Most Ethiopians, particularly the hardline Nationalists, hold the perception that Eritrea is still conspiring with the woyanne regime against the interests of Ethiopia. They believe that even the bloody border conflict between the two countries is an attempt by their incumbent leaders to deceive the Ethiopian people and the international community and is designed to tighten their grip on power in their respective countries.
Evidences on the ground seemed to have validated this perception until the year 2000, as the leadership of both countries had been trying to consolidate power by eradicating those who oppose their rule.
However, Woyannes Economic sanction on Eritrea, the border conflict, and the events in the aftermath of the conflict, not to mention events in Somalia, has brought a major shift in the relationship between the two countries’ leaders.
With the withdrawal of Eritrea’s support to the TPLF regime, the leaders of TPLF have been concerned with their relations with Eritrea, hoping that it work out in the end, despite the firmness of the Eritrean position.
This has led the TPLF to switch their strategies between normalizing relations with Eritrea with or without the EPLF, while continuing to assert themselves militarily to consolidate power in Ethiopia and avert any possible danger from Eritrea or elsewhere.
This, in my view, is contrary to the dominant perception among most Ethiopians that views both governments as working together, and needs to be changed if things on the ground are to change. I believe that after the last May election in Ethiopia, strategizing opposition struggle demands the opposition to change its unwarranted perception and think in terms of forming alliance with Eritrea that could work to the long-term interests of both countries.
The writer believes that a negotiated alliance of opposition with Eritrea is a key in the struggle for democracy in Ethiopia and peace and prosperity in Eritrea. This requires a rethinking of existing relations with Eritrea.
The TPLF Dominance in Today’s Ethiopia
There is no doubting to the fact that the TPLF established itself as a major force to reckon with, both as a national and regional force, in the eastern part of Africa. How did this happen? What contributions did domestic and international factors made to this reality? I do not dare to delve into the series of historical events that led to this event, as it is not the main topic of this article. But, the fact is TPLF emerged and updated itself as a regional force from its gorilla status. Existing trends are indicative of this dominance.
The TPLF has managed to establish its own puppet government in Ethiopia for the last sixteen years and is determined to continue to do so in the absence of any major unfragmented opposition.
The woyannes are now almost in control of all the national and regional institutions of social, economic and political structures. The TPLF cadres are in control of all key government posts in Ethiopia and have well established themselves in the federal government. They have political cadres in all the regions to watch regional colleagues behave exactly as they are programmed. They do this with the help of a well-crafted incentive system which makes regional bosses bow to the will of their TPLF masters in Addis Ababa.
The TPLF policy of patronization is key to its dominance in Ethiopia. The idea of getting political support in exchange for money or other benefits is not seen as corruption by the regime. The creation of patrons who are willing to support the regime politically in exchange for resources is a means to implement the revolutionary democracy of Zenawi in all the regions of the country. Many are willing to be patronized because of poverty in Ethiopia.
The woyannes have made good neighbors at a huge cost of Ethiopia and Ethiopians. The TPLF policy with Ethiopia’s neighbors has always been one of “let us be at peace what ever it takes.” This is primarily aimed at denying any possible safe haven to potential armed opposition in neighboring countries. The so-called border commissions and border trade relations with Kenya and the Sudan are designed to serve this objective. Obviously, this is something a nationalist democratic government is not willing and able to do.
A Weak opposition: why?
Despite the TPLF hegemony in Ethiopia, the opposition remains very weak and fragmented lacking unity of purpose. It has been made so by the well-crafted policies and deceptive diplomatic efforts of the regime.
The absence of leveled political playing field is one of the many causes contributing to the weakness of the opposition in Ethiopia. The Regime’s game of political opposition is based on the idea of loyal political opposition in which opposition political parties are expected to think and act within the framework of the woyanne constitution. Any independent thinking outside this framework is treated as being a traitor and criminal.
The regime uses elimination policy to kill the opposition leaders. In fact, intimidating, imprisoning and killing leaders who dissented is a major strategy for weakening the opposition. Capable leaders who take initiative to enlighten and organize people are always marked for detention and torture. Many leaders suffered this way even long before kinijit leaders come into the political scene.
Weakening the opposition is also meant to legitimize TPLF rule in the pretext of a weak opposition that cannot run the country even if it is given the chance to take power. Meles and his colleagues has always used this phrase to misinform their friends abroad, as if they are the ones who got certification from the Gorilla school in the jungle making them the best leaders of the nation playing by the rules they learned in the jungle.
I also believe that the opposition weaked itself. The Ethiopian opposition forces allowed themselves to be divided by their own making and by the enemy tactics. Most opposition members even today failed to agree on a common national agenda. Even worse, they let their differences remain even when their people are suffering from dictatorship. Their internal weakness opened the door for their common enemy to further subdivide them. They are weak because they still fail to realize the fact that it is their unity the enemy fears most, not how many men they have on the ground or how many supporters they have in the west. The call for meaningful unity is still unheaded or arrogantly ignored.
Misperception on Current Ethiopia-Eritrea Relations: Reality check?
Some Ethiopians still think that woyanne and the eritrean leadership are still working together and conspiring against the Ethiopian people. I, a strong nationalist, am of the view that this requires some degree of reality check.
I believe that there is a strategic gap between TPLF and EPLF since the border conflict broke or probably dating back to the times of the gorilla struggle. Contrary to popular perception, the events of at least the past six years indicate the strategic gap between woyanne leadership and the eritrean leadership. I call it strategic because it is related to the long-term interests of woyanne and Eritrea.
From the Eritrean side, while this had been the case up until the border conflict in the year 2000, it is no longer so. The events following the conflict severed the strategic link between the two dominant powers in the eastern part of Africa. The conflict led to massive human, material and financial losses on both sides. The bloody war cancelled the generation long ties and grew antagonism between the two powers.
From the TPLF side, though, all hope is not lost. TPLF leaders still see their future with Eritrea. Their long-term strategic goal of achieving independence for their tigray region, they think, can best be achieved with the help of Eritrea. The TPLF policy on Eritrea is one of tolerance and defensiveness until recently. Even, the strong stand of the eritrean leadership on tigray secession did not seem to have deterred them from seeking strategic alliance with Eritreans, to say the least. The normalization agenda and mediation through a third party are all tactics for restoring relations with Eritrea as a means to a strategic goal of full independence.
The Eritrean leaders have made it clear that they do not want to see independent Tigray, lest it would mean a lot of things including insecurity for the port of Assab and a threat for the territorial integrity of Eritrea.
However, the TPLF leadership seemed to have lost patience in recent times due to the perceived way the Eritreans act despite the former tolerance towards Eritrea. As a result, the language and rhetoric of normalization seem to have given way to a “Regime change” in Asmara that would enable them to continue with the strategic relationship with the future Eritrea without the EPLF. The effort of some TPLF cadres to work together with some Eritreans, both inside and outside, is a strategy to isolate the leadership in Asmara from its people. As such, it is not a sign of “working together” at the leadership level as most Ethiopians would like to believe. Whether the independence and regime change agendas are feasible options for TPLF leaders, only time will tell.
The Derg Era: Woyanne Alliance with the EPLF
Who could have thought alliance with Eritrea, at a time when all Ethiopians believed Eritrea did not have to break away from Ethiopia, is a key strategy for defeating the Derg Regime, a common enemy, and gain control of power in Ethiopian state? Eritrean strategy does not surprise me because it is precisely this strategy that could secure their independence, that without a proxy control of power in Ethiopia, secession would be practically impossible.
What I think a creative strategy is the one TPLF used to snatch power from the Ethiopian state that has long been the vangard of the nation of Ethiopia. I do not want to mention the stupidity of Derg leaders in acting rigidly, not creatively, to the eritrean question. The woyannes of Tigray thought the unthinkable and did the unexpected to achieve their objective of controlling power in Ethiopia. I believe this gives a lesson to opposition in Ethiopia in terms of strategizing opposition struggle. I believe the kinijit leadership in the USA has made a smart move along those lines which needs to be appreciated and build up on in the future.
The TPLF Aspiration of Independence for its Tigray Region
Despite its grip on power in the state and government of Ethiopia, TPLF leaders has not so far abandoned their paranoid and unrealistic ambition of independent Tigray. They did not even change their TPLF name while forcing other member parties in Ethiopia to change theirs.
Zenawi and his friends are still desirous of librating Tigray from the mainstream Ethiopian land. They made all regional states in Ethiopia to have their own constitution and flags. Their own constitution in Tigray indicates that Tigray people will remain in the unitary government as long as they retain their dominance in Ethiopian politics and state in the name of peace and democracy. Zenawi hinted this in his recent “secret document” circulated among the TPLF leaders in which he spoke of “self-reliant Tigray in the new millennium.”
They have incorporated this aspiration in the Ethiopian constitution and are waiting for their first opportunity, which hasn’t come yet. They see the independence struggle of the OLF and ONLF as a premature move that cannot be granted at this time. To me, the article that allows independence from Ethiopia is the “ let us secede together when TPLF want it” agenda that is planned to be realized after the homework is done: fuelling, instigating and masterminding hatred, tension and conflict among the Ethiopian nations and nationalities to force them decide in favor of secession.
Fortunately, this move has suffered a major setback. The Eritreans has taken a firm stand on the independence of tigray. The Eritreans has already made it clear that they do not like to see independent tigray, and that they want to work with a unitary government of any sort short of woyanne in Ethiopia. The problem they have is the mistrust towards Ethiopian people; especially conservative Ethiopians who does not want to accept the reality of independent and UN accepted country. Sorry, but that is the reality and the bitter pill we need to swallow. Historical mistakes on the part of Ethiopian leaders created this reality. We cannot correct this, however wishful we might be. We can only correct it through peaceful means through dialogue and mutual acceptance and thrust, which will be the core foreign policy agenda of the future government and state of Ethiopia.
The So-called Peaceful Struggle: What did it achieve?
It has always been the deceptive tactic of the TPLF that opposition politics is always framed in the name of peaceful struggle which aims at blocking any thinking and effort towards alternative form of struggling in Ethiopia. The peaceful struggle framework is still the overriding agenda and helped the regime to intimidate and chain opposition hands even when TPLF wants to strike supporters of opposition. Woyannes do not like to see any gun or a resort to gun on any one, especially in opposition hands. When that occurs, they are ready to negotiate. That is exactly where their weakness lies and that is when they start to shake to their knees, and ready to negotiate.
We should ask ourselves, where did the so-called “ Peaceful struggle” led us? The big question that the peaceful struggle has so far failed to answer is, can a peaceful struggle bring about democratic governance in a country characterized by 3000 years of tyranny?
The peaceful struggle has only led to the massacre of innocent civilians including the future leaders of Ethiopia who were not willing to bow to the idol of hatred and revolutionary democracy in Ethiopia. It led to the mass arrests and torture of Ethiopians. It misled our fathers and brothers who are well trained to serve their beloved people and country. It seduced them to work with a schizophrenic enemy to their suffering.
The events of the May 2005 election teaches us that we need to open our eyes to alternative forms of struggling without which the peaceful struggle does not bring the results we want in the shortest possible time.
So, the big question remains, are we going to repeat the mistakes of the past and let woyanne cheat us into believing that there is still a chance for a peaceful transition of power in Ethiopia through democratic means? If we do that, history would prove us wrong. We cannot topple a tyrant through peaceful, democratic means alone.
Room for a Negotiated Agreement
As things stand now, I do not agree with the conspiracy theory when it comes to relations with Woyanne and Eritrea. But, I do believe that Ethiopia and Eritrea need each other to fully develop in a short time.
I still believe that there is room for negotiation between Ethiopian opposition and the leadership in Eritrea for the common good. Issues like economic relations or benefits, access to the sea, normalization of relations, etc can be made if there is a political will on both sides. Both Ethiopians and Eritreans should cease to see each other as enemies. We were on the same boat and we can lead Africans together on the sustainable path of development. This is what the 21stcentury demands from both of us. The Ethiopian opposition should have this vision and attitude. So do Eritreans and their allies.
The perception that woyannes and the EPLF are on the same boat emanates from the conspiracy theory. In my opinion, this is not the case any longer. That is why we need to work together with our eritrean brothers to eradicate the woyanne monster from east Africa to avoid the threat to our survival. We should take lessons from its madness and brutality that is being committed against innocent Somali civilians in the name of fighting Islamists and terrorists. If we fail to act now, there is no guarantee why the same thing cannot be applied on the peoples of Ethiopia and Eritrea tomorrow.
Conclusion
The Bible tells us that when God wants to rescue His people, He raises warriors to challenge and defeat the enemy of the people. It is time for Ethiopians, irrespective of whether we are Protestants, Catholics or orthodox, Moslems, to pray to God so that men of Valor like Gedion and Samson would raise their hands against the enemy.
When the enemy is merciless, so does the wrath of God. The Woyannes have repeatedly shown their unforgiving attitude even when they have every thing under their control. Their sub-conscious is sick and wounded, and they refused to get treated and healed. Their wound and hatred is still fresh in their mind since their time in the bush. They persistently refused to forgive the Ethiopian people, let alone those who wronged them. That is why we need to rise up in unison to pray and challenge the politics of hatred and exclusion before it destroys all of us.
At the same time, it is important to seek peace and promote reconciliation with Eritrea and its allies, both at opposition level and at population level, for the common good of both Ethiopians and Eritreans. I believe that it is only through peaceful means that one can get what it wants from the other. There is a lot that we can exchange between the two countries if there is a way to communicate and build trust among our peoples and nations. This is God’s way of making peace and reconciliation that has long inflicted both of us. This is the way to mutual blessing and peace. This is God’s will for the peoples of Ethiopia and Eritrea.
The top 10 worst countries for press freedom are Ethiopia, Gambia, Russia, Democratic Republic of Congo, Cuba, Pakistan, Egypt, Azerbaijan, Morocco and Thailand, a US-based media watchdog said.
“The behaviour of all of these countries is deeply troubling, but the rapid retreats in nations where the media have thrived demonstrate just how easily the fundamental right to press freedom can be taken away,” said Joel Simon, executive director of the Committee to Protect Journalists, in a statement.
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The Committee to Protect Journalists assessed countries by looking at government censorship, legal harassment, libel prosecutions, journalist deaths, physical attacks on the press, journalist imprisonments, and threats against the press.
Major conflict zones like Iraq and Somalia were excluded because they lacked conventional governance and news gathering.
Ethiopia topped the list with the number of jailed journalists rising to 18 from two and dozens more exiled between 2002 and 2007. In 2006, CPJ said eight newspapers were banned, two foreign reporters expelled and websites blocked.
In Gambia prominent journalist Deyda Hydara was shot dead in 2004, and leading newspaper The Independent was targeted by arsonists and then shut down by the government, CPJ said.
Russia came in at number three because all three national television channels were state run and 11 journalists killed in five years with none of the cases solved, the report said.
In the Congo, two journalists had been killed since 2005, attacks on media workers had risen to nine from three and the leaders of press freedom group “Journaliste en Danger” were forced into hiding in 2006, CPJ said.
“These three African nations, as diverse as they are, have won praise at times for their transition to democracy, but they are actually moving in reverse on press issues,” said Simon.
It said other countries like Cuba, which came in at number five, have long had poor records, but have ratcheted up press restrictions through widespread imprisonments, expulsions, and harassment.
The report said Morocco and Thailand, which came in ninth and 10th, had been considered press freedom leaders in their regions, but that during the past five years had charted sharp declines.
Addis Ababa University students expressed outrage and anger on Tuesday after doctors at Menelik II hospital allegedly took out some parts from the body of a student. Daily Monitor reports as follows:
The deceased Ahmed Abdurrahman, a 3rd year physics student from Harar, fainted in class while he was doing a presentation, before he died later.
One of his class mates told The Daily Monitor on conditions of anonymity that, after he died , Ahmed’s body was taken to the hospital for autopsy and the doctors there [b]”took his brain, his eyes and his kidneys.” [/b]”The students demanded that was outrageous, that it was inhuman, and that they wanted those who did this to be brought to justice,” the student said.
According to the same source, the University’s student community went to the University President’s office the same day to demand that those responsible for the inhuman act on their colleague be named and brought to justice.
The students also demanded a guarantee to be given to them that this would not happen again.
One student said he wondered if the same thing happened to the student who died in a shower room two weeks ago, the source said.
Responding to the students’ plea, Professor Andreas Eshete, the University’s President said, the doctors didn’t have any right that allows them to do what they did on the student’s body.
Only his parents had the right to decide on their child’s body, Andreas told the students adding he heard reports that the doctors had permission from the police,according to the source.
Professor Andreas Said, some food had been sent for examination.
The students have decided to cut classes and not to go to their cafés for a few days.
The source said that from the University President’s office, after they with screams and shouting slogans: “You have to replace his body parts!”; “We don’t want to bury his skin!” and “We want our rights to be respected!
The students marched down to Arat Kilo intending to submit their complaints to the Prime Minister’s Office.
But then, they though to have a film off the body, believing that could serve a strong evidence to file a lawsuit against the “evil acts” on the part of the Medical Doctors at the Menilik Hospital.
In a meeting they held there afterwards, they elected representatives to film the corpse with Dr. Araya, the source said was a lecturer who shared the students’ anger over the incidence.
Meanwhile about 90 students of the Sidist Killo Main campus have been admitted to the Black Lion hospital as a result of a supposed food poisoning, another student who also did not want to be named told The Daily Monitor.
He said some students assert that the major symptom was “acute diarrhea”.
“Young people are fitter to invent than to judge; fitter for execution than for counsel; and more fit for new projects than for settled business.” Francis Bacon
The successful rally led by Oromo youth on Saturday March 31, 2007 in Washington DC marked the Oromo youth fulfillment of Sir Francis Bacon’s depiction of the youth. The rally was organized by the International Oromo Youth Association (IOYA), an umbrella organization of all Oromo Youth Associations and Student Unions which was founded in 2006 with the vision of engaging in a multifaceted struggle to bring freedom and justice to the Oromo people. In addition, IOYA is committed to working to alleviate the economic, social, and human rights deprivations of the Oromo nation at no cost to any other nation or country. We, the IOYA, are committed to achieving these goals by investing our time, energy, wealth, and lives. The Oromo youth, want to reaffirm that we are highly committed to the well-being of the Oromo people and will not stop until our people’s destiny rests in their own hands.
The Oromo people are at a critical juncture in our history in which the century-old repression and persecution of our people has surpassed the boundaries of the Ethiopian Empire, and is now rampant in neighboring countries, particularly Somalia. Since the U.S.-backed invasion of Somalia by the so-called Ethiopian Defense Force, the repressive Tigrean minority regime has become emboldened due to the United State’s unconditional support. Lack of media coverage of the atrocities committed by TPLF-regime in Oromia as well as in Somalia has only allowed this situation to worsen.
Alarmed by the irresponsible support by the United States, and by the consequent flagrant acts of ethnic-cleansing operations being carried out by the ethnocentric Ethiopia’s Tigrean minority regime, IOYA organized the rally in the Nation’s capital to bring the issue to the attention of the international community. Young and old, women, men, and friends of the Oromo people from all parts of the country flocked to Washington DC to participate in this historic rally. Hundreds of people drove for days from as far away as Minnesota, California, and Seattle to show their solidarity for the just cause of our people, and echoed our calls for an end to the persecution of the Oromo people in Oromia and Somalia. The crowd also demanded the United States to be more accountable for their support to the repressive regime in Ethiopia.
We would like to express our deepest gratitude to all who participated in the rally. We want to affirm our commitment to organizing similar marches for peace and justice for Oromo people. We call on all Oromos, friends of Oromo, and all peace-loving people to join our second rally on Thursday, July 26, 2007 in Minneapolis, Minnesota.
We thank all organizations and individuals who supported the efforts in making this rally a success.
Elders from the dominant clan in the Somali capital, Mogadishu, have reached an informal truce with the Ethiopian army after two days of heavy fighting.
More than 20 people have died in clashes between insurgents and Ethiopia-backed government forces.
The Ethiopian army last year helped the interim government drive out an Islamist group, which was largely drawn from Mogadishu’s dominant Hawiye clan.
But there are reports that the ceasefire has already broken down.
Correspondents say it is too early to determine exactly what is going on but one resident in the south of the city said he had heard a number of large explosions and machine gunfire.
A government official, who did not want to be identified, told the BBC he had heard that Ethiopian tanks had been firing on buildings occupied by Islamist insurgents.
He said he had heard reports that a truce had been signed but he had no details and agreed that the resumption of fighting in the past few hours threw doubt onto whether a truce had been effective.
Meanwhile, the Somali government has ordered the Dubai-based TV channel Al-Jazeera to close its Mogadishu base following its coverage of the fighting.
Significant
Earlier, a Hawiye clan spokesman said that the elders had agreed with Ethiopian military officials to implement a ceasefire.
“After serious discussions on the current political situation and on the renewed violence, we agreed with the Ethiopian military officials to implement a ceasefire,” AFP news agency quotes Ugas Abdi Dahir Mohamed as saying.
The BBC’s Mohammed Olad Hassan in Mogadishu says at the meeting it was discussed how government troops would withdraw from Hawiye clan strongholds.
The latest fighting – described as the heaviest since the Islamists fell – started when pro-government forces tried to take control of these areas.
The bodies of government soldiers were dragged through the streets and set on fire.
Our correspondent says that although the deal is informal, it could be significant as the Hawiye clan is powerful in Mogadishu.
Mistrusted
The transitional government is led by President Abdullahi Yusuf, who is neither a Hawiye nor from Mogadishu.
He is a Darod from the Puntland region and is accused by the Hawiye of precipitating this crisis by bringing in his own militiamen and relying on the mistrusted Ethiopians.
The withdrawal of Ethiopian troops from the country was also discussed at the meeting, our reporter says.
Ethiopian troops have been gradually handing over responsibilities to an African Union force which has been deploying to Mogadishu this month to try and bring stability to the city.
The interim government has blamed remnants of the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC) for escalating violence in the capital.
Somalia enjoyed a six-month lull in the insecurity that had dogged the country for the past 16 years when the UIC took power last year.
But insecurity has returned to the city and the UN estimates some 40,000 people have fled from Mogadishu since February.
By Stephanie McCrummen, Washington Post Foreign Service
ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia — War or no war with Somalia, Mulunesh Abebayhu wants out. Out of her teaching job, where Ethiopian security forces constantly harass her because of her political views. Out of this city, where hundreds of protesters were killed by police bullets after disputed elections last year. And, if she can manage, out of this country that she believes has plunged into the abyss of dictatorship at the hands of its prime minister, Meles Zenawi, a staunch ally of the United States in the vulnerable Horn of Africa.
“He confuses the Westerners so that he can keep ruling,” said Abebayhu, 54, an opposition member arrested along with an estimated 30,000 others in the sweeping post-election crackdown last year. “Our party does not believe in this war. Our priority is to eradicate poverty, not go to war. Meles knows this war is a way for his system to survive.”
As Ethiopia and Somalia’s Islamic Courts movement inch closer each day to all-out conflict, a widespread view among people here in the capital is that Meles is using the conflict to distract people from a vast array of internal problems and to justify further repression of opposition groups, including ethnic Somalis in Ethiopia.
In particular, opponents of war say he is playing up the claim that there are al-Qaeda operatives within the Islamic Courts in order to maintain the support of the U.S. government, which relies on a steady flow of Ethiopian intelligence that some regional analysts say is of dubious value.
A recent attempt by Congress to sanction the Ethiopian government for widespread human rights violations failed after former Republican House leader Richard K. Armey (R-Tex.), lobbying on behalf of the Ethiopian government, argued that the United States needs Ethiopia in order to fight terrorism.
“We don’t know why the Americans let them get away with it,” said Abebayhu, who was denied her request for a U.S. visa and who said she receives death threats regularly.
Meanwhile, Meles has become so disliked in the city that people compare him unfavorably to the former dictator known as “the Butcher of Addis Ababa,” Mengistu Haile Mariam, who was convicted last week of genocide after a trial lasting 12 years.
Around Victory Square, one of many roundabouts in this city of a thousand cafes and tin-patch markets, passersby offered opinions similar to that of Nemera Bersisa, 35, a record-keeper on his way home from work.
“I believe the Dergue regime is better than this one, even if they killed people,” he said, referring to Mengistu’s rule. “This regime is democratic only in words. They kill people without any law, and they arrest people without a reason. This government is trying to stay in power by using different mechanisms, like claiming the Somalis are invading. But this is not the case. Meles is trying to externalize his problems.”
And those problems are vast.
After 12 years in power, Meles presides over a nation that still does not produce enough food to feed its own people, relying on the U.N. World Food Program to supplement struggling farmers. The number of people infected with HIV is rising every year: At least 500,000 Ethiopians are living with the virus now, according to government figures. At least half of the population lives on less than $1 a day, which is not enough to buy a single meal.
A smattering of new skyscrapers have gone up in Addis Ababa lately, and in recent years, the gaudy Sheraton Hotel was built, a fortified palace of marble and brass and $100 Scotch set amid a rusting neighborhood of leaning, one-room shacks. Locals call it Paradise in Hell.
Last year’s elections began with high hopes and degenerated into a bloodbath. Opposition groups, who made significant gains but did not win a majority according to the national election board, accused the government of rigging the tally and flooded the streets to challenge the results. During the rallies in May and November last year, unarmed protesters were sprayed with bullets while others were hunted down, killed inside their homes and in their gardens, in front of children and neighbors.
Though the official government report released in October listed 197 demonstrators killed, some members of the government’s own commission and human rights groups have estimated that the number could be as high as 600. Seven police officers were killed.
Since then, the mood around the capital has been grim.
“After the elections, the government is ruling Ethiopia by military force and propaganda, we all know that,” Bersisa said. “We’re dead after the election.”
While most of the 30,000 prisoners taken after the election have been released, several hundred opposition leaders remain in jail, including the elected mayor of Addis Ababa, Birhanu Nega, who was a professor in the United States, and Haile Miriam Yacob, who served on the U.N. commission settling a border dispute between Ethiopia and Eritrea.
Four private newspapers have been shut down. A reporter for the Associated Press was expelled. And random arrests on the streets of Addis Ababa continue daily, people say.
Residents of a largely Ethiopian Somali neighborhood called Rwanda say that government security forces have been rounding up people who refuse to swear allegiance to Meles’ ruling party, a charge the government denied.
“Their main target is Ethiopian Somalis,” said Reagan Dawale, 30, who left his home in the Somali region of Ethiopia because of the tense atmosphere there, only to find a similar situation in the capital.
In a recent interview, Meles, a former Marxist guerrilla who shed his fatigues for tailored suits when he took power in a 1991 coup, referred to the opposition as leading an “insurrection” intent on overthrowing the government by violent means, a charge opposition leaders deny.
Meles has introduced a few words into the Ethiopian vocabulary. Someone who is out of line is a “fendata.” Dissatisfied, unemployed workers who must be controlled are the “adegnabozene.” A “bichameberat” is a person who has crossed into the danger zone.
Meles said he retains U.S. support when it comes to defending Ethiopia against the Islamic Courts movement, which now controls much of Somalia, including Mogadishu, the capital. Meles said the Islamic Courts have already attacked Ethiopia by arming secessionist Ethiopian Somali groups in the Ogaden region along the Somali border, a claim opposition leaders believe is both exaggerated and hardly a justification for war.
“Our argument is that all the governments we’ve known since 1960 say they want the Ogaden,” said Beyene Petros, leader of the main opposition group, the Coalition for Unity and Democracy, referring to Somalia.
The Islamic Courts say it is the Ethiopians that have invaded Somalia. While Meles has repeatedly denied having troops there, the United Nations and regional diplomats estimate that at least 8,000 Ethiopian soldiers are in Somalia, backing the weak and divided transitional government.
Petros said Meles is poised to make precisely the same miscalculation in the Horn of Africa that critics say the United States made in invading Iraq: that a vastly superior military force can crush an ideologically driven guerrilla campaign.
“We should defend our borders, but I don’t believe in a hot-pursuit campaign inside of Somalia,” Petros said. “And I don’t think this war is going to change the hearts of the Ethiopian people.”
