From The Economist print edition

AN ATTEMPT at national reconciliation finally sputtered into life this week in Somalia’s battered capital, Mogadishu. Insecurity had delayed proceedings several times before. The place is as dangerous as ever, but the transitional government sounds more determined. Somalia’s internationally recognised but hitherto ineffective president, Abdullahi Yusuf, declared that “not even a nuclear bomb” would distract Somalia’s tribal elders from their task of finding a way forward. But few people are betting on success.
AFP Come back tomorrow, maybe

Indeed, after opening speeches on July 15th, work was promptly adjourned; the organisers said they needed to wait for more participants. But mortars landing around the bullet-riddled garage serving as a conference hall did not help. An insurgency led by the Shabab (“young men”), a hardened jihadist remnant of the militias loyal to the Islamic Courts Union that briefly ran most of Somalia until it was overthrown by an Ethiopian-led force earlier this year, says it will kill anyone who takes part. Somalia’s authorities, backed by Ethiopian troops, have sealed off large parts of the city.

Tribal elders have chattered their way through dozens of reconciliation meetings since Somalia’s central government collapsed in 1991. This time there may be a slightly better chance of groping towards a peace deal leading to elections proposed for 2009, especially if the elders can agree on some relatively simple issues, such as policing, taxation and schools, among other things.

The Shabab know their cause will be in jeopardy if they cannot scotch this latest attempt at reconciliation. Al-Qaeda, which is devoting a lot of rhetoric and resources to turning the Horn of Africa into a new battleground, is equally keen to prevent it from getting anywhere. Much will depend on whether Mr Yusuf and his prime minister, Mohammed Ghedi, can be persuaded to invite moderate Islamists and elders from the Hawiye clan, which predominates in Mogadishu and has been broadly hostile to the government.

In its confusion and scope, there are similarities between what is being tried in Somalia and the setting up of the loya jirga (“grand assembly”) to draft a new constitution in late 2003 in Afghanistan. The difference is that rich and powerful countries have promised virtually nothing towards rescuing Somalia—and Mogadishu is far more dangerous than Afghanistan’s capital, Kabul, was three years ago, particularly for foreigners. Moreover, elsewhere in north-east Africa the mayhem in the Sudanese region of Darfur has grabbed far more attention in international forums.

The African Union, too, has failed to address Somalia effectively. Only Uganda has so far sent peacekeepers, while other African countries make increasingly feeble excuses for their refusal to help out. Diplomats whose governments have been paying for Somalia’s reconciliation conference are unlikely to attend, for fear of being blown up or shot.

Meanwhile, many Somalis are dying of diseases worsened by malnutrition and drowning in overloaded smugglers’ boats in large numbers as they seek a better life elsewhere. The economy is still a wreck. In recent weeks Somali businessmen have been flying back to the safety of Nairobi, the capital of neighbouring Kenya, along with their money. Mogadishu’s big Bakara market has been closed for days; when it is open, grenades and gunfire take the fun out of shopping. And as the reconciliation conference fails to take off in earnest, the danger grows that Mogadishu will soon slide back into anarchy.

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Congressman Donald Payne, Tenth District – New Jersey

For Immediate Release
Contact: Kerry McKenney (202) 225-3436

Washington, DC (July 18, 2007) – The US House of Representative’s Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health today approved HR 2003, the Ethiopian Democracy and Accountability Act which was introduced by Congressman Donald M. Payne, Chairman of the subcommittee, on April 23, 2007. The bill encourages human rights reform in Ethiopia.

“I was dismayed to learn of the hundreds of people killed and the thousands arrested as they attempted to exercise their right to protest the outcome of the May 2005 elections in Ethiopia,” Payne remarked during the hearing. “No one has been held liable for those crimes and political prisoners have been languishing in jail for two years. If the government was serious about democracy, rule of law and accountability, it would hold accountable the security forces responsible for killing citizens and it would free the political prisoners who are only guilty of running for office and winning.”

Approved by a voice vote, the Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health endorsed the legislation which stipulates that the Ethiopian government foster accountability and support democracy or risk losing security assistance. In particular, it requires the withholding of assistance until the President of the United States can certify to Congress that political prisoners are freed, those responsible for the violence related to the 2005 protests are held accountable, freedom of speech and information are respected, and Ethiopian human rights groups are allowed to operate without being harassed. It also authorizes $20 million to support democracy, human rights and economic development in Ethiopia.

On June 16, 2007, the Ethiopian courts sentenced 35 of the jailed political leaders to life in prison for inciting violence and attempting to overthrow the government. The defendants were also denied the future right to vote and to hold public office. Since that time, there have been reports that Prime Minister Meles Zenawi requested that the Pardon Board review the sentences and either recommend amnesty or pardon. “I hope the prisoners are granted full amnesty which includes the restoration of the right to hold public office and vote,” Payne stated.

After the subcommittee met, Payne stated, “I am glad that we are one step closer to the passage of this important bill. With the US government using its influence, we could make major strides toward rectifying the unfortunate events of 2005.”

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By David Monti

On the first day of the athletics competition at the 9th African Games in Algiers, Meseret Defar took the gold medal in the 5000m, crossing the finish line in 15:02.72, a Games record. Her teammate Meselech Melkamu finished second in 15:03.86, while Kenya’s Silvia Kibet took the bronze in 15:06.39.

“It was not very difficult today, because I didn’t run alone,” said Defar referring to the help she received from her compatriots who helped her control the pace.

Defar was the leader at the first kilometer (2:57.95), then traded the lead with Melkamu and the third Ethiopian in the race, Ayano Workitu. Workitu fell back at 3600m, but Melkamu was still running strong, staying with Defar. The three medalists were still in contention for the win with 200m to go when Defar launched two attacks to seal her victory. The first dropped Kibet, and the second Melkamu.

In today’s other final, Willy Komen of Kenya won the men’s 3000m steeplechase in 8:15.11, over compatriot and reigning Olympic gold medalist, Ezekiel Kemboi (8:16.93). Nahom Mesfin of Ethiopia finished third in 8:17.21.

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By Dan Robinson, VOA

A U.S. congressional panel has approved legislation aimed at supporting democracy and human rights in Ethiopia, sending the bill to the House Foreign Affairs Committee. VOA’s Dan Robinson has this report from Capitol Hill.

Lawmakers concerned about Ethiopia have faced the choice of taking steps to pressure the government in Addis Ababa, or waiting for Ethiopia’s leaders to act on their own to improve the human rights and political atmosphere there.

Last year, legislation to pressure the Ethiopian government failed to reach the full House, as the Bush administration pressured Congress to hold off.

On Wednesday, Congressman Donald Payne referred to news reports that a clemency decision may be imminent for 38 opposition figures, including journalists, sentenced to life in prison and lesser terms.

While he hopes clemency is granted, Payne believes passage of this year’s bill is important. “We want to see Ethiopia move back as it has been in the past, a good ally of the U.S, but we can no longer sit by and allow these issues to go without us mentioning them.”

The United States, along with European governments and human rights groups, has condemned the sentencing of opposition leaders, and urged political reconciliation in Ethiopia.

State Department human rights official Barry Lowenkron testified this week before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. “To this day, the crackdown casts a shadow over the Ethiopian government.”

While underscoring Ethiopia’s cooperation in what President Bush calls the global war on terror, the Ethiopia Democracy and Accountability Act calls for the release of political prisoners.

It calls on the State Department to fund human rights, democracy, civil society and rule of law groups and those helping victims of torture.

Although Payne describes the measure as not punitive in nature, it would prohibit non-humanitarian aid to Ethiopia if the government obstructs U.S. human rights and democracy training efforts.

It would also restrict security assistance until the Ethiopian government releases prisoners, holds those in the security forces accountable for human rights abuses related to the crackdown following 2005 demonstrations, respects freedom of speech, and allows human rights groups to operate without harassment.

Other provisions include prohibiting members of security forces from receiving U.S. training, a visa ban for officials accused of gross human rights violations, and support for identifying and extraditing former Mengistu regime members living in the U.S.

Republican Congressman Christopher Smith hopes the legislation will get a vote in the House this year, and asserts that the Bush administration has not pushed Ethiopia’s government hard enough on human rights issues. “The war on terrorism is very important, we all know that. But no regime that terrorizes its own citizens can be a reliable ally in the war on terror. Terrorism isn’t just a military issue, it is also a human rights issue,” he said.

But others have reservations with the wording of the bill.

Republican Michael McCaul says while the Ethiopian government is far from perfect it has shown a willingness to move in the right direction. “I am concerned that the passage of this bill as it is currently written will do more harm than good to the Ethiopian democratic movement, and will hurt our strategic partnership with Ethiopia in combating terrorism. I am also concerned it will have a negative effect on the current negotiations between the government and the opposition,” he said.

“It really does appear that we are taking sides. There is no recognition of the fact that there have been significant advances since the ruling party came to power in 1991,” said Republican Congressman John Boozman shares the concerns.

Democrat Sheila Jackson Lee believes the legislation will be helpful. “I am concerned about the military assistance, but I am listening to how it is to be instructive, because right now although we are about to release a number of prisoners, we still have a series of individuals who are still incarcerated. The question becomes what will happen to them?,” she said.

To become law, the Ethiopia bill would have to be approved by the House and Senate, but would still face potential opposition from the White House.

A spokesman for the House Africa subcommittee told VOA it is hoped the measure will be considered by the Foreign Affairs Committee before the end of July.

As currently written, the measure gives the president authority to ignore the ban on security assistance if doing so is in the interests of U.S. national security, including joint counter-terrorism efforts, and Ethiopian contributions to U.N. peacekeeping.

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110th CONGRESS
1st Session

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

Introduced: April 23, 2007

Mr. PAYNE (for himself, Mr. HONDA, Mr. MORAN of Virginia, Ms. WATSON, and Mr. CLAY) introduced the following bill; which was referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs

A BILL

To encourage and facilitate the consolidation of peace and security, respect for human rights, democracy, and economic freedom in Ethiopia.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,

SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE.

This Act may be cited as the `Ethiopia Democracy and Accountability Act of 2007′.

SEC. 2. STATEMENT OF POLICY.

It is the policy of the United States to–

(1) support the advancement of human rights, democracy, independence of the judiciary, freedom of the press, peacekeeping capacity building, and economic development in the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia;

(2) seek the unconditional release of all political prisoners and prisoners of conscience in Ethiopia;

(3) foster stability, democracy, and economic development in the region;

(4) collaborate with Ethiopia in the Global War on Terror; and

(5) strengthen United States-Ethiopian relations based on the policy objectives specified in paragraphs (1) through (4).

SEC. 3. FINDINGS.

Congress finds the following:

(1) The people of Ethiopia have suffered for decades due to military conflicts, natural disasters, poverty and diseases, regional instability, and the brutal dictatorship of the military junta under Mengistu Haile Mariam. Hundreds of thousands of civilians were brutally murdered by the Mengistu regime, including women and children. Many more sacrificed their lives fighting for freedom, respect for human rights, and to bring an end to the brutal dictatorship of the Mengistu regime. Members of that murderous regime are currently living in Europe, the United States, and Africa.

(2) In May 1991, the brutal dictatorship of the Mengistu regime came to an abrupt end when the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) defeated the Mengistu army. In July 1991, the EPRDF and a coalition of other political groups established a transitional government in Ethiopia. A number of liberation movements joined the transitional government in a spirit of a new start and the building of a democratic Ethiopia. These groups included the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), and many others.

(3) Since the ouster of the Mengistu regime in 1991, the EPRDF-led government instituted a multiparty system and organized 3 regional and national elections and a number of local elections. The 1995 and 2000 elections were largely boycotted and judged to be neither free nor fair. Some opposition groups participated in the 2000 elections, giving such groups 12 seats in the 546-seat parliament.

(4) The May 2005 pre-election period and the conduct of the elections in Ethiopia were seen by observers to be transparent, competitive, and relatively free and fair, although there were a number of problems reported. More than 90 percent of registered voters participated and dozens of political parties took part in the elections. Moreover, some international groups observed the elections, unprecedented access to the mass media was given to the opposition, and there were televised debates between the government and the opposition. Some political parties and armed political groups boycotted the 2005 elections. However, trained local groups were barred from observing the elections.

(5) Despite apparent improvement in the electoral process, preliminary election results announced by the Government of Ethiopia shortly after the May 15, 2005, elections were seen by observers as questionable. The opposition accused the Government of Ethiopia of stealing the elections and called for civil disobedience, which resulted in the killing of demonstrators and detention of opposition leaders and thousands of their followers, including 11 elected members of parliament and the elected mayor of Addis Ababa.

(6) The Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD), the United Ethiopian Democratic Forces (UEDF), and the ruling EPRDF reached an agreement to resolve disputed election results peacefully with the help of the National Electoral Board (NEB). The NEB investigated more than 299 complaints and later agreed to hold reruns in 31 constituencies. In late August 2005, the NEB held reruns in the 31 constituencies as well as in all 23 constituencies in the Somali region, where elections had been postponed due to insecurity.

(7) Election results show that opposition parties won 170 seats in the national parliament, a significant increase from the 12 seats they won in the last elections. Opposition parties also won the city council in Addis Ababa, giving them control over the capital. An estimated 150 of the 170 opposition members of parliament have taken their seats. In early May 2006, the Government of Ethiopia appointed a caretaker government in the capital. Members of parliament from the CUD walked out of parliament in protest. The CUD won the city, but the designated mayor has been in detention since November 2005.

(8) Human rights conditions deteriorated significantly after the May 15, 2005, elections in Ethiopia and overall human rights conditions in the country remain poor. The Department of State, in its 2005 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, noted a myriad of human rights abuses by the Government of Ethiopia. Moreover, journalists and editors of the independent press have been and continue to face harassment and prosecution for alleged violations of press laws in Ethiopia. Dozens of journalists have fled the country, and some are currently in exile fearing prosecution or harassment.

(9) In June 2005, more than 35 demonstrators were killed by Ethiopian Government security personnel and in November 2005 an estimated 53 people were killed, including 7 policemen, according to Human Rights Watch and several other reports. The violence against these victims occurred after pro-opposition groups went to the streets of the capital to protest government actions in handling the elections results of May 2005. Tens of thousands of people suspected of being opposition supporters were detained over the past months, although many of these detainees were released. Nonetheless, government security forces continue to abuse opposition leaders, supporters, and family members.

(10) An estimated 112 political leaders, human rights activists, community leaders, and journalists, including the chairman of the CUD (Hailu Shawel), the newly elected Mayor of Addis Ababa (Berhanu Nega), and the founder of the Ethiopian Human Rights Council (Professor Mesfin Wolde Mariam), were imprisoned and charged with treason and genocide. These measures were deliberately taken to stifle and criminalize opposition party activity in the country. The measures also were intended to intimidate and silence independent press and civil society, raising serious question about the Ethiopian Government’s commitment to democracy and good governance.

(11) According to Department of State’s 2006 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, `human rights abuses [in Ethiopia] reported during the year included: limitation on citizens’ right to change their government during the most recent elections; unlawful killings, and beating, abuse, and mistreatment of detainees and opposition supporters by security forces; poor prison conditions; arbitrary arrest and detention . . .’.

(12) Whereas the Ethiopian Parliament established an 11-member Commission of Inquiry to `investigate the disorder and report to the House of People’s Representatives in order to take the necessary measure’. The Commission was tasked to investigate whether government security forces used excessive force, caused damage to life and property, or showed a lack of respect for human rights. The Commission was mandated to investigate the June 8, 2005, and November 1-10, 2005, violence in different parts of the country.

(13) Whereas members of the Commission of Inquiry visited several regions, reviewed police reports, met with prisoners and government officials, made 122 radio and TV announcements to the public, examined 16,990 documents, and took testimonies from 1,300 people.

(14) Whereas the Commission of Inquiry concluded that 763 civilians were injured and 193 killed. The Commission also reported that 71 police officers were injured and 6 killed. Damage to property was estimated at $512,588. The Commission also reported that more than 30,000 civilians were detained, some were tortured, and prisoners in Kaliti were killed.

(15) Whereas the Commission of Inquiry reported that security forces fired 1,500 bullets at prisoners, killing 17 and injuring 53. The Commission stated that civilians did not use weapons and reported bank robberies by demonstrators did not take place. The Commission’s deliberations were video-taped and votes were taken on key findings on July 3, 2006.

(16) Whereas shortly after the Commission of Inquiry reached its decision, the Ethiopian Government reportedly began to put pressure on Commission members to change their report. The Chairman of the Commission, a former Supreme Court President of the Southern Region of Ethiopia, was told by a senior advisor of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi to call for an emergency meeting of the Commission in order to change the Commission’s report.

(17) Whereas the Commission of Inquiry was scheduled to give its report to the Ethiopian Parliament on July 7, 2006, but the Parliament was adjourned a day early. Several Commission members, including the Chairman and the Deputy Chair, left the country with the final report, other documents relevant to the investigation, and several video tapes of the Commission deliberations.

(18) Whereas in November 2006, the Chairman of the Commission of Inquiry and another Commission member presented the Commission’s report and briefed Members of the United State Congress.

(19) Whereas in November 2006, at a congressional briefing with members of the Commission of Inquiry, a young women named Alemzuria submitted her testimony about what happened to her mother, Etenesh Yemam. Alemzuria’s father was elected in May 2005 as Council Member of in Addis Ababa. Subsequently security personnel came to arrest him at his home and then shot Etenesh Yemam as she pleaded for her husband’s release.

(20) Whereas the Commission of Inquiry investigated the killing of Etenesh Yemam and confirmed beyond doubt what happened on that dreadful day. Etenesh Yemam’s husband still languishes in prison while Alemzuria remains a refugee in another African country.

SEC. 4. SUPPORT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS IN ETHIOPIA.

The Secretary of State shall–

(1) establish a mechanism to provide financial support to local and national human rights groups and other relevant civil society organizations to help strengthen human rights monitoring and regular reporting on human rights conditions in Ethiopia;

(2) establish a victims support network to provide legal support for political prisoners and prisoners of conscience and to assist local groups or groups from outside Ethiopia that are active in monitoring the status of political prisoners and prisoners of conscience in Ethiopia;

(3) seek to increase the independence of the Ethiopian judiciary through facilitation of joint discussions for court personnel, officials from the Ethiopian Ministry of Justice, relevant members of the legislature, and civil society representatives on international human rights standards;

(4) create and support a judicial monitoring process, consisting of local and international groups, to monitor judicial proceedings throughout Ethiopia, with special focus on unwarranted government intervention on strictly judicial matters, and to investigate and report on actions to strengthen an independent judiciary;

(5) establish a program to strengthen private media in Ethiopia, provide support for training purposes, offer technical and other types of support as necessary, and expand programming by the Voice of America to Ethiopia; and

(6) establish a mechanism to identify and extradite members of the Mengistu Haile Mariam regime and the current government residing in the United States who were engaged in gross human rights violations and work with other governments to identify and extradite such persons, including Mengistu Haile Mariam.

SEC. 5. SUPPORT FOR DEMOCRATIZATION IN ETHIOPIA.

(a) Strengthening Local, Regional, and National Democratic Processes- The Secretary of State shall–

(1) provide assistance to strengthen local, regional, and national parliaments and governments in Ethiopia through training in consultation with government authorities, political parties, and civil society groups;

(2) establish a program focused on reconciliation efforts between the Government of Ethiopia and peaceful political and civil society groups, including in minority communities, in preparation for negotiation and for participation in the political process;

(3) strengthen training for political parties in Ethiopia in areas such as organization building and campaign management; and

(4) provide training for civil society groups in election monitoring in Ethiopia.

(b) Democracy Enhancement-

(1) ASSISTANCE- United States technical assistance for democracy promotion in Ethiopia should be made available to the ruling party as well as opposition parties in Ethiopia.

(2) RESTRICTION-

(A) IN GENERAL- Nonessential United States assistance shall not be made available to the Government of Ethiopia if the Government of Ethiopia acts to obstruct United States technical assistance to advance human rights, democracy, independence of the judiciary, freedom of the press, economic development and economic freedom in Ethiopia.

(B) DEFINITION- In this paragraph, the term `nonessential United States assistance’ means assistance under any provision of law, other than humanitarian assistance, assistance under emergency food programs, assistance to combat HIV/AIDS, and other health care assistance.

SEC. 6. ENSURING GOVERNMENT SUPPORT FOR HUMAN RIGHTS, DEMOCRACY, AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN ETHIOPIA.

(a) Limitation on Security Assistance; Travel Restrictions-

(1) LIMITATION ON SECURITY ASSISTANCE-

(A) IN GENERAL- Except as provided in subparagraph (B), security assistance shall not be provided to Ethiopia until such time as the certification described in paragraph (3) is made in accordance with such paragraph.

(B) EXCEPTION- Subparagraph (A) shall not apply with respect to peacekeeping or counter-terrorism assistance. Peacekeeping or counter-terrorism assistance provided to Ethiopia shall not be used for any other security-related purpose or to provide training to security personnel or units accused of human rights violations against civilians.

(2) TRAVEL RESTRICTIONS- Beginning on the date that is 60 days after the date of the enactment of this Act and until such time as the certification described in paragraph (3) is made in accordance with such paragraph, the President shall deny a visa and entry into the United States to–

(A) any official of the Government of Ethiopia who–

(i) has been involved in giving orders to use lethal force against peaceful demonstrators in Ethiopia; or

(ii) has been accused of gross human rights violations;

(B) security personnel of the Government of Ethiopia who were involved in the June or November 2005 shootings of demonstrators;

(C) security personnel responsible for murdering Etenesh Yemam, as described in paragraphs (20) and (21) of section 3; and

(D) security personnel responsible for murdering prisoners at Kaliti prison in the aftermath of the election violence.

(3) CERTIFICATION- The certification described in this paragraph is a certification by the President to Congress that the Government of Ethiopia is making credible, quantifiable efforts to ensure that–

(A) all political prisoners and prisoners of conscience in Ethiopia have been released, their civil and political rights restored, and their property returned;

(B) prisoners held without charge or kept in detention without fair trial in violation of the Constitution of Ethiopia are released or receive a fair and speedy trial, and prisoners whose charges have been dismissed or acquitted and are still being held are released without delay;

(C) the Ethiopian judiciary is able to function independently and allowed to uphold the Ethiopian Constitution and international human rights standards;

(D) security personnel involved in the unlawful killings of demonstrators, Etenesh Yemam, and Kaliti prisoners are punished;

(E) family members, legal counsel, and others have unfettered access to visit detainees in Ethiopian prisons;

(F) print and broadcast media in Ethiopia are able to operate free from undue interference and laws restricting media freedom, including sections of the Ethiopian Federal Criminal Code, are revised;

(G) licensing of independent radio and television in Ethiopia is open and transparent;

(H) access in Ethiopia is provided to the Internet and the ability of citizens to freely send and receive electronic mail and otherwise obtain information is guaranteed;

(I) the National Election Board (NEB) includes representatives of political parties with seats in the Ethiopian Parliament and guarantees independence for the NEB in its decision-making;

(J) representatives of international human rights organizations engaged in human rights monitoring work in Ethiopia are admitted to Ethiopia without undue restriction; and

(K) Ethiopian human rights organizations are able to operate in an environment free of harassment, intimidation, and persecution.

(4) WAIVER-

(A) IN GENERAL- The President may waive the application of paragraph (1) or (2) on a case-by-case basis if the President determines that–

(i) the Government of Ethiopia has met the requirements of paragraph (3); and

(ii) such a waiver is in the national interests of the United States.

(B) NOTIFICATION- Prior to granting a waiver under the authority of subparagraph (A), the President shall transmit to Congress a notification that includes the reasons for the waiver.

(b) Treatment of Political Prisoners and Prisoners of Conscience-

(1) IN GENERAL- The President, the Secretary of State, and other relevant officials of the Government of the United States shall call upon the Government of Ethiopia to immediately release all political prisoners and prisoners of conscience, especially prisoners held without charge.

(2) TORTURE VICTIM RELIEF- While it is the responsibility of the Government of Ethiopia to compensate the victims of unlawful imprisonment and torture and their families for their suffering and losses, the President shall provide assistance for the rehabilitation of victims of torture in Ethiopia at centers established for such purposes pursuant to section 130 of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 (22 U.S.C. 2152).

(c) Sense of Congress- It is the sense of Congress that the Government of the United States should–

(1) encourage the Government of Ethiopia to enter into discussions with peaceful political groups in order to bring such groups into full participation in the political and economic affairs of Ethiopia, including their legalization as a political party; and

(2) provide such assistance as is warranted and necessary to help achieve the goal described in paragraph (1).

SEC. 7. SUPPORT FOR ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN ETHIOPIA.

(a) Resource Policy Assistance- The President, acting through the Administrator of the United States Agency for International Development, shall provide assistance for sustainable development of Ethiopia’s Nile and Awash River resources, including assistance to help Ethiopia with the technology necessary for the construction of irrigation systems and hydroelectric power that might prevent future famine.

(b) Health Care Assistance- The President, acting through the Administrator of the United States Agency for International Development, shall provide material support to hospitals and health care centers in Ethiopia, especially hospitals and health care centers in rural areas.

SEC. 8. REPORT.

Not later than 180 days after the date of the enactment of this Act, the President shall transmit to Congress a report on the implementation of this Act, including a description of a comprehensive plan to address the security, human rights, democratization, and economic freedom concerns that potentially threaten the stability of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia .

SEC. 9. AUTHORIZATION OF APPROPRIATIONS.

(a) In General- There are authorized to be appropriated to carry out this Act $20,000,000 for each of the fiscal years 2008 and 2009.

(b) Availability- Amounts appropriated pursuant to the authorization of appropriations under subsection (a) are authorized to remain available until expended.