By Shewayilma Kidane

The Ethiopian government conducted the historical May 2005 election in the intention of getting international legitimacy. Zenawi’s government didn’t anticipate that type of opposition victory and were not really prepared to share or transfer power to the winner. Soon after, the first election results of the capital, Addis Ababa has shown that the ruling party EPRDF lost all the seats of the city parliament, the ruling party began tampering with the ballots boxes and changing the number in its favour.

Riot police and security forces shot at least 200 people, including several women and children, in the capital Addis Ababa and other parts of the country during June, October and November 2005, demonstrations over disputed elections. Meles has blamed the opposition for inciting the violence and defended the actions of the security forces as necessary to preserve the peace. Until the May election, Meles was one of among some heads of state once heralded as the next generation of great leaders on the continent. The May election has showed to the world that the Meles regime is not ready to play by the rule of the game and bullets, not ballots, determined who rules the country.

The Meles government is deliberately doing many things as a strategy to divert international attention from its domestic problems and to regain the lost international confidence and support. Three weeks later after the US General John Abizaid’s handshake with the PM Meles, Ethiopian troops ( Ethiopian/American Invasion ) invaded Somalia.

The war has shown Ethiopians two things. First, Ethiopia for the first time in history invaded a neighbouring country. Second, the war on Somalia has made it clear that Ethiopia has already become an overseas province of a super power nation. And the PM of Ethiopia has assumed the role of regional policeman. I personally support our troops. Ethiopian troops fight and die for their nation while the PM and his diplomats wine and dine for their “country”.

Former dictator Mengistu was sentenced to life imprisonment, in absentia, ending a twelve-year trial for genocide and other crimes. The jailed opposition leaders, elected parliamentarians, journalists and leaders of the civic societies are facing “treason” and “genocide” charges. It seems to me that the ruling EPRDF has its own definition to the word genocide. But, what is genocide? According to the UN definition genocide as: “The deliberate and systematic destruction of a racial, ethnic, political or cultural group, in whole or in part.” By all definition, what has happened against the Anuaks in Gambella is genocide.

Meles faced a tough challenge to convince the outside world that the democratic credentials are intact, particularly after authorising a crack down soon after the election. From the then UN Secrteary General Kofi Annan to the US President George Bush to Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice, to many members of Congress and the EU have all called for an aggressive, transparent investigation and to hold those individuals to account for all those killings. ON November5, 2005, after a lot of international pressure, Meles announced that an independent commission would investigate whether police used excessive force to quell protests.

Excessive Force

ON November 14, 2005, after hearing the report presented by Workneh Gebeyehu, the Federal Police Commissioner, the parliament decided to establish an independent inquiry commission that would investigate the force used by the security forces was excessive or not; whether the handling of human rights was conducted in accordance with the constitution and the rule of law or not, and the damaged caused to life and property as a result of the incident. On December 5, 2005, the parliament endorsed the 11-member the Commission.

During the investigation, the Federal Police was not co-operative in giving evidences to the commission. In addition to that, Dr. Mekonnen Dissasa, a member of the commission, was leaking the inquiry commission’s findings to the government officials, specially to the government representative and spokesperson in parliament, Ato shifera Jarso, and to the speaker of the House, Ato Theshome Toga, who is a member of the ruling EPRDF. A day before the inquiry commission was to announce its findings to parliament, the parliament was adjourned for recess. Due to that reason, the inquiry commission was deliberately deprived of its rights to present its findings to members of the parliament. On the same day, Meles told members of the commission to reverse their findings and warned them that caution must be taken to make sure that the final report of the commission would not tarnish the image of his government.

According to Judge Frehiyowt Samuel, Chairman of the Inquiry Commission, a decision was made on July 3, 2006. The Commission found (voting 8 to 2) that security forces had used excessive force in killing of 193 civilians and injuring of 763 others. It should be known that the Commission’s report doesn’t include the 65 inmates who were executed at Kaliti Prison on November 1, 2005. Only two members of the Commission, Dr. Mekonnen Dissassa and Sheikh Redman, said that the measure taken by the government is not excessive. But, all members of the Inquiry Commission agreed there was no property destroyed and human rights handling was unconstitutional.

“Proportional” Force?

On October 26, 2006, Dr. Mekonnen Dissasa submitted a revised version of the Commission’s report to the parliament. He told the parliament that 193 innocent civilians were killed and the police did not use excessive force. Only God knows how Dr. Mekonnen defines the word excessive force. Dr. Mekonnen was appointed by the government as Acting Chairman of the Inquiry Commission. One cannot ignore the following two facts:

First, the legality of the report is questionable as it was presented by Dr. Mekonnen, Acting Chairman of the Inquiry Commission who was not appointed by the parliament. The report realeased by Dr. Mekonnen didn’t represent the will of the majority of the Commission’s members.

Second, it is known that the original report of the Commission has been taken out of the country by the vice chairman of the Commission. Dr. Mekonnen’s report was referred to the House Standing Committee for Legal and Administration Affairs Sub-Committee, 11 out 13 members of the committee are from the ruling party EPRDF.

On November 15, 2006, the European Parliament on its resolution on Ethiopia called on the Ethiopian Government to publish unamended and in its entirety, and without any further delay, the final report of the Inquiry Commission.

The behaviour of Dr. Mekonnen Dissasa, the Acting Chairman of the Commission, and Dr. Gemechu Megersa, self appointed Spokesperson of the Inquiry Commision, reminded me a commentary that I read on NA Magazine eleven years ago. Prof. George B.N. Ayittey on his commentary (NA, Oct. 1996) entitled “No tears for Africa’s intellectuals,” said: “so many of Africa’s intellectuals-–some with Ph.Ds and who ought to have known better–have sold out their conscience, integrity and principles to serve the dictates of military despots with half their intelligence.” We all know that Dr. Mekonnen and Dr. Gemechu are no exceptions.

Conclusion

May be Nepal could be an example for Ethiopia. On April 2006, in Nepal, Inquiry Commission held King Gyanendra responsible for the deadly crackdown on anti-monarchy protests, for the shooting and killing of 22 pro-democracy protests. We didn’t need to have a kind of ten commandments for understanding the crime committed against 193 innocent civilians. We all know that the Meles regime has no regard for the law. But that doesn’t hinder us from addressing this case again and again until justice has been served.

Meles Zenawi’s government used excess force against civilians. Zenawi’s government must take responsibility for the conduct of its own security forces. It is public knowledge that after the May election and during the killings, Meles declared a state of emergency, banned political demonstrations and assumed direct control of the Federal Police, the security and the military forces. I personally have no doubt that tomorrow those government officials (Germans call such officials “Schreibtisch Täter”) will fall in the hands of a free and an independent court in Ethiopia like a rotten apple and face justice. And that time will come.

If some of us think that the dead are the only victims, then we are mistaken. When children loss their parents, and parents loss their children, the loss not only felt by the family and the community, but also by the generation to come. We can draw the lesson from the victims of the red terror. And, I know that we Ethiopian do not have short memories. Therefore, only justice can stop and heal such pains from passing through generations to generations.

So, what can we do for 193 massacred innocent civilians. We must set priorities. Our first priority must be justice for the massacred innocent civilians. Our second priority must be justice for massacred innocent civilians. Our third priority must be justice for massacred innocent civilians.