion.
In spite of these arguments, one fact still remains unchallenged. Ethiopia was also ruled by people of Oromo descent. The Oromos, both nobility and commoners, have influenced the Amhara in a number of ways as evidenced by linguistic, cultural and religious assimilation for the past 400 years.
(Fikre Tolossa, Ph.D., is Assistant Dean of Faculty at Colombia Pacific University in San Rafael, CA and Associate Editor of Ethiopian Review.)
Ethnic pluralism, if handled in the right way, is an asset to the well-being of a nation. Each ethnic group has its own unique features rooted in its language, culture, rituals and value systems. Ethnicity provides a basis for great diversity in society.
Why are European and American scholars interested in studying Ethiopia? One major reason is that Ethiopia is a multi-ethnic nation which has unique cultural, sociological, racial, linguistic and historical features. Foreign scholars study Ethiopia because it is a laboratory of which they lack in their own societies.
Ethiopia has the most vital ingredients necessary for nation-building and in a peaceful political climate Ethiopia could attain rapid progress. However, if the ethnic question is not handled correctly, it will result in great suffering and violence.
Question Of Nationalities
The controversy over nationalities in Ethiopia began in the student movement in the 1960’s. While studying Marxist literature, student movement leaders like Berhanemeskel Reda came across the writings of Lenin, Rosa Luxumberg and Joseph Stalin on the question of nationalities. The work of Stalin, which some say was drafted by L. Trotsky, appealed to the Ethiopian student leaders. According to Stalin, if a people share the same language, culture, psychological make-up, geographical territory, and economic system, then they qualify to be a nation capable of self-determination. Driven by revolutionary fervor and rejection of Emperor Haile Selassie’s government, the Ethiopian student leaders adopted Stalin’s thesis without realizing its negative implications for Ethiopia. In the
case of the Soviet Union, each Soviet republic which qualified as a nation, had the right to determine whether it would stay as part of the Union. This was abstract theory. In practice, Stalin clutched all the republics in an iron fist.
Berhanemeskel Reda and his colleagues realized how dangerous and premature it was to focus on the question of nationalities in Ethiopia and they did not force the issue for public discussion. However, their junior, Walelign Mekonnen, following in the footsteps of Stalin, wrote an essay on the question of nationalities in Ethiopia, and read it to the student body at Haile Selassie I University in 1967/68. Shortly after that, the question of nationalities spread like wild-fire in the student movement, and it was discussed in Ethiopia, Europe and the United States. The “old guards” in Europe and the U.S. such as Haile Fida (even though he promoted Oromo ethnicity after he joined the Derg in 1974), Negede Gobeze, Endreas Eshete, Alem Habtu and others were very cautious when they discussed the issue of nationalities. They preferred to use the terms “region” and “regionalism,” instead of “nation” and “nationalism.” I recall a report I read then, in which Berhanemeskel in an address to an annual congress of Ethiopian students union in Europe in 1971, severely criticized the “old-guards” for their failure to deal with the nationalities question. He even wrote a paper on the topic later from Algeria after hijacking an Ethiopian jet together with other fellow revolutionaries. In this paper, written under the pen name of Tilahun Walelegn, he echoed Stalin’s thesis on nationalities.
Legesse (now Meles) Zenawi, and other younger students who struggled against Emperor Haile Selassie’ regime in the early 1970’s also picked up the idea of the right of nations and nationalities upto self-determination. When Legesse Zenawi was a member of the EPRP, there is no doubt that he read Stalin’s thesis on the question of nationalities.
Theories of struggle
Two basic theories of struggle were advanced to defeating Emperor Haile Selassie’s regime, and later the Derg. One was by means of class struggle, i.e., by the revolt of all the oppressed classes of Ethiopia, regardless of their ethnic origin. The other advocates the mobilization of the ethnic groups or nationalities to liberate their own nations or ethnic regions first and meet in Addis Abeba later to form a coalition government in which the representatives of each nationality or ethnic group would have an equal say. Those who refused to join the coalition were free to do so, if this was the wish of their people proved in a referendum. However, before they held a referendum, there would be open debate on unity, self-determination and secession.
EPRP decided to follow the first line, i.e., the liberation of Ethiopia by the armed insurrection of all the oppressed classes of Ethiopia, irrespective of their ethnic backgrounds. That was why Ethiopians of all ethnic origins joined it until the time of its division. Even though it advocated the right of nations and nationalities for self-determination in principle, gradually it stood for a genuine unity and regional autonomy. In spite of the fact that it supported the struggle of the Eritrean people, and even though its young members shed their blood demonstrating boldly against the Derg’s repression in Eritrea, the EPLF discredited EPRP for refusing to accept the Eritrean question as a colonial one.
Meles Zenawi obviously chose to pursue and to be loyal to the second theory of liberation in which every ethnic group or nationality should wage an ethnic-based struggle against the central government to liberate itself first, and then meet the other victorious ethnic groups in Addis Abeba to form a coalition government. Accordingly, he joined the Tigrai Liberation Front, and ultimately became one of the founders of the Tigrai People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). This way he gave priority to the liberation of Tigrai, his own ethnic group or nationality.
In order to weaken the Derg, the TPLF made alliances with the Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement, a group which split from the EPRP, for a while. Shortly before the fall of Mengistu, the two fronts added (created as some observes say) some more `fronts’ to their ranks. For instance, the Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO) made up of some Oromo intellectuals as well as ex-Derg officers and soldiers joined the TPLF to form Ethiopian People’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF).
From theory to practice
As there were no other major groups fighting the Derg, apart from the EPRDF and the OLF, and the EPRP which was confined to Gonder, the EPRDF marched by itself into Addis Abeba after Mengistu fled the country and the “London peace talks” failed. The EPRDF then called a conference inviting all political and ethnic groups except, the Coalition Of Ethiopian Democratic Forces (COEDF) which included EPRP, to form an interim government. Since the EPRDF believed that Ethiopia’s main problem was ethnicity, it had to “create” and encourage different ethnic groups to participate in the interim government. Ethiopia was divided into twelve ethnically autonomous regions. The EPRDF contended that if regional autonomy is granted to the twelve ethnic regions, which will also be represented in central government, Ethiopia will enjoy peace and stability and conflicts based on ethnicity will disappear. If this approach did not resolve the ethnic problem, the EPRDF believed that Ethiopia will always have a great problem. As Ato Meles Zenawi said in the Conference, “If you don’t open the doors and windows of a house, the people confined in the house will brake the doors and walls and run out in search of fresh air. So, leave the doors and windows open for the people to feel free and relax inside the house.”
Political debate
Critics of the EPRDF argued that self-determination is a scheme designed to tear Ethiopian apart and that ethnicity is not Ethiopia’s most acute problem. If you flung open all doors and windows, the different ethnic groups will surely be tempted to exit and never come back. As a result, Ethiopia will turn into another bloodbath, disintegrate as a nation and disappear as a geopolitical entity. The critics also argued that Ethiopia’s main enemy was the dictatorial Marxist regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam. Now that his government is gone, all Ethiopians of all ethnic groups should unite under a central government on an equal basis with mutual respect and recognition of each other’s languages, cultures, civil rights and with regional, local application of genuine democracy, equality, market economy and privatization of the economy.
The Eritrean question remains critical as ever for EPRDF’s critics. They argue that there is no colonial question involved. Ethiopia’s history is not just sixty years old. The Red Sea, including the port of Adulis, has been Ethiopia’s territory from time immemorial. They blame the EPRDF for encouraging and supporting the separation of Eritrea from Ethiopia. If there is no other alternative than a referendum for Eritrean secession, then the referendum should be held immediately since Ethiopia cannot afford to feed, equip and finance Eritrea
for two good years and thus facilitate a smooth path for Eritrea’s independence at the expense of Ethiopia. They further argue that referendum should be genuine allowing others to present the advantages of unity to the Eritrean people. In order to make the referendum fair and just, unity advocates should be given the opportunity to explain to the Eritrean people the importance of unity on an equal footing within democratic Ethiopia. In addition, Eritrean ethnic groups such as the Afar and the Kunama, must have the right to secede from the Eritrea of the EPLF if EPLF is granted the right to separate Eritrea from Ethiopia. Critics also charge that the interim EPRDF-led government is being manipulated by the EPLF which is glad to see Ethiopia plunged into ethnic wars so that it can achieve its independence without any resistance. Once Ethiopia is destroyed, it is said, the leaders of the TPLF will escape to Eritrea.
EPRDF leaders deny these allegations stating than any other resolution short of a referendum for Eritrea will involve Ethiopia in another war with Eritrea, which Ethiopia cannot afford to wage anyway. They argue that Eritreans have been severely affected by the policy of both Haile Selassie and Mengistu and must at least be able to hold a referendum to determine what the Eritrean people wish to do. In the mean time, it is said, we must show friendship and brotherhood to Eritreans and win their hearts so that they can vote in favor of unity during the referendum.
The supporters of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) (which left the Transitional
Government in protest of the lack of fairness of the June regional election) are raising the question of self-determination including secession for “Oromia.” The EPRDF advocates the right of self-determination up to secession for ethnic groups. Oromia nationalists in the OLF want to practice their “right for self-determination up to secession.” They demand that the Tigrean led EPRDF army should leave all of Oromia including “Finfine” (Addis Abeba). They argue that as there are no Oromo troops in Tigrai, there should not be Tigrean troops in Oromia.
Supporters of the EPRDF argue that Addis Abeba is the capital of all Ethiopians and Oromia does not belong to the Oromos of OLF. They also say OLF has signed the Transitional Government Charter which gives the EPRDF forces the authority and responsibility for maintaining peace and order throughout Ethiopia.
The OLF has its own problems. It has disagreements with Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO) and the Islamic Front for the Liberation of Oromia (IFLO). According to the OLF, OPDO members are neo- Gobenists (a derivation from Ras Gobena, Emperor Menelik’s top military leader who helped bring southern Ethiopia under Menelik’s control). The OLF accuse OPDO as puppets of the Tigreans and claim that OPDO does not represent the Oromo people’s true aspirations. IFLO’s religious agenda is incompatible with the Christian members of OLF.
The OPDO accuses the OLF of creating chaos and killing innocent people and destroying bridges and roads. The OPDO says that it is for unity based on genuine equality in every aspect, contrary to the OLF.
The All-Amhara People’s Organization (AAPO) has accused the OPDO and EPRDF of mass killings of Amharas living in Oromo regions in an act of genocide.
All these problems put the EPRDF’s position on a shaky ground. If the EPRDF wants to remain in Ethiopian politics in the future, it should bring genuine democracy to Ethiopia, allow opposition groups to freely participate in politics, solve the Eritrean problem to the satisfaction of the Ethiopian people, resolve the ethnic conflicts immediately, reform the economy to encourage investment, and maintain law and order through a professional police force that respects the human and civil rights of all people in the country.
____________________ Fikre Tolossa, Ph.D., is Assistant Dean of Faculty at Columbia Pacific University in San Rafael, California.
