In the last few hundred years, our nation have had its share of historical moments – The introduction of Christianity; The introduction of Islam; The unification of Ethiopia; The beginning of dictatorship part I – Derg and the beginning of dictatorship part II – Woyanne. All of the above and more have shaped our nation to what it is today. It can be argued that some of the historical facts contributed to its failure while others led to its triumph. The one point all of us agree on is that our country is not in its ideal state, to put it politely. So if we agree on this fact, what is our wish for our country? How can we achieve this wish? And, who can take us there?
On the reality of Ethiopia today
The state of our nation is in more disarray than it had ever been. The gap between the Haves and Have Nots is wide and widening everyday. The rampant corruption is making it possible for the few to amass the wealth. The human rights abuse on those who choose to participate in the political process is sharply increasing. The killing of the Ogadenis is a daily event. Among decent and reasonable people, the extent of how bad the woyanne government maybe debatable; however, almost all do agree that there is a problem and that problem needs mending
On the wish of our people
I am absolutely sure all of us wish the best for our nation. We wish for the creation of a state that is free of human rights abuse, free of war, free of corruption, equal justice to all. Economically, we would like our nation to be a land of plenty, not a land of empty. As much as we are proud of our ancestral ethnicity, none of us wish for the demise of another’s ethnicity. In short, we want the best for our nation and our nation is Ethiopia – a land of diversity.
On the process of achieving our wish
The process of achieving our wish maybe the most difficult and challenging piece of the puzzle. Even though we have a common wish, we may choose different paths to get to our ultimate goal. What are the different paths we as a people can take? The first path is to do nothing and hope the current government of Ethiopia will fix all our problems for us. The second path is to create and support an arms group who will eventually change the current regime by force. The last path is to create a non-violence movement that will eventually change the current make-up of the government to achieve a just society.
Obviously doing nothing and hoping the current regime will make it better is a fairy-tale. This government has proven over and over again that it is not interested in the formation of a just nation. Just look at its party name: The Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front. Have you ever wondered why the Woyannes still use ‘front’ in their party name? In a military context, Front is “The foremost line or part of an army” 1 This basically means our nation is still being led by an armed group who just does not want to let go its past. The lack of EPRDF to change itself into a true civilian leadership is what is causing much anguish to our people. I am sure you all know the nail/hammer analogy. “If all you have is a hammer, every problem looks like a nail” In this case, If all you have is a gun, every problem looks like an enemy combatant. I don’t believe the second alternative, changing the government with arm is a viable option at this given time. I don’t think it is viable because this way of changing government had failed to create a sustainable peace and development in more countries than I can count.
The last alternative is to create a non-violence movement that will eventually change the current make-up of the government. This method will work because your ultimate goal in this fight is to change the system of the government, not necessarily abolish the ruling party. The ruling party should be able to participate in the political process to achieve the just nation all of us are yearning for. In fact, it would be difficult to achieve the ultimate goal without including the ruling party. This movement; however, needs many courageous people both inside and outside of the nation if this method is expected to bring about a real change. Internally, the opposition politicians and legitimate press have to continue to identify and broadcast the unjust that is being perpetrated on the people of Ethiopia. Externally, the Diaspora needs to continue their support to the opposition leaders both financially and intellectually. In addition, the Diaspora should help the leaders of the Western world understand that the people of Ethiopia are under siege and need their help sooner than ASAP! Prime example is HR 2003 which just got a unanimous vote by the House of Representatives in the U.S. Congress. So, which leaders are best equipped to help us achieve long term peace and development using the method of Non-violence?
On choosing our Leaders
Leadership had always been an elusive concept in the History of Ethiopia. In fact, I dare say that we have been cursed with Leaders. Unfortunately, our curse did not stop even with the most loved opposition party, the CUD. I don’t need to go into details, but I am sure you all have heard the rift between the Chairman of the CUD and the rest of the CUD Leaders. Personally, I don’t care about the personalities who are involved in the rift. What is and should be important is who is/are the best leader/s who can take our nation from the valley of poverty into the mountain top? Who is yearning for a change than yearning for Power? After spending many days following the interviews and speeches made by the CUD Leaders, I have decided that one group is fighting for Ethiopia while another is fighting for personal glory.
It is crystal clear to all who have the capacity to reason, Dr. Berhanu and his colleagues are true intellectuals who have real plans to take Ethiopia out of its misery. In addition to their intelligence, they are persons of character who stick to the rules no matter what. On the other hand Ato Hailu Shawel is a person who is hungry for power and don’t even want to follow the rules of the party he is a chair of. Here are few examples of Ato Hailu’s inability to follow rules:
1. Didn’t want to be part of North America Delegation just because his way was rejected.
2. Appointed the last three members of CUD North America (from jail) without the support of any of the CUD members who were in jail with him.
3. Attempted to appoint other three members, again without the support of his leadership team.
4. Appointed Dr. Taye Woldesemayat to the leadership role without the support of his leadership team.
I don’t know about you, but if I wanted a Dictator to lead me, I would have voted for Meles Zenawi in the 2005 election. As a person who chooses democracy for my great people, I am proud to follow the Non-violence movement that is being waged by Dr. Berhanu Nega!
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Netsanet can be reached at [email protected]
[see below a response by Woyanne ministry of foreign]
Eritrea and Ethiopia seem well on their way to starting yet another destructive war. Tensions between the two Horn of Africa countries have hovered near a boiling point ever since Eritrea wrenched its independence from Ethiopia. In the late 1990s, the two fought a vicious battle over an inconsequential border town that left 100,000 dead.
The treaty that ended this last bloody war included a new border drawn by the United Nations. With a November deadline for the border about to go into effect, Ethiopia is balking at the deal after seven years of dragging its feet. Eritrea, also no innocent victim, has violated the treaty, sending troops into the demilitarized zone.
The Bush administration has been very cozy with Ethiopia since Ethiopian troops ousted a radical Islamist government in Somalia last year. And officials have had some success pushing Ethiopia to do the right thing, gaining the release of some political prisoners in July. Now the administration should be using its influence to press Ethiopia to recognize and demarcate the border and talk with Eritrea to lower tensions.
Washington has considerably less influence in Eritrea. At the moment President Isaias Afewerki — who makes most of the decisions — is refusing to talk to American diplomats. But instead of looking for other ways to reach out, the Bush administration has threatened to list Eritrea as a state sponsor of terror.
Eritrea has some very frightening friends. It has given safe haven to Islamists from Somalia and has shipped weapons there, fueling the civil war. The list of terror sponsors is a very blunt instrument (no state has yet been taken off it), and one that is unlikely to alter Eritrea’s behavior any time soon. There is, however, a very immediate danger that Ethiopia would see Washington’s decision to list Eritrea as a green light to attack its neighbor.
What the administration needs to do now is press Ethiopia to respect the treaty. If something isn’t done quickly, we fear many more Eritreans and Ethiopians will die for no reason. There is time to put Eritrea on the list of terror sponsors if it doesn’t clean up its act.
Correction: October 19, 2007
An editorial published on Wednesday about tensions between Ethiopia and Eritrea said incorrectly that no country had been taken off the list of state sponsors of terrorism. Iraq and Libya have been removed.
________________________________ Response from the Woyanne lie factory
October 18, 2007, Addis Ababa
No Urgent Matter than Restoring the Agreement on Cessation of Hostilities
The process to achieve sustainable peace between Ethiopia and Eritrea, under way since 2000, is at a critical stage. Demarcation cannot be carried out. It is not because Ethiopia is dragging its feet. It is because demarcation is not a priority for Eritrea. Ethiopia has always been ready for dialogue and for the normalization of relations with Eritrea. Ethiopia does not need to be pressed: “to recognize and demarcate the border and talk with Eritrea to lower tensions.” The New York Times (October 17 editorial) shows little knowledge of the position of the respective parties to the conflict.
The New York Times is, however, correct when it says Eritrea “has violated the treaty, sending troops into the demilitarized zone.” This, in fact, is the crux of the matter. Eritrea has violated the Agreement on Cessation of Hostilities. This provided for a buffer zone, the Temporary Security Zone (TSZ), between Ethiopian and Eritrean forces. The Zone was created by the voluntary withdrawal of Ethiopian troops from areas inside Eritrea put under Ethiopian control following the counter offensive to repulse Eritrean aggression. This buffer Zone put the two armed forces at a distance of 25 kms from each other. This condition was insisted upon by Ethiopia. With Eritrean troops taking over the Zone, the Agreement is now in tatters.
At present, the most urgent matters between the two parties are the restoration of the TSZ, the removal of the restrictions placed by Eritrea on UNMEE and full compliance with the provisions of the Agreement on Cessation of Hostilities. Ethiopia has been insisting on this over two years. Ethiopia’s Notification to Eritrea should be seen in this context. Ethiopia is still awaiting the response of Eritrea. In the meantime, Ethiopia must reiterate that there can be no more urgent matter than full, not partial, compliance with the Agreement of Cessation of Hostilities.
With regard to the demarcation of the boundary, as it has frequently pointed out, Ethiopia is ready to carry out its obligation in conformity with customary international practice. This cannot include “virtual demarcation” on paper. Any attempt at “virtual demarcation” is fraught with danger. It is likely to end up legitimizing irresponsible behavior. Eritrea has shown its capacity for irresponsibility all too often. Ethiopia would urge the Security Council to exercise wisdom and common sense in this regard.
The Security Council has repeated in many of its resolutions that demarcation of the boundary is primarily the responsibility of the two parties. We agree, but this means acceptance of responsibility for a dialogue, a preparedness to normalize relations and a willingness to accept third party facilitation, primarily that of the Secretary-General of the United Nations. Ethiopia is certainly ready for all this. It will also provide an answer to the question of what happens after November 2007. In the meantime, there can be no more urgent matter than the restoration of the Agreement on Cessation of Hostilities without which demarcation of the border cannot be carried out.
Dear brothers and sisters in the struggle for democracy, human rights, and the rule of law,
I am hereby breaking my self-imposed silence on the matter of the Kinijit leadership crisis. And I am motivated to do so by Professor Mesfin Woldemariam’s recent interviews on Deutche Welle and VOA. I did not want to say anything thus far for two reasons. First, I knew instinctively that the problem was bigger than the explanations given by both parties, and I did not want to speak prematurely. Secondly, I did not want to make an already bad situation worse by adding fuel to the fire. Well, the proverbial genie is out of the bottle now, and I am in a position to express my views based on reliable eye witness account, thanks to Professor Mesfin Woldemariam.
I am quite comfortable to take Professor Mesfin woldemariam at his word. Telling the truth and telling it like it is has been his trademark both as a man and as a professional. And I am certain that he would not misrepresent the truth just before he went for a major surgery. Democracy requires openness, and I have taken my cues from him. I have read and I have heard the attacks against him for being open, and that is the price one pays in Ethiopian political discourse. The alternative is to disengage and do nothing, but that does not help the cause. So, I have chosen to stay engaged and risk the usual response from expected and unexpected quarters. I strongly believe that we should not be afraid to criticize our friends if they are wrong and wrong headed.
I know this runs against the grain of our secretive tradition, but we must overcome it and move on. We can’t talk about democracy at every turn and ignore the rules of democratic engagement. If all we do is criticize those we don’t like and glorify those we do like, no matter what the facts on the ground tell us, we will not be helping the democratic cause at all. Some people are criticizing Professor Mesfin for being open and for telling the truth. I for one applaud him and respect him even more than I have ever respected him in the past. Oh how I wish and pray that we could all catch his dream and determination to chart a truly open and democratic path.
I have followed the current drama surrounding the Kinijit leadership crisis with a great deal of interest, consternation, and dismay. I have read the accounts written on the subject so far, and I have listened to radio and website broadcasts and interviews. But I was still at a loss as to what the real problem was until I listened to Professor Mesfin Woldemariam’s recent interview with VOA and Deutche welle.
On the surface, it appeared that the problem was one of protocol and process, and that is what the protagonists told us at every stop. But the script never matched the realities on the ground, and it has not explained why the Kinijit leaders, fresh out of prison, would engage in such open and risky displays of political gamesmanship on a world stage. It simply does not make sense, and it does not add up. And why did they bring their dirty political laundry across the ocean for all to see and hear? Wouldn’t it be better to resolve their differences before they came, or wait until they return home? What is to be gained by this divisive spectacle?
The public statements made by both sides have been window dressing at best and misleading and unsatisfactory at worst. We now know what the real story is. According to Professor Mesfin Woldemariam, the crisis is caused by personal ambition and power struggle within the core Kinijit leadership. But power struggle for what? Is Ethiopian history repeating itself once again? Oh how true it is that “the more things change the more they remain the same”. Someone else said that “insanity is doing the same thing over and over and expect different results”. Life does not work that way. Wreaking havoc for power and personal gain has been the whole mark of Ethiopian politics, and the current crisis is so familiar, and it fits that age-old profile Ethiopian political tradition. It is high time for a radical, political paradigm shift. Ethiopian politicians of all stripes must learn their role as “public servants” and recognize and accept the fact that power belongs to the people.
In his interview, Professor Mesfin expressed frustration, disappointment, and justified anger, and he extended a clarion call to the Ethiopian people to own their freedom and say no to unbridled personal ambition by incumbent and aspiring political leaders alike.
In his usual blunt and unambiguous manner, Professor Mesfin has gone on record condemning blind personal ambition for power and the shenanigan surrounding the efforts to gain it. And I couldn’t agree with him more. Professor Mesfin gave his interview just before he went to surgery to make sure that his thoughts are registered for the record. Mindful of unforeseen and unintended complications in surgery, he wanted to make sure that the truth would be known as he saw it. And I for one am convinced in the veracity of his statements and the motivation behind them. I find Professor Mesfin a credible witness, a clear communicator, and a fearless individual.
Hundreds and thousands of Ethiopians went out on a limb and stuck their necks out to defend and support Kinijit and its leaders during the hour of crisis. Ethiopians with democratic dreams supported and identified with Kinijit’s dreams for Ethiopia’s future, and went out on demonstrations and lobbied against tyranny and arbitrary rule. In addition, Kinijit supporters provided badly needed financial assistance. Soul searching and stirring poems have been written, and powerful lyrics and patriotic melodies have been sung by talented artists praising Kinijit’s new and refreshing vision for Ethiopia. Hundreds died for the democratic dream, and hundreds more sustained life-long scars and wounds fighting for the cause. Thousands suffered, and still suffer, in unsanitary prisons and solitary confinements. And now this!
Kinijit’s current state of affairs is confusing, incomprehensible, disappointing, untimely, and politically suicidal. Inability to deal with political in-fighting in an orderly and timely fashion is a serious flaw for any political party, and it casts a long shadow on the party’s maturity, credibility, and staying power. Squabbles among party members should not be allowed to rise to such high levels of interference with weighty national matters. In the case of Kinijit, the stakes are sky high, and the challenges ahead are formidable. Squandering political capital unnecessarily and unwisely is the worst possible mistake a political party can make. Political credibility takes time to develop and promote. But like anything else in life, it can be lost quickly.
Meles Zenawi and company must be laughing their heads off right now, and they probably wish that they had released the Kinijit leaders much sooner, and perhaps not jailed them at all. This kind of dirty laundry with an international audience watching and listening is devastating. And the lack of accurate, convincing, and timely information makes matters worse, because it gives the rumor mill a chance to fill in the blank and exacerbate the problem, which is exactly what has happened here.
In a democratic system, political parties and political leaders have an obligation to inform their constituency and explain issues that impact the public good. That is why many feel that Kinijit owes its constituency an explanation regarding the current situation. Both sides in this crisis admit that there really is no major problem in the party. But they can’t even talk to each other. So, what actually happened? When did it happen? And why did it happen? As indicated above, the public statements made so far are simply inadequate and unconvincing. It is claimed over and over that the issues surrounding Kinijit are trivial. But trivial or not, the conflict has caused the head of the party and the delegation to boycott the much publicized North American tour. Engineer Hailu Shawel is no ordinary party member. He is the head of Kinijit and the designated leader of the delegation currently touring North America. But so far, his interviews and public pronouncements have run parallel to the rest of the delegation.
It is not uncommon for political leaders to have strong disagreements and serious differences of opinion on issues. And no one expects the Kinijit leaders to be perfect. But by the same token, the current spectacle is clumsy and unbecoming for a political party that claims to have the ability and the wisdom to govern a country. This is not acceptable behavior and it is not responsible. And the sooner this situation is brought under control the better it will be for Kinijit and its future, as well as the future of Ethiopia. More often than not, what hurts politicians most is not the mistake they make. What hurts them most is the subsequent effort of cover up and rationalization.
For far too long, Ethiopian politicians have made mountains out of mole hills and have thereby caused incalculable pain and suffering. The last forty years will go down in Ethiopian history as the most mindless and misguided period. And what is so ironic about the tragedies that have taken place in Ethiopia in the last forty years is that the most educated and the most traveled Ethiopian elites have been responsible for such tragedies.
Antagonism, rigidity, lack of meaningful communication, lack of cooperation, misunderstanding, trigger-happy reactions, character assassination, a false sense of pride and personal honor, a know it all attitude, a tendency to demonize and dehumanize real and imagined opponents, false steps and assumptions, wrong conclusions and divisiveness, personal ambition, and endless power struggles have been trade marks of Ethiopian politics so far. And as the African saying goes, “when two elephants fight it is the grass that gets hurt”. The Ethiopian people have been victimized by such tragic political miscalculations and flaws, and it is time to stop such destructive behavior once and for all. People are tired of political business as usual. Talk is cheap after all. It is not enough to talk about democracy. It is now time to walk the democratic walk by resolving political differences with accommodation, communication, compromise, decorum, and statesmanship.
A great deal of talk has occurred about accountability. Like any other political party, Kinijit must be held accountable by its constituency. And a good starting point right now is providing accurate information so people can make informed and rational decisions. True to form in Ethiopian political discourse, there has been a lot of posturing, name-calling, and mud-slinging in the last few weeks. Each side claims that the other side is to blame for the problem and that only the other side must change its ways. Ladies and gentlemen, we have heard that before, and we know its consequences too well. It is a deadly habit that has caused irreparable damage to our country, our history, and our long suffering people. There will be no democracy if we can’t live at peace with those whose views differ from ours, and respect them in spite of the differences. We have tried everything else, and nothing has worked. So, it is high time to try something new and fresh, and submit to the will of the Ethiopian people to choose their political leaders and hold them accountable.
In June of 2006, Tsehay Publishers organized a conference in Los Angeles to discuss wide ranging issues related to Ethiopia. Among the participants of that conference were Dr. Negede Gobezie and Ato Kiflu Tadesse. I will never forget the statement Ato Kiflu Tadess made in his speech. He said that if EPRP and MIESON leaders had communicated and compromised, the death and destruction that ensued would have been avoided. Henry Kissinger once said that “great tragedies in history occur, not when right confronts wrong, but when two rights face each other”. It is clear that we have not learned the crucial lesson from our sordid and painful political past. It is said that compromise is the art of politics, and it is that lesson we have yet to learn.
At that same conference, Alemtsehay Wodajo made what I thought was a profound statement. With artistic flair, she stated emphatically that it is time to stop begging political leaders for favors. Instead, she recommended that the people must reclaim what is rightfully theirs and exercise their legitimate power. It is politicians who should ask the people for favors, not the other way around. Alemtsehay concluded her remarks by reminding her audience to stand up and be counted, and warned political leaders that time will catch up with them if they keep thinking that political power is an entitlement with no accountability.
In conclusion, please allow me to share some personal views. I have never been a member of any political party, but I have supported causes that I feel are just. And I have actively contributed to causes I believe in. I believe in the causes of democracy, human rights, and the rule of law that Kiniit has been fighting for so valiantly and with a great deal fortitude. But I must admit that the current crisis among the Kiniji leaders has hit me between the eyes, and I am fighting cynicism and discouragement with all my might. I just can’t believe that a group of people who have fought hard and who have paid dearly for a democratic common cause can trip over each other so easily, and so soon after their release from one of the harshest prisons in the world. Hard times that are commonly shared usually create bonding and strong common cause. What exactly went wrong here? Why would there be power struggle when there is no power? And why now when the very survival of Kinijit as a party is at stake and uncertain? God knows what the next months and years will bring. To engage in power struggle motivated by personal ambition at this particular time simply makes no sense.
I am well aware of the fact that some people may think that I have criticized the Kinijit leaders unfairly, perhaps even harshly, in this article. And I may receive the usual treatment of name-calling and mud-slinging. So be it! I do not believe in vilifying and demonizing those I don’t agree with, and glossing-over and glorifying those I like and support. Instead, I believe in accountability and fair play as well as openness. I sincerely believe that Kinijit has contributed to the democratic cause in Ethiopia in significant ways, and I have said so publicly on more than one occasion.
The Kinijit leaders have paid a heavy price to promote democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. But unfortunately, the party’s internal workings have not been stellar when it comes to conflict resolution among its ranks. Both before the 2005 election and since, Kinijit has been beleaguered by internal squabbles and serious divisions, so much so that even the name Kinijit may not continue to be its name in the future. To reassure its members and supporters, Kinijit needs to be more disciplined as a party and speak with one voice. The sky has not fallen and all is not lost yet. There is still time for redemption. But Kinijit needs to shift gear as soon as possible and move from damage control and spin doctoring to dealing with the fundamental issues at hand.
I believe that the current situation with Kinijit is symptomatic of personality vs party politics. The Kinijit leaders talk a great deal about collective leadership. But the party is often undermined and seriously compromised by key individual players who hijack the collective cause. I believe Kinijit has a democratic vision for Ethiopia, but that vision has to be translated to credible, consistent, mature, and disciplined party politics. Accommodation, compromise, and discipline create stability and reassurance. I support Kinijit and its noble and sacred national cause. But I refuse to support any party or individual blindly and slavishly, no matter who they are or what they have done in the past. I hope and pray that Kinijit comes out of this crisis stronger and more cohesive. And may God help its leaders! A friend of mine said the following recently; “Ethiopia must be God’s full time job these days.”
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Prof. Adugnaw Worku can be reached at [email protected]
Ethiopia’s eminent scholar, human rights advocate, and one of the founding fathers of Kinijit, Professor Mesfin Woldemariam, gave interviews to the DW (German Radio) and VOA on Tuesday from his hospital bed in India. Both interviews focused on the leadership crisis inside Kinijit.
The professor’s interview on VOA, in particular, was a complete rebuke of Hailu Shawel’s failed leadership. It may well have sealed Ato Hailu’s fate as chairman of Kinijit. At the same time, his endorsement of Bertukan Mideksa to lead the party is a big boost to Kinijit’s collective leadership. In that sense, Prof. Mesfin’s VOA interview was beneficial. But many of his other points were uninformed, confusing and off the mark. His interview with the DW was particularly negative and demoralizing. Fortunately, the VOA interview, which followed a few hours later, was much better and some what uplifting.
Let’s start with Prof. Mesfin’s argument that the current leadership crisis inside Kinijit is in large part caused by a power struggle between Ato Hailu Shawel and Dr Berhanu Nega, which is far from reality. The fact is that Dr Berhanu is not going after Ato Hailu’s job. He is not even in line to be the top leader of the party any time soon. Kinijit’s bylaws require that some one has to be an executive committee member to be elected as a chairman. Berhanu Nega is not an executive committee member. Prof. Mesfin’s argument that there is a power struggle between Hailu and Berhanu is therefore baseless.
Even if it is true that Dr Berhanu is going after Ato Hailu’s job, what is wrong with that as long as he does it by trying to get the majority of the central council members on his side? Does that warrant Ato Hailu’s recent divisive comments and his refusal to implement the majority decisions of his colleagues?
In politics it is normal to forge alliances in order to attain power as a means for turning one’s vision into a reality. If it is done within the bounds of the party’s rules and procedure, and without being divisive (undermining the party’s integrity as Hailu Shawel is doing now), there is nothing wrong with vying for power. That is what politicians do.
Having said that, charismatic, domineering leaders like Berhanu Nega must be closely scrutinized and forcefully challenged. Otherwise, their blind supporters usually turn them into demagogues and dictators. If Dr Berhanu falters, it would be because of friends who lie to him and fail to challenge him, not because of his detractors. Look how Hailu Shawel’s corrupt friends brought about his disgrace and political demise. In that context, Prof. Mesfin’s stinging criticism (unfairly) directed at Dr Berhanu does no harm to him, depending on how he takes it. It can only make him a better leader, and a greater asset to Kinijit. The emotional reaction to Prof. Mesfin’s criticism by SOME OF Berhanu Nega’s supporters is disappointing, to say the least. Stop being sycophants.
The other point Prof. Mesfin raised is that the Kinijit delegation should have stayed in Ethiopia to resolve the problems faced by the party instead of going on a worldwide tour. Perhaps Prof. Mesfin was not informed that Kinijit didn’t have a penny when the leaders got out of jail, thanks to Hailu Shawel’s friends who left the party’s treasury empty. Without money Kinijit cannot move an inch.
On top of raising funds, the Kinijit delegations are currently conducting intense diplomatic works in Europe and the U.S., with a great deal of success. The delegates’ presence in the U.S. Congress when H.R. 2003 was voted on last month no doubt had a positive influence. However, raising funds for the party was a top priority and that is what the leadership is currently doing. Even if Ato Hailu disagrees with the majority on this matter, he doesn’t have the right to do what he is doing now. In a democracy, the majority has the right to make mistakes. As a chairman, his responsibility is to chair, not to dictate.
It is also hard to believe that had the delegation delayed its travel to the U.S., as Prof. Mesfin suggested, the leadership crisis would have been resolved. The reason Ato Hailu did not want the delegation to travel to the U.S. is that he doesn’t want them to investigate his corrupt friends in North America — Shaleqa Joseph Yazew and Ato Mogus Brook. That is why he changed his plan to go to Germany and rushed to the U.S.
As expected, the so-called financial report that was presented at Hailu Shawel’s public meeting last Sunday (Oct. 14) in Washington DC attempted to exonerate the Shaleqa group. The report states that only $72,000 was sent to Ethiopia in the past two years. This is out of close to $1.2 million that was collected from Kinijit supporters in North America. Currently, only $12,000 remain in the account, according to the report that was accepted and endorsed by Ato Hailu. Of the $72,000 that was sent to Ethiopia, reportedly to support the families of the jailed Kinijit leaders and members, $0 was given to those who needed the money the most, like the families of Kinijit Central Committee member Wzr. Nigist Gebrehiwot who went through terrible financial hardships. When Wzr. Nigist and others came out of jail, Ato Hailu gave them some money, which some of whom took as a personal favor and started accusing the other Kinijit leaders of ignoring their plight. What Wzr. Nigist and the others who were ignored do not realize is that the money they received from Hailu Shawel as a personal favor was in fact collected in their name. The question remains: if Wzr. Nigist and others did not receive any of the $72,000 that was sent to Ethiopia, who took it? And where is the over $1 million that was collected for Kinijit if only $12,000 remain in the account now? It is because Ato Hailu doesn’t want to answer such questions that he is creating all this mess. Corruption – that is the bottom line here.
What Hailu Shawl got himself in now is the worst financial scandal in the history of Ethiopian opposition parities — for which he is responsible both by commission and omission. And it is this scandal and the attempt by Ato Hailu to cover it up — at any cost — that is the root cause of the leadership crisis — not power struggle, as Prof. Mesfin argued.
Prof. Mesfin has also said that the jailed leaders should have not excluded members of Kinijit Central Council who joined the Woyanne parliament from the decision making process when they got out of jail. Let’s not forget that many of the Council members who were not jailed had failed to respect the party’s majority decision not to join the parliament. It would have been a mistake to bring back those council members to the decision-making process right away without establishing some kind of procedure that would inquire into their failure to adhere to the party’s most important decision that had required total compliance from every one. A political party must be able to enforce its decisions. Otherwise, it will cease to exist as a viable organization. Those council members who joined the parliament disregarding the council’s decision must be held accountable. That doesn’t mean they should be banned from the party permanently. But they have to explain themselves first through a formal proceeding before they are brought back to the decision making process of the party.
The Kinijit leaders, according to Prof. Mesfin, think that just because they were jailed they think of themselves as big heroes and that the accolade they are receiving from Kinijit supporters in Ethiopia and around the world is getting to their heads. There is no evidence of that so far, but this kind of criticism is needed to help keep the leaders humble. We need some one like Prof. Mesfin, a fatherly figure, to keep the Kinijit leaders on their toes. We have had too many bad experiences with popular leaders going astray.
Prof. Mesfin said in his interview with the VOA that Hailu Shawel has failed to provide leadership and has been unable to keep the party united. Ato Hailu not only failed to provide leadership, he is totally immersed in gross corruption. He must be impeached and removed from the chairmanship before he does further damage to the party and the struggle. Make a good case study out of him for future leaders.
Without saying it in so many words, that was the message Prof. Mesfin tried to convey — a message for Ato Hailu to resign.
As Prof. Mesfin said, Wzt. Bertukan is more than qualified to lead Kinijit. She is intelligent, competent and caring. What is even more required from a Kinijit leader at this point is the humble, low-keyed, yet firm personality of Bertukan who is careful not to bruise the egos of Kinijit’s big men.
We wish Prof. Mesfin Woldemariam a speedy recovery.
Ethiopia’s eminent scholar, human rights advocate, and one of the founding fathers of Kinijit, Professor Mesfin Woldemariam, gave interviews to the DW (German Radio) and VOA on Tuesday from his hospital bed in India. Both interviews focused on the leadership crisis inside Kinijit.
The professor’s interview on VOA, in particular, was a complete rebuke of Hailu Shawel’s failed leadership. It may well have sealed Ato Hailu’s fate as chairman of Kinijit. At the same time, his endorsement of Bertukan Mideksa to lead the party is a big boost to Kinijit’s collective leadership. In that sense, Prof. Mesfin’s VOA interview was beneficial. But many of his other points were uninformed, confusing and off the mark. His interview with the DW was particularly negative and demoralizing. Fortunately, the VOA interview, which followed a few hours later, was much better and some what uplifting.
Let’s start with Prof. Mesfin’s argument that the current leadership crisis inside Kinijit is in large part caused by a power struggle between Ato Hailu Shawel and Dr Berhanu Nega, which is far from reality. The fact is that Dr Berhanu is not going after Ato Hailu’s job. He is not even in line to be the top leader of the party any time soon. Kinijit’s bylaws require that some one has to be an executive committee member to be elected as a chairman. Berhanu Nega is not an executive committee member. Prof. Mesfin’s argument that there is a power struggle between Hailu and Berhanu is therefore baseless.
Even if it is true that Dr Berhanu is going after Ato Hailu’s job, what is wrong with that as long as he does it by trying to get the majority of the central council members on his side? Does that warrant Ato Hailu’s recent divisive comments and his refusal to implement the majority decisions of his colleagues?
In politics it is normal to forge alliances in order to attain power as a means for turning one’s vision into a reality. If it is done within the bounds of the party’s rules and procedure, and without being divisive (undermining the party’s integrity as Hailu Shawel is doing now), there is nothing wrong with vying for power. That is what politicians do.
Having said that, charismatic, domineering leaders like Berhanu Nega must be closely scrutinized and forcefully challenged. Otherwise, their blind supporters usually turn them into demagogues and dictators. If Dr Berhanu falters, it would be because of friends who lie to him and fail to challenge him, not because of his detractors. Look how Hailu Shawel’s corrupt friends brought about his disgrace and political demise. In that context, Prof. Mesfin’s stinging criticism (unfairly) directed at Dr Berhanu does no harm to him, depending on how he takes it. It can only make him a better leader, and a greater asset to Kinijit. The emotional reaction to Prof. Mesfin’s criticism by SOME OF Berhanu Nega’s supporters is disappointing, to say the least. Stop being sycophants.
The other point Prof. Mesfin raised is that the Kinijit delegation should have stayed in Ethiopia to resolve the problems faced by the party instead of going on a worldwide tour. Perhaps Prof. Mesfin was not informed that Kinijit didn’t have a penny when the leaders got out of jail, thanks to Hailu Shawel’s friends who left the party’s treasury empty. Without money Kinijit cannot move an inch.
On top of raising funds, the Kinijit delegations are currently conducting intense diplomatic works in Europe and the U.S., with a great deal of success. The delegates’ presence in the U.S. Congress when H.R. 2003 was voted on last month no doubt had a positive influence. However, raising funds for the party was a top priority and that is what the leadership is currently doing. Even if Ato Hailu disagrees with the majority on this matter, he doesn’t have the right to do what he is doing now. In a democracy, the majority has the right to make mistakes. As a chairman, his responsibility is to chair, not to dictate.
It is also hard to believe that had the delegation delayed its travel to the U.S., as Prof. Mesfin suggested, the leadership crisis would have been resolved. The reason Ato Hailu did not want the delegation to travel to the U.S. is that he doesn’t want them to investigate his corrupt friends in North America — Shaleqa Joseph Yazew and Ato Mogus Brook. That is why he changed his plan to go to Germany and rushed to the U.S.
As expected, the so-called financial report that was presented at Hailu Shawel’s public meeting last Sunday (Oct. 14) in Washington DC attempted to exonerate the Shaleqa group. The report states that only $72,000 was sent to Ethiopia in the past two years. This is out of close to $1.2 million that was collected from Kinijit supporters in North America. Currently, only $12,000 remain in the account, according to the report that was accepted and endorsed by Ato Hailu. Of the $72,000 that was sent to Ethiopia, reportedly to support the families of the jailed Kinijit leaders and members, $0 was given to those who needed the money the most, like the families of Kinijit Central Committee member Wzr. Nigist Gebrehiwot who went through terrible financial hardships. When Wzr. Nigist and others came out of jail, Ato Hailu gave them some money, which some of whom took as a personal favor and started accusing the other Kinijit leaders of ignoring their plight. What Wzr. Nigist and the others who were ignored do not realize is that the money they received from Hailu Shawel as a personal favor was in fact collected in their name. The question remains: if Wzr. Nigist and others did not receive any of the $72,000 that was sent to Ethiopia, who took it? And where is the over $1 million that was collected for Kinijit if only $12,000 remain in the account now? It is because Ato Hailu doesn’t want to answer such questions that he is creating all this mess. Corruption – that is the bottom line here.
What Hailu Shawl got himself in now is the worst financial scandal in the history of Ethiopian opposition parities — for which he is responsible both by commission and omission. And it is this scandal and the attempt by Ato Hailu to cover it up — at any cost — that is the root cause of the leadership crisis — not power struggle, as Prof. Mesfin argued.
Prof. Mesfin has also said that the jailed leaders should have not excluded members of Kinijit Central Council who joined the Woyanne parliament from the decision making process when they got out of jail. Let’s not forget that many of the Council members who were not jailed had failed to respect the party’s majority decision not to join the parliament. It would have been a mistake to bring back those council members to the decision-making process right away without establishing some kind of procedure that would inquire into their failure to adhere to the party’s most important decision that had required total compliance from every one. A political party must be able to enforce its decisions. Otherwise, it will cease to exist as a viable organization. Those council members who joined the parliament disregarding the council’s decision must be held accountable. That doesn’t mean they should be banned from the party permanently. But they have to explain themselves first through a formal proceeding before they are brought back to the decision making process of the party.
The Kinijit leaders, according to Prof. Mesfin, think that just because they were jailed they think of themselves as big heroes and that the accolade they are receiving from Kinijit supporters in Ethiopia and around the world is getting to their heads. There is no evidence of that so far, but this kind of criticism is needed to help keep the leaders humble. We need some one like Prof. Mesfin, a fatherly figure, to keep the Kinijit leaders on their toes. We have had too many bad experiences with popular leaders going astray.
Prof. Mesfin said in his interview with the VOA that Hailu Shawel has failed to provide leadership and has been unable to keep the party united. Ato Hailu not only failed to provide leadership, he is totally immersed in gross corruption. He must be impeached and removed from the chairmanship before he does further damage to the party and the struggle. Make a good case study out of him for future leaders.
Without saying it in so many words, that was the message Prof. Mesfin tried to convey — a message for Ato Hailu to resign.
As Prof. Mesfin said, Wzt. Bertukan is more than qualified to lead Kinijit. She is intelligent, competent and caring. What is even more required from a Kinijit leader at this point is the humble, low-keyed, yet firm personality of Bertukan who is careful not to bruise the egos of Kinijit’s big men.
We wish Prof. Mesfin Woldemariam a speedy recovery.
