Ethnicity as the main cause of the problems following the period 1991

By Abeje Tesfaye

I wrote this piece after the religious crisis in Jimma last year. It appears to me that more of such a crisis will happen now and then in the near future. After all that is what the ruling EPRDF wanted to hang on power. These who committed the crimes got the arms from government and run away with it. In this brief piece, I will discuss ethnicity as the main cause of the problems following the period 1991.

The introduction of ethnic based federal form of government in Ethiopia in 1991 has marked a new chapter in the nation and created new forms of identity in the nation’s political history. Since then federalism has been an issue of political significance employed both to justify and to criticize the idea of government and its intention to represent ethnicity.

For some the development and increased participation of different ethnic groups since 1991 is welcomed as a positive change that erodes the previous patterns of domination and facilitates aspects of local expression that were previously impossible. What happened after the introduction of federalism was that the country went through more than 20 different forms of conflicts. The factors encouraging conflicts come from different directions and the causes and the scope of these conflicts are many and complex.

The dramatic and fundamental transformation in to a federation based on ethnicity however was not subject to public debates and it was simply imposed by EPRDF. Government indicated its euphemism for the systematic, deliberate isolation of different ethnic groups to participate in matters affecting their life. Political appointment and commitment from ethnic groups calculated by loyalty to the party or the person in charge and meant only for symbolic purposes.

For many reasons, the assumption that ethnic federalism provides a cure for the problems created by the existence of ethnicity proves to be in contentious. Arguments in favour of ethnic federalism focus on the concept of identity. By strengthening identity it is hoped that members of various linguistic groups can come to feel more strongly identified with the central state, thus reducing the likelihood of violence and ethnic conflicts. Arguments against ethnic federalism however states that there is substantial hostility and resentment felt both for rational and irrational reasons.

The use of language as a structure for organizing society, for example is inherently problematic because individuals do not necessarily fit neatly into linguistic categories. Geopolitical units once established are far from stable and are subject to constantly evolving processes of redefinition. At times it may not even be the inhabitants who are concerned about whether they belong to a particular geopolitical unit or another.

In the past two decades, we have witnessed the bitter fact that the establishment of ethnically defined federalism resulted but not limited to creating fresh forms of identity, which increases on potential damage in perpetuating and creating separate formulations of identity, up to destroying the unity of the Ethiopian State. Then these translated in to severe problems of low income and pricing, revenue, and shortage of capital and persistent debt due to engagement on agrarian in nature.

The constitution protects fundamental rights and freedoms and specifically guarantees self determination. However, those guarantees are less ironclad in practice. The government exerts subtle pressure on groups that ask for the attainment of the constitutional provisions. The constitutional guarantees have fallen short due to ingrained social prejudices, weak judicial system, and underperforming government social assistance agencies. The government’s heavy-handed dismissal of the political agenda of large segments of the Oromo population is seen as ingrained bias by many.

To hold on to state power, to hold the states together, and to defend its interest, the government used ethnic cleansing as an instrument of warfare against opponents. Terror was justified by its security forces and appeals to maintain “the constitutionally established Government”. Attack and description of opposition as ‘unconstitutional and illegitimate’ led to further breakaway away of groups from the national politics. The government brands those who propose alternative policy approaches as illegitimate, if not terrorists.

If peace is to become real in Ethiopia, it is indispensable to work to rebuild the relationship with different ethnic groups in the country. The central challenge to this exercise does not lie in the repair of the physical and institutional devastation, nor in the repatriation and reintegration of refugees. The primary challenge in rebuilding a society that has been torn apart by ethnic lines has to do with mending relations and restoring trust. If people do not trust each other, and lack confidence in any political arrangement put in place and in the conflict prevention mechanisms process in general, then the best rebuilding strategies are likely to fail.

Despite it is a current structural limitation, if federalism is properly coordinated and consulted with history, culture, tradition and way of life of the different groups, ethnic federalism will address the concurrent social, political, economic and cultural conflicts in the country. One concrete way to help in peace building is to provide informal mechanisms, in which the main actors can meet, talk, share their differences and points in common, and build confidence.

In making peace to happen in Ethiopia, EPRDF can and must be ready to sacrifices its interest to the benefit of all the different groups. Flexible approaches that aim to accommodate diversity are the most likely means to achieve coherent and functional federalism, whether it is ethnic in character or not.

The writer can be reached at [email protected]