In the November 2006 issue of the British Journal of Health Psychology, entitled “Mind the gap in intelligence: Re-examining the relationship between inequality and health, author Satoshi Kanazawa from the London School of Economics and Political Science argued under the guise of an allegedly “objective” and statistically supported study that “individuals in wealthier and more egalitarian societies live longer and stay healthier, not because they are wealthier or more egalitarian but because they are more intelligent” (pg. 623). By this logic, diseases are allegedly associated with low national IQs in developing countries with Ethiopia heading the list with the lowest national IQ of 63 out of 185 nations followed by Sierra Leone.
The author, building upon his own previous theories that have not gained any recognition, and through showing an insignificant correlation between income, on the one hand, and life expectancy at birth, infant mortality and age-specific mortality rate, on the other, attempts to prove that there is a strong correlation between intelligence and life expectancy at birth, infant mortality and age-specific mortality rate. He further tries to expound this argument on a microlevel through surprisingly applying verbal intelligence test measured by GSS rather than IQ test to measure intelligence. The conclusion being as noted above.
The author heavily overelies in the majority of his work on highly controversial figures
like A. Jensen, and works like and “the Wealth of Nations” (by Lynn and Vanhanen) from which he uncritically copies the national IQ measurements!
In the highly controversial, and the Wealth of Nations, the IQ measurements and methodology are strongly criticized, which makes the work as a whole unreliable.
Even though so-called “national IQs†(if such a category/measurement can be viable at
all) for most of the 185 nations they study do not exist at all, they find ‘creative’ ways to undertake the measurement. So for example the national IQ for El Salvador is calculated out of the average of the national IQ for Guatemala and Colombia since they are both neigbours of the country in question? But in the case of Kyrgyzstan, they calculated the national IQ through an average of Iran and Tukey in which both are not negibours of the country in question. While in the case of Vietnam they calculated the national IQ out of the average of that of China and Thailand, even though historically the vietnamese are not related to the Thai while there is strong ethnic, cultural and historical affiliation to China.
From here, the authors ignore the ethnic diversity and heterogeneity of third world
countries, the shifting and imposition of national boundaries and movement of populations via immigration, for example, factors which all deem the calculation of a
national IQ impossible, not to mention Kanazawa’s conclusions. If empirically tested, one
can assume to find that Ethiopians in the Diaspora enjoy a healthier life than those at
home even though their IQ, according to Kanazawa, is necessarily the same since it’s
genetically inherited!
In addition, one wonders if a calculation of IQ is possible at all, and if so considering the
culturally biased current IQ measurement tests if their results are of any applicibality to
third world people, not to mention that the correlation between IQ tests and intelligence
which Kanazawa heavily relies on is one that awaits proof.
Furthermore, the Copenhagen Consensus Project have showed that deficiency in iodine
results in lower IQ scores and thus the relationship between inequality and IQ scores,
since particuarly in inland territories where iodine is scarce, only people with capacity
can obtain it. Also, the “Flynn Effect” that indicates that IQ scores improve with time is
totally neglected for the benefit of genetic explanations of IQ?! Moreover, Kanazawa
explains poorly why IQ itself cannot be a consequence of income inequality.
A quick look at the table by Lynn and Vanhanen of national IQs and a comparison
between Denmark and the US shows that even though Denmark ranks higher in
egalitarianism and wealth, the US still leads in life expectancy at birth, infant mortality
and age-specific mortatlity. Findings from the table Kanazawa himself so relies upon conflict strongly with his conclusions.
After carefully reading Kanazawa’s article, I came to see clearly that it is a miserable
attempt to stir debate through imposing his bankrupt theories of the Savanna Principle
and the evolution of general intelligence on the academic community and thus gain some
recognition! Having said that, I believe it is still a mistake to leave these views
unchallenged. The ideological conviction behind these views invokes only Western race
theorists of the 19th century that brought to the emergence of the Eugenics movement.
From here, I call upon Ethiopian and African health and medical professionals to
challenge these views publicly. I further call for the formation of a body of scholars that can follow and challenge such disgraceful views.
The pre- and post-elections political activities of Ato Lidetu Ayalew require serious examination and analysis by political scientists and historians. ER’s intention here is not to do that, because we do not have all the facts. What ER wishes to accomplish in this commentary is to try to give a more complete picture of circumstances surrounding Lidetu’s fall from grace. ER believes that our political leaders and those of us who are closely following our country’s politics can benefit from such a discussion.
It is a well established fact that Lidetu had a major role in Ethiopian politics in the past decade as a leading opposition figure. No one can deny the fact that he was instrumental in the defeat of the Meles regime at the ballot box in May 2005. In a series of televised debates before the elections, he delivered a knockout blow to the TPLF brain trust with his rhetorical firepower that was unmatched by any current Ethiopian political leader. One week before the May 15 elections, he received a hero’s welcome at a huge rally in Meskel Square that was attended by over a million people. The other CUD leaders received little or no attention from the crowd at the rally. Every where he traveled, he was received with admiration and respect. His photos were posted on walls and utility poles in cities around the country. He was THE most popular politician in the country and a leading figure in the movement against the Meles dictatorship. In a matter of few months, all that has changed. Currently, Lidetu is one of the most hated politicians in Ethiopia. Any one who says any thing positive about him, or even seen talking with him is called a traitor. ER itself received a lot of grief for interviewing Lidetu a few days ago. How did this happen? How could a man who was so loved and admired by millions of people becomes one of the most vilified politicians in a matter of days? Is the onslaught against him warranted?
ER believes that although Lidetu may not deserve to be called a traitor, and definitely not a Woyanne, he has brought all this on himself. How?
1. Timing
There were four parties, but three power centers inside the Coalition for Unity & Democracy (CUD) when it was formed in February 2005. The first one was the All Ethiopian Unity Party (AEUP) led by Ato Hailu Shawel. The second one was Kestedamena led by Dr Berhanu Nega, and the third was UEDP-Medhin led by Lidetu–although the chairman was Dr Admasu Gebeyehu. The fourth member of the coalition, Ethiopian Democratic League (EDL), the smallest of the four parties, had an insignificant role in the coalition. Its leaders mostly sided with Dr Berhanu Nega and acted as Kestedamena members. After the elections, the UEDP-Medhin chairman Dr Admasu Gebeyehu began to identify himself more with the CUD than his own party. He even stopped attending UEDP-Medhin’s meetings. So it was Lidetu who tried to represent the UEDP-Medhin in the coalition.
Lidetu’s party, UEDP-Medhin, had more members and its candidates won more seats in the 2005 elections than any of the other parties in the CUD. But after the elections, UEDP-Medhin, particularly its younger leaders, were sidelined by the AEUP and Kestedamena leaders with the help of the UEDP-Medhin chairman. The UEDP-Medhin chapters and committees inside the country and around the world stopped receiving any direction on how to proceed as members of the CUD. The older officials of the UEDP-Medhin–particularly the chairman, Dr Admasu Gebeyehu and vice-chairman Dr Hailu Araya–were coopted by the AEUP and Kestedamena leaders. They found to have more in common with the AEUP and Kestedamena leaders than the young turks (Lidetu et al) in their own party. They often voted against Lidetu and Mushe inside the CUD executive committee while the others voted party line. By July 2005, an alliance of AEUP, Kestedamena and the older members of the UEDP-Medhin emerged against Lidetu & Company inside the CUD.
The CUD troika–Hailu Shawel, Berhanu Nega and Lidetu Ayalew–that defeated the Meles dictatorship in the ballot box transformed into two warring factions–one led by Hailu Shawel and the other by Lidetu Ayalew. Berhanu Nega, who has his own strong following, joined the Hailu Shawel camp. He might have seen the popular Lidetu as a long-term threat to his own political ambition. The AEUP-Kestedamena leaders, who are much older, much wealthier, and had much more advanced education, did not see the young leaders of UEDP-Medhin as their equals. They looked down on them more as rabble-rousers than level-headed politicians. Most of Lidetu’s and Mushe Semu’s ideas and proposals were dead on arrival at the CUD Council meetings. It seemed that some times they rejected Lidetu’s ideas just to irk him. He in turn did not respect their approach to politics, and forcefully challenged them. His style was confrontational, and blunt, antagonizing many of the CUD leaders who are sensitive to diplomatic niceties. He was particularly disrespectful towards Ato Hailu Shawel. The two disliked each other.
During the heated internal debates inside the CUD leadership regarding how to react to the gross election fraud that the Meles regime committed, Lidetu and allies pushed for a more populist approach. They opposed going to the courts and the diplomatic community to protest the vote fraud. They wanted to confront the Meles regime through rallies, general strikes and other popular actions. They vociferously argued that going to the courts, which are controlled by the Meles regime, was useless.
The tension between these two camps continued to threaten the survival of the CUD. Some how the coalition survived through the elections, but break up was inevitable as the differences in ideology, strategy, and style of leadership were too wide apart for the two groups to remain together. With all the distrust, lack of mutual respect, and built up resentment, the only way for the CUD to survive was for one of the two camps to give in, or be destroyed by the other. The stubborn Lidetu, by then organizationally a lot weaker, was not about to give in. So, first the Hailu Shawel camp carried out a divide and conquer policy on UEDP-Medhin. They successfully brought many of the UEDP-Medhin leaders to their side. Then they gave a green light to their supporters to politically destroy Lidetu. As young politicians who are new to intraparty battles, Lidetu and allies lost out to the more experienced politicians. In politics, timing is every thing–none more so than in intra party battles. So instead of accepting defeat, and waiting for the right time to wage another battle, Lidetu and allies went on a kamikaze (suicide) mission.
2. Not responding to false rumors and fabricated stories
Knowing the rhetorical firepower of the Lidetu camp, his opponents in the CUD made sure than Lidetu is politically dead and buried. None of his opponents believed that Lidetu was a Woyanne or a traitor. In a number of discussions ER held with the top CUD leaders, their complaint about Lidetu had never been that he is a Woyanne. Their main worry was that he is a populist and a reckless leader who could have them all killed. Accusations of recklessness and hotheadedness was not enough to defeat Lidetu in the court of public opinion. So rumors started surfacing about Lidetu meeting with Sebhat Nega and other Woyanne leaders. Fabricated stories were published in newspapers, such as Lidetu received money from Al Amoudi, took up residency in Sheraton Hotel free of charge, etc. Confident that no body would believe such rumors, Lidetu failed to respond. In our culture, any thing written down is taken seriously, no matter how false the story is. But Lidetu simply brushed off the flood of rumors and negative newspaper reports about him. At the time, ER had asked Lidetu several times to interview him so that he could refute the damaging stories against him. He refused to do so saying that it is not necessary. He said that the people would not trust any of the negative stuff that was being said about him. How wrong he was! His silence gave credence to the rumors.
3. Sycophant supporters
Lidetu made a series of blunders, all of them as a result of his unwillingness to listen to the advise of others. This is a major flaw in his character. But how did he came to be like that? The answer lies in the sycophantic support he was getting from his friends and followers. Blind supporters have destroyed the careers of a number of promising leaders. Lidetu is one of their victims. They made him out to be an all-knowing, omnipotent leader. For a young politician in his 30s, such adulation and flattery no doubt had a corrupting effect on his character. Surrounded by an army of sycophants and zealots who worshipped him, Lidetu thought that he could not do any thing wrong, and he didn’t need advise from any one.
ER views sycophantic followers of political leaders with contempt. They are a scourge on Ethiopian politics.
4. Unwise words and decisions
Lidetu’s popularity and credibility with the people remained intact even after he was expelled by the CUD executive committee in late October 2005. He was expelled because he refused to surrender UEDP-Medhin’s official stamp he was keeping as secretary of the party after the four parties have merged to make CUD a unitary party. At the meeting of UEDP-Medhin executives, he was outvoted in favor of giving up the stamp that was needed to finalize the merger. But he refused, arguing that only the general meeting of the party can decide on such an issue. His legalistic stand did not have a strong foundation since at a previous general meeting the members had given the executives a mandate to make all merger-related decisions on their behalf. Politically, too, his decision was suicidal, because he was going against a strong desire by the people to make CUD a unitary party. Lidetu was portrayed as a divisive figure who was an obstacle to unity. If he wanted to take a principled–and what he believed was a legal–position, he should have resigned and gone home, instead of dragging himself and his allies through the ugly fight that was to follow. His irrationally stubborn stand caused so much unnecessary pain to so many people, particularly his supporters.
Lidetu didn’t stop there. When Meles unleashed his Federal Police and Agazi death squads on CUD leaders and members, he was not heard uttering any word of condemnation. To make matters worse, he wrote a book that condemns the jailed leaders and spoke out against them on radio and newspaper interviews while they were languishing in jail. What he was saying in the book and the interviews could be factual, but the timing was not right. It was also politically and morally incorrect to attack those who cannot defend themselves.
When the Meles regime unleashed a brutal attack on CUD leaders and supporters, Lidetu should have put aside his political differences and expressed solidarity with his former colleagues, no matter how much unfairly he felt they treated him. The least he could have done was to distance himself as far away as possible from the fascist regime that is brutalizing the people whose votes it has stolen. Instead, what Lidetu did was to show up in the parliament in the same stage with Woyanne mass murderers who had gunned down some of his own supporters just a few weeks ago. No wonder why his supporters felt betrayed. The Woyanne propaganda machine that used to demonize Lidetu for the past ten years jumped on the opportunity to exploit his appearance in the parliament a short distance away from the tyrant.
With all the complaints against Lidetu until that time, had he boycotted the parliament, his popularity as a political leader would not have significantly changed. The false rumors and fabricated newspaper reports against Lidetu had a negative impact on his popularity, but what hurt him the most and probably irreparably damaged his political career were his own unwise words (attacking the jailed leaders), and his own unwise decision (entering the fake parliament).
Can Lidetu revive his political career?
There is no doubt that Lidetu can revive his political career if he takes some steps to address the grievances against him. Ethiopians are the most forgiving people. If Lidetu wants to get back in the people’s good graces, he is well advised to do the following:
1. Organize and lead a boycott of the Woyanne parliament until all the opposition leaders and members are released
2. Demand the immediate resignation of the Meles regime for stealing the people’s votes, murdering unarmed civilians, illegally detaining tens of thousands of innocent civilians, etc.
3. As a political leader, listen what the people are saying
4. Admit mistakes and apologize
Individuals like Lidetu come one in a million. He is a gifted orator and has a brilliant mind. With experience and age, he has the potential to be a great political leader. It would be a great loss and a tragedy for our country if all the contributions Lidetu made and the sacrifices he paid for freedom and democracy in the past 10-15 years are discounted because of a few ill-advised decisions he made and unwise words he spoke. What Lidetu went through in the past ten months can only make him a better person and a better politician if he does what needs to be done. But if he thinks that he didn’t make any mistake, refuses to tune in to the heartbeat of the people, and continues to show up in the same stage with the number one terrorist in Ethiopia, Meles Zenawi, he would be digging his own political grave deeper and deeper.
CHICAGO — Adamasu Gebre, inventor and owner of various United States patents directed toward navigation and real time traffic technology, announced that he has entered into a licensing and technology agreement with Thales Navigation, Inc. relating to its manufacturing and distribution of navigation products incorporating real time traffic features such as the Magellan Roadmate 760 and 860T.
“I am glad that we were able to come to terms with one of the major players in the United States navigation market” said Gebre. “We have now come to terms with Thales Navigation. Since license negotiations are ongoing with other navigation market participants, we anticipate announcing other similar arrangements in the near term.”
In 2005, Gebre filed a lawsuit in the federal district court in Chicago against NAVTEQ and Motorola alleging infringement of U.S. Patent Nos. 5,247,439 and 5,297,049. [Civil No. 05-C-6895] Gebre alleged that NAVTEQ’s NavTraffic product and Motorola’s vehicle navigation systems infringe the ‘049 and ‘439 patents. Despite the settlement with Thales, Gebre’s litigation against NAVTEQ and Motorola continues.
“We are encouraged by Mr. Gebre’s ability to successfully enforce his patent rights” said David Wright of the Salt Lake City based law firm Workman Nydegger. “We are pleased that we have been able to facilitate business arrangements between Mr. Gebre and one of the major players in navigation, and remain confident that other similar arrangements will be forthcoming” Workman Nydegger recently made news in the patent world by obtaining a $115 million dollar verdict against DirecTV [Civil No. 1:05-CV-264 (E.D. Texas)]. The verdict ranks among the higher jury verdict judgments ever obtained in the United States for a patent dispute.
Providing routing information to a vehicle, including real time traffic information, and incorporating such information into a vehicle’s navigation system has been the focus of Adamasu Gebre’s research since the late 1970’s. Over the past twenty years, Mr. Gebre has secured patents in the United States and Europe directed to his research and developments. Mr. Gebre is the inventor and owner of U.S. Patent Nos. 5,126,941, 5,247,439,5,297,049, 5,504,683 and 6,314,368. In addition to his ownership of navigation company, NAVCOM Antillean N.V., Mr. Gebre is president and CEO of NAVCOM, PLC. NAVCOM, PLC is an Ethiopian based energy company focused on assisting rural communities in developing critical water and electrical infrastructure through use of wind and hydroelectric generation units.
Amnesty International welcomed the ruling on 19 July by a High Court judge that Dr Berhanu Negga be transferred to a less crowded, cleaner and better ventilated cell in Addis Ababa’s Kaliti prison, in compliance with the recommendations issued by doctors at the hospital where he was treated in June. However, reports suggest that the judge’s orders were not carried out and that Dr Berhanu Negga remains in his original cell. Concern remains that Dr Berhanu Negga’s health will further deteriorate if he is not moved to a better cell and allowed to receive adequate medical treatment.
Dr Berhanu Negga suffers from high blood pressure as well as cardiomyopathy, a heart disease which causes the heart muscles to become weaker, making it unable to pump as well as it should. He was hospitalized on 9 June after experiencing severe shortness of breath. However, he was sent back to prison after 20 days, against the advice of doctors and without having been examined by a specialist as had been recommended. Doctors’ recommendations that he should be transferred to a less crowded and cleaner cell with better ventilation were also reportedly disregarded by prison authorities.
In Kaliti prison, Dr Berhanu Negga is held in a large zinc-walled cell, which holds 270 political and criminal prisoners, including other opposition party leaders. It is currently rainy season in Ethiopia and the cell’s roof leaks, making the cell cold and damp. Sanitary facilities are poor. There are rats, cockroaches and fleas in the cell. Some of the other prisoners on trial alongside Dr. Berhanu Negga are held in slightly better and less crowded cells in the prison. Prisoners are generally provided with medical treatment as needed, either in prison or in hospital, but there have sometimes been delays and other deficiencies.
BACKGROUND INFORMATION
Several thousand suspected government opponents from the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) and other opposition parties were detained following demonstrations in June and November 2005 in Addis Ababa and other towns. They were protesting against alleged fraud in the parliamentary elections of 15 May 2005. During the demonstrations, the security forces shot dead at least 86 people and allegedly many more, and wounded over 200 others. Seven police officers were killed by mobs. The detained CUD leaders, including several who were elected to parliament and the Addis Ababa City Council (such as Dr Berhanu Negga who was chosen as Mayor of Addis Ababa), had refused to take up their positions. In December 2005, they were charged with instigating the violence. All defendants except three civil society activists refused to defend themselves, on the grounds that they did not expect to receive fair trial. A parliamentary inquiry is currently investigating the killings at the demonstration.
Dr Berhanu Negga and other CUD leaders, as well as four human rights defenders and 14 journalists, whom Amnesty International considers to be prisoners of conscience, are among 76 people currently on trial. Twenty five exiles are being tried in absentia. They are charged with a range of serious political offences, including treason, most of which can carry the death penalty. The prosecution has completed presentation of video and audio evidence, mostly of opposition party meetings, and is currently calling its witnesses. The trial is expected to last several months. It is being held in open court with a European Union-designated trial observer. (See Amnesty International’s report on the trial, “Ethiopia – Prisoners of conscience on trial for treason: opposition party leaders, human rights defenders and journalists”, AI Index: AFR 25/013/2006, May 2006.)
RECOMMENDED ACTION:
Please send appeals to arrive as quickly as possible, in English or your own language:
– welcoming the High Court’s ruling that Dr Berhanu Negga should be moved to a less crowded, cleaner and better ventilated cell in Kaliti prison;
– expressing concern that the court order has not been carried out, and that Dr Berhanu Negga continues to be held in poor and unsanitary conditions;
– urging the government to follow through on the doctors’ recommendations and the High Court’s ruling by carrying out the Court’s order immediately;
– urging the authorities to take immediate action to provide adequate medical treatment for Dr Berhanu Negga, in accordance with regional and international standards for the treatment of prisoners.
APPEALS TO:
Minister of Justice
Mr Assefa Kesito,
Ministry of Justice,
PO Box 1370, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Fax: + 251 11 552 0874
Email: [email protected]
Salutation: Dear Minister
Ministry of Foreign Affairs
Seyoum Mesvin
Ministry of Foreign Affairs
PO Box 393, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Fax: + 251 11 551 43 00
Email: [email protected]
Salutation: Dear Minister
COPIES TO:
Minister of Health
Dr Tewodros Adhanom,
Ministry of Health,
PO Box 1234, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Fax: +251 11 551 93 66
Salutation: Dear Minister
Federal Administration of Prisons
Prison Service Headquarters,
PO Box 2234, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
and to diplomatic representatives of Ethiopia accredited to your country.
PLEASE SEND APPEALS IMMEDIATELY. Check with the International Secretariat, or your section office, if sending appeals after 15 September 2006.
Money flowing into UK bank accounts from developing countries has surged in the past few years, dwarfing Britain’s official aid budget, figures show.
The amount flowing in from poor countries in areas such as Africa and South America surged more than $115bn (£61.2bn) last year to $385bn.
The scale of the exodus of capital from countries with major social problems will raise fears of massive corruption and money laundering that will hurt the welfare of the world’s most vulnerable people.
The New Economics Foundation said deposits had risen noticeably over the past five years, with inflows from Cameroon up 516 per cent, from Ethiopia rising 103 per cent and Nigeria up by 47 per cent. The UK aid budget has also risen sharply – 37 per cent between 2000 and 2004 – but the $6.4bn paid out in 2004 is tiny compared with the inflows.
Andrew Simms, the NEF policy director, said: “There’s a huge irony that the UK’s aid budget has gone up while there is this scale of money coming back. This is the first time the scale of capital movements has really come to light. It raises the potential for a scandal.”
He said the volume of cash coming out of Africa pointed to the existence of an “awful alliance” between the giant mining companies, the elite in the developing world and agents in rich countries such as the UK. “If there’s evidence of the fingers in the tills of developing countries, the feet are usually well planted in the West,” he said. “There are some legitimate questions to be answered.”
The UK Treasury said financial liberalisation could lead to significant gains for developing countries. “The same process of liberalisation that leads capital to flow to the UK also leads to significant flows from the UK to developing countries,” a spokeswoman said.
She said total UK bank claims on South Africa have risen from $1.8bn to $54.1bn in the three years to September 2005, and on India from $9.6bn to $19.3bn over the same period.
The NEF said all the issues magnified the need for transparency in countries benefiting from debt relief and greater aid payments to ensure the money was reaching the intended destination.
It also said the outflows from Bolivia, which recently elected a left-wing leader, had raised the possibility of a repeat of the exodus of money from Brazil after the election of Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva.
The dream France is fostering is one of vision… a powerful concept that moves countries, leaders and people to accomplish great things, especially in transforming their lives and those who live in their societies. To be meaningful, a vision (foresight) must be designed to respond to the real needs of real people at a given time in history. A vision must be shared, clearly understood, owned and, must be able to mobilize spirits, energies, talents, resources and capabilities of people. As critical, a vision must be translated into action.
Translating vision into action requires mindsets and behaviors that are directly related to values and principles. These would include:
•Shared Purpose
•Art of Leadership, including organizational acumen
•Team Work/Collaboration
•Mutual Trust
•Mutual Respect
•Integrity and Honesty
•Transparency and Openness
These values and principles will be discussed in greater detail in Part II of this paper. In Part I, we will diagnose the context and the arguments of why the democratization process in Ethiopia must be pursued with wisdom, patience, perseverance, strategic thinking—always using the National Agenda and Unity of Purpose as guide posts.
Context
When the Chinese popularized the vision that the “people can move mountainsâ€Â, they believed and trusted the capacity of the Chinese people to achieve great things by harnessing the creativity and wisdom of the people. Look at where China is today. When President Kennedy vowed that Americans will put a “man on the moon,†he believed in the scientific capacity and determination of the United States to do just that. History proved him right. When Nelson Mandela vowed that South African blacks will achieve majority rule and democracy, he believed in the capacity, determination and commitment of the people to free South Africa from Apartheid. He lived to witness a multi-racial democracy that has won the admiration of the global community. When Gandhi challenged the British with his wise strategy of “peaceful resistance,†he believed in the resolve of the people of India to break the chain of colonialism and racism. Today, India is on the way to becoming an economic colossus. It is not too long ago that Martin Luther King made his “I Have a Dream†speech and mobilized the hearts and minds of millions of people around the globe and changed the course of history.
Whatever example we may cite, it is clear that charting and pursuing visions and goals that respond to the real political, economic, social, diplomatic and cultural needs of a society are absolutely critical to any country or people. There are no short cuts to achieve them. They cannot be achieved without mutual trust and respect. They cannot occur without leadership & organization. They cannot be accomplished without participation and inclusion of those that can and should be included. They cannot be achieved without persistence, sacrifice, collaboration and team work.
What does sustaining the National Agenda of Democratization mean to us?
Under the political leadership (s) of the Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party (CUD/P) and the United Ethiopian Democratic Front (UEDF), the Ethiopian people witnessed sharp differences in vision and goals between the ethnic-based political and social architecture of the Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and these Opposition parties. The Opposition Parties offered the Ethiopian people a contrasting vision of an all inclusive, peaceful, pluralist, progressive, democratic, free-market oriented and unified Ethiopian society in which the rule of law and the settling of disputes peacefully will be the norm. The Opposition Parties challenged the leadership of the EPRDF to demonstrate the legitimacy of its Governance in political, economic, social, diplomatic, cultural and development policies and practices. The Ethiopian people were given contrasting and sharply differing choices. We now know the choices they made and the adverse consequences that followed.
The May 15, 2005 General Elections were therefore contrasts in vision and practice between the Governance of the EPRDF and the aspirations and hopes of the Ethiopian people as presented by the two major Opposition Parties in general and the CUD/P in particular. As in other countries, the May 15, 2005 General Elections–relatively free and fair up to that point–offered the Ethiopian people a historical opportunity to express their voices in shaping their future. A year ago, 26 million Ethiopians cast their ballots rejecting the legitimacy of the EPRDF. The onslaught against the leaders of the Opposition, civic society, youth, party supporters and others by the regime begum when it became clear that the vast majority of the Ethiopian people rejected its political, economic and social hegemony and leadership.
Almost a year later, the EPRDF leadership remains as intransigent as ever. It continues its scorched-earth policy of repression in order to perpetuate its political and economic dominance. It continues extra-judicial procedures and practices–fabricating false charges against the CUD/P leadership, journalists, civic leaders and youth. It continues to reject the call of the international community to release all political leaders and to begin dialogue with the Opposition. It cleverly and systematically crafts alternative, dependent, submissive and nominal parties loyal to EPRDF. In doing this, it has found and recruited short sighted and easily swayed allies. This is not, at all surprising. A regime that has lost legitimacy resorts to machinations to sustain itself. In many respects, the EPRDF has begun to resemble the Dergue during its fading phase.
At the same time, the Ethiopian people have shown a remarkable determination to sustain the democratization process at all costs. Many innocent Ethiopians have lost their lives for a noble cause. Equally important, Ethiopians in the Diaspora continue their allegiance to the people’s cause and vision. This persistence and determination will ultimately result in achieving a new, democratic, pluralist and progressive Ethiopian in the years to come.
As we observe the first anniversary of the May, 2005 Elections, it is critical that we make note and reiterate the eight (8) Point Preconditions that the leadership of the CUD/P issued as part and parcel of the democratization process. These are highlighted below:
1. The Restructuring of the Election Board into an Independent body;
2. Freedom of and access to All Media;
3. Independent legal system (free of EPRDF party control);
4. An Independent Commission to investigate the killings of innocent Ethiopians;
5. Non-involvement of armed forces or police in political affairs;
6. Reinstatement of Parliamentary procedures and Governance of Addis Ababa in accordance with the verdict of the people;
7. Release of all political prisoners; and,
8. Independent commission or body to adjudicate the above.
These points and principles remain as valid today as they were then. They are part of the democratization process that we should continue to defend.
What are the vital reasons for sustaining the democratization process?
Pretensions aside, Ethiopia’s economic, social and cultural development show persistent poverty. Despite massive foreign assistance totaling more than US$21 billion over the past 14 years, and the recent significant debt relief, the current Government has failed to better the lives of ordinary Ethiopians.. It is even unable to feed the poorest of the poor. There is ample evidence to show that its agriculture based development strategy has not produced the promised outcomes. In a most recent and thorough study on Poverty in Ethiopia, the authors identified the following structural issues, and indicators of failure under the EPRDF:
1. The Gross Domestic Product per capita today is “still slightly above the levels in the early 1970s, underscoring the deep-rooted nature of poverty;â€Â
2. “The micro and macro evidence paint a picture of limited to no decline in consumption poverty (food and other consumables) since l992);â€Â
3. “The agricultural sector (EPRDF’s economic policy foundation) barely kept up with rural population growth,†despite heavy donor contributions to the tune of US$21 billion since the current regime took power;
4. “Poverty in urban areas increased despite substantial growth in the services sector—largely fueled by Government expansion.â€Â….This expansion in Government expenditure did not benefit the urban poor. On the contrary, the beneficiaries remain to be EPRDF loyalists who invest in selected industries, services and locations, including housing, manufacturing, transport, banking and mining extraction. The current regime’s investment, financial and monetary policies have created a growing urban inequality that any visitor to Addis Ababa and other cities would witness. Party affiliated and supported enterprises continue to benefit from Government procurement policies and practices. There is hardly a level playing field for non-EPRDF loyal Ethiopians regardless of nationality, religion or gender. Sadly, donor contributions of billions of dollars have not benefited the poor, especially rural Ethiopia. In fact, the beneficiaries are largely EPRDF party affiliated and run enterprises, leaders and loyalists.
5. The regime’s loss of Addis Ababa in the May 15, 2005 Elections is in part a manifestation of growing nepotism, corruption, lack of a level playing field for all Ethiopians, and therefore growing and sharp inequality. EPRDF lost legitimacy in Addis Ababa and else where in the country because it proved to be incapable and unwilling to respond to the economic, social and political needs and aspirations of the Ethiopian people. This was at the center of the debates during the elections that the Opposition parties surfaced and the public supported through its voice.
6. Today, HIV/AIDS afflicts at least 1.5 million Ethiopians. A total of 539,000 Ethiopian youth are AIDS orphans, one of the largest in Sub-Saharan Africa.
7. “There is a startling correlation between poverty in Ethiopia and the lack of educational achievementâ€Â, especially among girls and women;
8. “At 55-60 percent, pre-school child stunting remains among the highest in Sub-Saharan Africa…†This stunting of Ethiopian children will affect the potential contributions of a future generation of our youth, and therefore the productivity of the national economy;
9. Ethiopian women are among the most disempowered in the world. “With over 75% of women having received no education at all– compared to men at 50%–, the lack of access to educational opportunities for Ethiopian women is one of the major limiting factors in tackling endemic poverty. A Government that cares about its people will devote resources in tackling this limiting factor, instead of investing heavily in national defense, security, intelligence and in its members. The EPRDF does not have the interest, the commitment or the motivation to introduce and implement social policies that address the needs of the vast majority, including women.
10. Despite the demonstrated impact of education in reducing poverty and creating the conditions for sustained growth, Ethiopian society continues to suffer from an educational policy that is ethnic based, narrow in scope and depth, nepotistic and not responsive to the economic and social needs of the country. The study concludes that “education attainment in Ethiopia remains limited “
11. Ethiopians actually suffer from a double phenomenon under the EPRDF. Highly educated and trained Ethiopians leave the country for better and more secure lives abroad. Because of unfavorable political, economic and social policies, Ethiopia is unable to benefit from its investment in human capital. The brain drain is one of the most important results of the current policies of the EPRDF. Second, universal education at the primary level remains to be a pipe dream. On average, male adults complete 1.8 grades; and females complete .88 grade– less than first grade.
12. Numerous examples from the East Asian and other experiences suggest that education is the most critical variable in attaining sustained development. “The empirical study suggests that bringing all female adults to at least a 4th grade education could reduce poverty by 12 percent. Education will help households adopt new technologies and thus enhance productivity in agriculture, etc.†In addition, educated women are most likely to encourage their children to go to school and stay in school. The benefit is therefore not limited to women’s productivity; it is also a sure way of enabling the young to be educated and productive. Educating Ethiopians and creating a good political and governance environment within our country to retain and enable them to participate in all sectors of the economy are sure ways to fight poverty. No amount of foreign aid will be a substitute to this reality.
13. Ethiopia’s single most important capital asset is its people. The attainment of education, the retention and reentry of the thousands of Ethiopians in the Diaspora are vital for Ethiopia’s economic, social and cultural development. Sad, but true, internal objectives in social capital formation and institution building will be virtually impossible as long as the current political architecture of exclusion, disempowerment, and lack of pluralism, democratization and participation remain illusive.
14. The above and numerous other examples suggest that it will be impossible for Ethiopia to reach the United Nations mandated Millennium Development Goals (MDGS) of halving poverty (reducing poverty by half), by 2015. This said, a real break through in the political regime impasse–namely, freeing political prisoners, allowing the democratization process to take roots, and creating the conditions for peace and reconciliation….will mobilize and empower all Ethiopians in shaping their country’s future, and in meeting the MDGS. Without peace, national reconciliation, an all inclusive and democratic political system, Ethiopia’s future will remain bleak. The donor community should be aware that poring good money after bad money does not support the poor in Ethiopia. In fact, there are ample indications that the largesse from the donor community is routinely siphoned to enrich what we call the EPRDF inner club.. The donor community needs to recognize that without good governance–the establishment of genuine democracy in our country–foreign assistance will have little impact in tackling poverty in Ethiopia. Meantime, the EPRDF needs to assume total responsibility for our country’s dependency and poverty.
15. It is therefore clear that the EPRDF has failed in meeting the hopes and aspirations of the Ethiopian people. For this reason, sustaining the democratization process of May 15, 2005 is not a choice. It is a necessity. That is why the National Agenda has to be our guiding post.
