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Human Rights Watch Vs. Meles Zenawi’s regime

The Attempt to Whitewash Crime Against Humanity Inside the Ogaden Region of Ethiopia

By Fekade Shewakena

A recent propaganda piece by the Ethiopian authorities masquerading as a government investigative report issued to whitewash the crimes in the Ogaden Region would have been laughed all the way to the waste basket had the issue in question not been the tragedy and suffering of a mass of human beings. The 47 page propaganda piece entitled, “Flawed Methodology, Unsubstantiated Allegations: The Results of an Investigation by the Government of Ethiopia into allegations by Human Rights Watch on human rights in the Somali Regional State” [1] is full of manufactured outrage and meant to counter the meticulously researched findings and charges by Human Rights Watch (HRW), including crimes against humanity, the use of rape and starvation as weapons of war and the burning of villages and dislocation of people, compiled in a 138 page document.[2]

But if you carefully examine the so called investigation report by Mr. Zenawi’s government, it gives you a window to see the amount of crime and, in fact, speaks to the opposite of its intended use, in effect corroborating HRW’s charges. It actually reminded me of the story of the proverbial goat in Ethiopia that stole and ate the wheat reserved for ecclesiastical service at the church and was in the end driven to becoming laud more talkative to the level of almost telling that she was the thief. “Megeberia Yebelach fiyel Yaslefelifatal”, so goes the saying.

Apparently, some clever Woyane thought that it is smarter to set out by questioning the methodology of HRW rather than attacking its credibility directly. Or they must have been mindful of the fact that the credibility thing with regard to investigating itself is not the best suit of Meles Zenawi’s government. Many Ethiopians including the international community has not forgotten the fait of the investigation of the post election massacres in Addis Ababa where the investigators had to flee the country with the video and written transcript of the results of their investigation to tell the truth to the rest of the world. The whitewash of the genocide against the Agnuak ethnic group in Gambella is still fresh. They seem to understand that accusing an organization of stellar global respect as HRW for credibility would not fly. The less intelligent, shoot-from-the-hip TPLF puppies at Aigaforum (the people who wrote editorials recommending death penalty on members of the opposition for testifying at the US congress) did that crazy job already by throwing the kitchen sink at HRW moments after the report was published.

The Ethiopian authorities who wrote this so called investigation report, however, do not tell us how their methodology contrasts with that of HRW or how the witness interview method, one of multiple methods used by HRW researchers, yields less valid results than the interview method extensively and almost exclusively used by Meles Zenawi’s agents on a captive population in the Ogaden, a good number of whom are prisoners accused of being members of the ONLF (Ogaden National Liberation Movement). Some of the witnesses, we are told in the report, are former ONLF fighters living in the area. And Meles Zenawi and his cronies want people with heads on their shoulders, to believe the pile of crap they compiled by interviewing them.

As an Ethiopian who prides himself of the decency and goodness of the Ethiopian people, I want many of these damning reports by human rights groups and journalists including this by HRW about gruesome war crimes, collective punishment and the use of rape and starvation as a weapon of war by Meles Zenawi’s government to be false. I have two important reasons to want HRW’s report to be false.

First, I believe these kinds of extreme and gruesome crimes reported by human rights groups do not only tarnish the image of only the government or its leaders for which I care less, but unfortunately also speak badly of all of us as a people and distort the image of the country and the people we love. Disgraceful and shameful things that happen in a country, whoever the perpetrator and at whatever scale, often become broad paintbrushes that discolor the good and the bad together and create a bad single whole image of an entire country and people. Look how a handful of extremists in the Islamic world have tarnished the good religion of Islam. The crimes of the Nazi’s still shame many good Germans who were not even born at the time. Some years ago, I was chatting with a European friend when she asked me how I managed to survive and escape the famines in Ethiopia. She couldn’t believe me when I told her that there were millions of us, more than three fourths of the population at the time, who had enough food to eat. She couldn’t let go the image she formed of Ethiopia and kept on arguing with me until she got onto my nerves. But then again I myself also almost did the same thing to a Rwandan I met recently.

Even inside our long years of civil wars in the past, these kinds of systematic collective punishments of entire people and the use of rape as a weapon, as repeatedly reported by human rights groups and journalists as under Meles Zenawi in the Ogaden and earlier in Gambella, have never been heard of. Even Mengistu’s government, whose brutality is among the worst in our history, was transporting teff and other food items with cargo planes from central Ethiopia to Eritrea at the height of the civil war in the 1980s. This stands in huge contrast to Meles Zenawi’s blocking of relief organizations such as the Red Cross and Doctors Without Borders from operating in the Ogaden and the closure of access roads to transport food to the area at a time when the region was in the middle of a grueling famine. At one time some of these humanitarian organizations were begging Zenawi’s government to let them save lives. This, in my vew, can happen only in a country that is capable of producing human beasts. I don’t want to believe this took place in Ethiopia.

Second, I find it hard to accept that some among our good, wonderful and decent people turned soldiers, are capable of doing what human rights groups and journalists tell us they do. Having been to literally every part of Ethiopia and knowing most ethnic groups, I find it hard to believe that there could be beasts among those wonderful people who are capable of raping elderly women the age of their mothers, strangle and burry human beings alive, and burn the villages of poor people. Most of you may remember the days in June 1991 when Mengistu’s government collapsed and nearly half a million soldiers and armed militia were dispersed around the country without any command and control. I have seen them with my own eyes when they beg for food with automatic machineguns hung on their shoulders and round after round of ammunition all over them. Nothing but only that heritage of common decency was between them and the rest of us to stop them from crossing the line. I remember it with pride. That was an “only in Ethiopia” moment. I don’t want to believe that these values and that longstanding fabric of our society and culture have changed in a decade and half. I don’t want to believe that the poison of hate Meles Zenawi sprays in Ethiopia has succeeded to such an extent. So, I only wish the HRW report or the scathing annual reports of the US State Department on Human Rights or the gruesome stories written about the Ogaden on the New York Times are wrong.

The Sadism, the lie and the pile of crap in the report

Reading this so-called investigation report of the Ethiopian authorities is a torture on two levels. First, a good part of the English is so difficult to understand. Sometimes you need to translate it into Amharic to understand it. The authorities who wrote, read, approved and issued this report seem to have shed any grain of sense of embarassment and shame. For heaven’s sakes, this is a government document that, for whatever it is worth, is expected to be read widely. How difficult is it for a government that hires lobbyists in the US with millions of dollars to hire an editor to at least check basic grammar and spelling? Consider the following I randomly picked as example:

“Its [HRW’s] inclusion of irrelevant and inappropriate satellite imagery seems to have
been included to add drama to its media communications”. (Page 5)

And this,

“HRW, however, merely chose to use the burning of Lasoole as another unjustified accusation against her ENDF”. (Page 24)

Or this,

“As far as I know there is nobody has been killed in our village” (Page 34)

I could have gone on and on had this been my main concern here. It is pathetic.

The second level of torture when reading this report is the sadism it is replete with. The government data was obtained almost exclusively through interviewing the local people who are traumatized by the savage war. A large number of these interviewees are prisoners. Many are women. Still many, we are told on the report, are former ONLF fighters. You can sense the terror they go through as they were trying to avoid the answers their questioners don’t want to hear. The video version of the report being spread by government media is particularly hard to watch. It is a mass manufacturing of lie. If you believe the results of this so-called investigation to be true, you should as well believe me when if tell you pigs can fly.

Here are some interesting highlights. You may remember the 23 year old Mohammed Abdi Wayd who HRW reported was strangled and killed by member of the Ethiopian Defense Forces for being one of many community members who refused to obey a deadline to vacate a village as ordered by the army. The person the government interviewers summoned to testify on this dead kid, we are told, is his next of kin. Read the following and see the sadism for yourselves. How many Ethiopians under normal circumstances do you think would say the death of their young relative is a punishment from God?

He is a close relative of mine. He died in the fighting between government forces and ONLF. This is the truth. He was a trouble-maker. He was a bandit. Upon Alah’s orders, he met his death fighting the Defence Forces. I didn’t record the exact date when he died. One day there was fighting between ONLF and the Defence Forces in the Wafdug area. In the Yuub area too. He died in that period. He robbed people of their belongings. He picked up a quarrel and attacked people. His death is a punishment fro (sic) all his wrongs.” (Page 32)

Does anybody in his right mind believe that in a traditional society where kinship means a lot more than blood relation, and of all places in the Ogaden, would say of this about his dead relative unless at a gun point? Obviously, the person must be trying his best to fend off any possible suspicion of supporting the ONLF like his dead kin. Anybody who has done research in rural Ethiopia using questionnaires knows that telling what the government wants to hear is one of many sophisticated survival mechanisms peasants and pastoralists have developed to fight the tyranny of their governments over the years. And Meles Zenawi and his cronies want us to believe the crap they collected through this bogus method and question the validity of HRW’s conclusions refined over long years of recording Human rights abuse around the world.

In its attempt to clean itself of HRWs charges of rape and sexual abuses the government report, believe it or not, says this,

“It [the investigation team] interviewed people from various sectors of society and a number of women prisoners from several different prisons. All completely rejected HRW’s allegations”. (Page 37).

Now listen to what female prisoner Asmal Isal Abdi tells the investigating team:

“I am in prison here for the crime I committed. I have never encountered any problem. In prison, I am receiving proper treatment.” (Page 37)

And hear from another female prisoner Ram Ali Huyida who is reported to even have gone further in speaking for all women prisoners:

“There is nothing like this that happened to me or to the other prisoners in this prison.” (Page 37)

Another female prisoner, Amina Usman, in the town of Jijiga has a more targeted “testimony” to which the interviewers seem to have direct her – to exonerate the soldier rapists cited in the HRW report:

“No prisoner, including myself, has suffered any ill treatment from Government soldiers.”
(Page 38)

It is not even clear from the report as to why another female prisoner, Faduma Abdu Haj, had to testify saying that there were no women who were burnt alive when she was not even asked. Listen to her:

“I have never seen or heard any information regarding the raping of any woman by Ethiopian soldiers. There is no woman who was raped or burnt alive.” (Page 38)

The report also has a cascade of responses from interviewees who say that no village has been burnt by the ENDF. All of them said that any village burnt was burnt by ONLF solders who were dressed in Ethiopian army uniforms and speaking the Amharic language to make it look the Ethiopian army did it. It gets more interesting, doesn’t it? The people are so in love with the Ethiopian army that the ONLF has to do this to have them hated, and by speaking the Amhaic language without a Somali accent? Huh!

On the other hand the “investigators” tell us that they have done all their interview and research in the Ogaden. Why the investigators thought it is important to interview people to testify as to whether villages were burnt or not if they themselves see the villages intact is a mystery. HRW has given the geographic coordinates for the satellite imageries of the villages in question by providing the latitudes and longitudes of each site. Why is it difficult to present another aerial photo or a photograph taken from a higher ground and debunk it if it is a lie? Interestingly, the team has provided us with horizontally taken ground photographs that cannot by any measure show the condition of a larger settlement. Some of the photographs show two or three houses from one side surrounded by scrubland. More importantly, unless you hire a “tenquay” there is no way to attest that the picture shows the real village in question. They give you no coordinates.

The goons who prepared Zenawi’s report also want us to believe that girl HRW reported was brutally killed by the Ethiopian forces was alive by showing us a photograph of a girl who they say has the same name. They have been parading her on their TV and other media as if it is an airtight evidence to show the real girl is not dead, as if you can’t find hundreds of Faduma Hassans in the Ogaden or as if you cannot name the picture of any girl Faduma Hassan.

The investigators, in their wisdom thought that they should throw us some bones to be believable and help them sell us their pile of crap. They say they have found one case of torture among female prisoners by an army Major named Kiros. (Don’t forget most women who testified are already reported to have said that no torture of woman has ever taken place). Read her testimony paying special attention to her last sentence:

“I was arrested for being ONLF member. During the time I was in prison, I was tortured by Major Kiros, Intelligence Officer of the Fik zone 7th Regiment. This was around September 2007. During the interrogation, he strangled my neck with cloth, forced me to take off my clothes and flogged my back and feet. He tortured me by saying, out with the truth. Of course, I was ONLF member. Apart from this I do not know any other problem. I have not suffered from any wrongdoing in this prison. I confirm this.” (Page 40) emphasis added

Why was the lady that went through so much torture forced to say she “has not suffered any wrong doing in this prison”? After having gone through that humanly unbearable torture how did she manage to say that? Or shall we say the Investigator Team added it to make it look like what she went though was a prank between friends. How sadistic is that? By the way, where is Major Kiros the torturer? Why is his last name withheld? Why wasn’t this criminal interviewed like the rest of the prisoners? What was the punishment he received? The investigators are mum on these. We know why. I suspect Major Kiros is walking the streets of Addis Ababa or Mekele or managing some property of EFFORT somewhere or on scholarship in the Netherlands. After all, the Agazi soldier who killed Wro Etesnesh in front of her children for asking to spare her husband lives in freedom with no questions asked. There is a lot of repugnant and sadistic material to go over in this whitewash. You can read it holding your nose, as I did.

Challenge:

Either out of ethnic identification or innocence or misinformation or any other reason, I believe there are many Ethiopians who want to give Meles Zenawi’s report the benefit of the doubt, as there are many who actively promote this lie. I challenge all of them and the blind supporters of the TPLF/EPRDF, including my good friend Ato Haimanot Lakew from Boston who made me laugh by referring to the crap as a “carefully researched and written report” [3] and some Molla Mitiku who tried to shamelessly fake an outrage and called the governments investigators “independent investigating team” [4], to ask the Ethiopian authorities to allow independent investigators including the UN and reexamine the case. Why fear if you are outraged that HRW manufactured its report? To ask anything less is to collaborate with the cover up of crime and injustice. Don’t forget that we will all have to answer for this crime on judgment day. I don think his day is too far.

(The writer can be reached at [email protected])

9 thoughts on “Human Rights Watch Vs. Meles Zenawi’s regime

  1. this is nothing but a kangaroo court. who do they think they can fool? Do they think they are smarter than all people? Do they thing they can cover up all those they mass-murdered in the Ogaden region?
    if what they are saying is true why don’t they allow the human right organizations to visit Ogaden region?

  2. Oooooops! This report must have made meles kezenawi and his tooges sleepless. One day they all will face justice and that day wont be far. The order of the world is changing, but the woyane mind set is still where it was before 30 years ago, when they run away from school (cos they simply cant handle the pressure of the then challenging education system) and secluded in dedebit (what a perfect palce for hiding DEDEBS!)

    Actually one cant blame the woyanes, cos a sane person cant expect a bunch of illiterate, high school drop outs to adjust their mindset consciously. Unless they are removed by any means necessary(either peacefully or militarily) they will continue to ride the country into the road to havoc.

  3. Innocents bloods is crying to heaven.And God is hearing to that cry whereever it might happen.Mengistu tried to hide the innocents blood he spilled but he couldn’t.The todays government brought them to justice who spilled the innocents blood in tigray and elsewhere in the country.No matter how much they the todays government trying to hide the innocents blood they are taking,they will not and could not escape from the justice.cause God is looking what they are doing every second a every minutes………

  4. Gambella is also a big issue. Why do you forget places like Asebot, Arba Gugu, where Mass graves were dug to dispose the dead. There are uncountable evidences to accuse those barbaric Woyanes if an independent Commission is setup to figure out all wrong doings in the entire nation.

  5. Sorry to hear the heart ranching treatments of these innocent people. However, most Ethiopians are not immune from Meles’ atrocities with the exception of Woyannes; but it seems all we hear about is the mistreatment of the separatist groups. How about the suffering of all other groups who are being tortured in Wollo, Gonder and Amhara provinces?

  6. Fekade’s Glowing Account clearly demonstrates the genocide commited by Meles Zenawi’s regime.The regime has been caught caught red handed by Africa Watch.The satellite image is a conclusive evidence that the regime can not dismiss altogether.

    Instead of trying to cirmvent the solid proof, why doesn’t the regime sit down and negotiate to end the problem? Wasn’t Meles Zenawi who preached separation rather than national unity? Why doesn’t he then try the peaceful way rather than a genocidal act commited by its predecessor, The Dergue?

  7. The charges of Human Rights Watch are politically motivated. The government of Ethiopia is in war against secessionist forces and has every right to defend Ethiopia with all means necessary. I wonder why the Opposition is crying for the secessionist forces. Meles Zenawi is the enemy number one of EthiopiaBut so are the secessionist forces. In the case of somalia and Oadn we have to suppor the ehiopian government. Meles Zenawi is much better than the secessionist forces. Did we not draw our lessons from “Eritrea”, which is now working with other forces to dismantle Ethiopia? Though Mengestu was a dictator, he stood for Ethiopia and we should have supported Mengistu in his war (our war) against the secessionist forces in then province of Eritrea and Tigray. We supported the rebesl and stood againstMENGISTU. It seems Shewkanais repeating the same mistake. Shewakana might be a bqanda fom Eritrea.

    WE HAVE TO STAND WITH THE CURRENT GOVERNMENT IN THE WAR AGAINST OGADEN, SOMALIA, ERITRA AND OTHER COUNTRIES.

  8. Tesfaye is nothing but another idot who has a rotten mind like Zenawi his savage and heartless members. you fool you are daydreaming and you still thing today is yesterday. you are still have the same mentality that you to swear in Haille sellase.
    I don’t know when but I am 100% sure that one day those bastards, including you will eliminated from the sacred land Ogaden.
    we will see who laugh last.

  9. Does the Human Rights Watch Report’s Flaws Reflect Only Methodological Problems or Something Else…?

    By: Haimanot Lakew, Boston , MA 11/28/08

    Initially, after reading the Human Rights Watch’s report Collective Punishment, released on June 11, 2008, regarding the alleged abuses of the Ethiopian government on the Ogaden region, as an Ethiopian, I was puzzled. How could such atrocities, to the point of being accused of near-genocide, be allowed to occur under the current political leadership of Ethiopia, especially by its defense forces, in light of its contribution to regional peacekeeping in a number of countries, including Burundi, Liberia, Sudan and its impeccable record of observing the rules of engagement in terms of human rights during the war against Eritrea? Immediately, I felt that the Ethiopian government should respond to this allegation, especially due to the gravity of the report. Plus, my concern was intensified by the fact that the Human Rights Watch is an organization that has tremendous weight throughout the international community; its name alone has remarkable significance and power in influencing policy-makers throughout the western world. I understood that the burden of moral and political accountability on the part of the Ethiopian government was heavy and would have to be responded to as quickly as possible.

    So, the very fact that the Ethiopian government took the initiative in responding with the carefully researched and written report, Flawed Methodology, Unsubstantiated Allegations: The Results of an Investigation by the Government of Ethiopia into Allegations by Human Rights Watch on Human Rights in the Somali Regional State, in November, 2008, was in my opinion, a positive first step. This report, by and large, focused on exposing what it felt to be the faulty methodology behind the Human Rights Watch investigation and subsequent report. Paramount among these perceived flaws, according to this report, was that the Human Rights Watch investigators hardly ever set foot on Ethiopian soil, meaning that there was a lack of field work, since most investigations were done over the phone from locations like Djibouti and Kenya , which led to dependence on hearsay. Perhaps due to this faulty research, many of the names, locations, and conditions, of places were incorrect, as were many of the testimonies that were used as hard fact within the report, to the point where most of these appeared to be mere fictions as opposed to legitimate accounts of abuse and torture. As a result, one begins to wonder how such a renowned organization like the Human Rights Watch can commit such serious errors in its research in monitoring human rights violations around the world. Appropriately enough, the Ethiopian government by its very nature, chose to hone in on the flawed research methods used by the Human Rights Watch, finally urging the organization to reconsider its processes for future investigations. However, as a member and citizen of this world community, shouldn’t I go further to assess, to inquire, even to the point of speculation? Why should such gross errors of professional judgment, as well as the profound lack of professional ethical behavior on the part of staff members of the Human Rights Watch, be tolerated within the organization, never mind in the parties that they accuse? While contemplating within this framework, I came up with three major reasons why such reporting is only to be expected from the Human Rights Watch as long as these underlying factors aren’t immediately discussed.

    The first of these reasons is that as an agency, and like most developmental agencies, human rights groups, and international news agencies, etc, there is, what I call, contempt towards the entire continent of Africa . What I mean by this is that while the need for a human rights monitoring system is vital during this time, as well as the need for such developmental agencies to aid and for other international news agencies to bring objective and more balanced hard facts to the international community and thereby link Africa with the rest of the world and vice versa, what we see from all these international agencies, including the human rights watch groups, is a lack of effort to assemble the best resources for Africa, which would include the best educated staff members to be in the field, as well as the most experienced and most ethical staff. Time and time again, as demonstrated in the actions of these organizations, by assembling third-rate people to cover Africa, reserving the best staff members for more desirable locales in the Western world, there is a certain amount of contempt, leading to an overall attitude that one always knows what to expect from Africa, which in turn leads to the shoddy reporting and investigation that we have seen manifested in the June of 2008 Human Rights Watch report. To my readers, the last thing that I would want to be accused of is waving the African Nationalism Flag, because ultimately, no matter what happened, whether it was the ONLF which incited the gross human rights violations within its own community or the government, the fact is that this was our own Ethiopians’ fault and was most certainly not caused by the Human Rights Watch. However, the difference lies between someone coming from the outside world and merely monitoring, aiding, or bringing news and someone coming from the outside world with his/her own agenda designed to exacerbate the situation that they are coming into. In this respect, the racism of the colonialist era was the lesser of two evils; in other words, it was represented as an occupation force, set up there to impose its own rules and its own racist attitude. The current version of racism is far more subtle and sophisticated and is demonstrated in such actions as reserving one’s worst reporters and investigators to an area that one deems as meriting less quality of work.

    The second reason lies in the whole notion of clumping all the countries in Africa into one large mass that has the same history of violence, patterns of war, bad governance, human rights violations, etc. Thus, the most incompetent of leaders, Mugabe, is not only to be found in Zimbabwe , but also in the leadership in other parts of Africa as well. By the same token, if there is ethnic cleansing in Darfur, then by all means, the same must be true in the Somali region of Ethiopia as well. This logic continues on and on throughout the entire continent. There is no effort or hard work on the part of such agencies as Human Rights Watch to find the important distinctions among these countries, since it’s far easier to think of Africa as one large country instead of as a continent of made up of many and diverse countries. It’s this logic which causes the report to stumble into the grave blunder of lumping Ethiopia into the mass of generalities that they choose to subscribe to Africa . With a little more research and an overview of Ethiopian History 101, Human Rights Watch could have discovered that the present Ethiopian government came to power as a liberation front, so in its present role as a government executing a counter-insurgency operation against the ONLF, it’s a simple fact that it gives a higher priority to the well-being of its citizens, which would mean that it would take care to focus solely on the military side of the ONLF and ultimately, it would have a strong commitment to solve problems through political means as opposed to a total military solution, unless it was absolutely forced to turn to this measure, as it was in the case of the ONLF. So, one wonders how Human Rights Watch failed to notice this unique historical precedence in Ethiopia which sets it apart from many other African nations, and even from its own past history.

    The third reason is that many of these international agencies and organizations, such as Human Rights Watch and in particular, the international human rights monitoring organizations and news agencies are infatuated with the highly romanticized idea of freedom fighters in a liberation front. Somehow, these mythical figures have become embedded in any example of so-called liberation efforts, no matter the real-life context of these so-called freedom heroes. A classic contemporary example of this is in The New York Times, a highly respected institution within the newspaper industry which has a firm moral ground against any and all terrorist activities around the world, and yet, which has a staff member who has fallen in love with the ONLF forces or “freedom fighters”, recreating their image so as to render them a legitimate political group with a reasonable socio-political agenda. So in short, there are still traces of the leftist political agenda within this organization, traces that must be re-examined in order to fully understand the scope of these unspoken liberal biases. There needs to be a new outlook to closely monitor the reaction towards these “liberation fronts”, since the phrase can often be deceptive and be manipulated for any number of causes and agendas. It is in discussing this need for a new outlook in addressing this dilemma and how to tackle the situation that Paul Collier brings up the following scenario in his book The Bottom Billion:

    “Donations from diasporic communities have been one of the key sources of finance for rebel movements, so rebels have learned how to manipulate their public relations. The Irish Republican Army (IRA) attracted money from Irish Americans, not just money, either—apparently some of the guns used by the IRA came from the Boston police department (though the attacks of September 11, 2001, brought a stop to that one, once Americans realized what terrorism actually meant). The Tamil Tigers got money from Tamils in Canada ; the bomb killed or injured more than 1,400 people in Sri Lanka ’s capital city, Colombo , in 1996 was paid for from a Canadian bank account. Albanians across the European Union financed the Kosovo Liberation Army, a group that some European politicians actually mistook for a decent political movement until it got its chance to murder. The best-organized Diaspora movement of all was the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front. The Diaspora financed the war for thirty years, and in 1992 they won. Eritrea is now an independent country. But did the war really achieve liberation of the Eritrean people? In September 2001, after an unnecessary international war with Ethiopia , half the Eritrean cabinet wrote to the president, Isaias Afwerki, asking him to think again about his autocratic style of government. He thought about it and imprisoned them all. He then instituted mass conscription of Eritrean youth. Ethiopia demobilized, but not Eritre` . Eritrean youth may be in the army as much to protect the president from protest as to protect the country from Ethiopia . Many young Eritreans’ have left the country. As I write, the government is in the process of expelling international peace observers, presumably so that it can restart the war. Was such liberation really worth thirty years of civil war?” (22-23)

    While I write this article, I wonder which human rights group will perceive the current terrorist group in India , which has created havoc over the weekend in Bombay , as a “liberation front”. Which outside diasporic community is possibly financing this group?

    To conclude my brief reaction to and critique of the Human Rights Watch report, while it was legitimate for the Ethiopian government to solely focus on the research methods which led to the organization’s shortcomings in its findings and while highly appreciative of its desire to further engage with the Human Rights Watch and to “explore the possibilities of collaboration in the field”, it was my duty as a citizen of this world and as a person who is also very appreciative of the admirable mission of the Human Rights Watch’s work, to further probe into the underlying reasons for these kinds of shortcomings and to offer up a new outlook and commitment in monitoring human rights violations around the world.

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