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A way forward for the democratic movement in Ethiopia

By Seman Fereja

A few weeks have now passed since Bemnetu and Andargachew posted their article supporting violent forms of struggle to advance the causes of democracy in Ethiopia. Since then both sides of the debate have put forward impassioned views supporting their respective cases. I believe it is time now to take stock of what transpired in these discussions so far and look for a way forward. The aim of this article is primarily thus.

Although I am a supporter of inclusion of violence in our struggles for democracy in Ethiopia, I would like to congratulate the proponents of ‘peaceful forms of struggle only’ for their impassioned love of peace and concern for the well being of the country. For those of us who can recall the moods and emotions of the mid and late 1970s, such a transformation of attitude towards violence is remarkable and deserves applause.

Even more, I believe that this passion for peace can be one of the seeds for the building blocks of the institutional safeguards against violence going wild and defeat its professed purposes. But, the condition of constructive engagement between the two sides, under the sole objective of advancing the cause of democracy in Ethiopia, will be a minimal requirement for the attainment of this objective. I will come to this issue in the later part of this article, after saying a few words regarding the issues that in my view may be obstacles for progress in these directions.

The proponents of peaceful form of struggle have raised several issues why violent forms of struggle shouldn’t be chosen, and they can broadly be summarised along the following lines:

1. peaceful struggle was seen to bear much fruit during the past two years than the armed struggles achieved during the past 30 years;
2. a civilised form of struggle should be peaceful;
3. it would be immoral to support armed struggles from comfortable living rooms in Europe and America;
4. the dynamics of war and conflict is so complex and likely to land us to where we started from, if not worse, as the experiences of previous armed movements can attest for;
5. armed struggle will devastate the country and cause more sufferings;
6. it will be next to impossible to beat woyane on the battle fields, given the current international situations;
7. The feasibility of launching armed struggles is remote, considering the inter-state relations in the neighbourhood of Ethiopia, unless we compromise our national interest for mere sake of seeing the back of woyane.

The last four points in the above enumeration are valid arguments that every one of us should give our best considerations to. In fact, I will be surprised if the proponents of violent forms of struggle hadn’t considered them in details well before publicising their stance on violence and peace. So, I hope that the original authors (or any group entertaining the idea of starting or conducting a movement incorporating violence as one of its means) will give us their views on these matters in time and engage us in another round of constructive debates.

This would leave us with the first three points, about which I have some concerns. I am concerned most about them, particularly because they look to me divisive and unhelpful in keeping the ‘democratic family’ united together even while engaged in constructive discussions. The main weakness these three arguments share in common, in my view, is that each one of them is based on premises or beliefs whose respective proponents uphold with self-righteousness, but are not shared by the opposite side. If these assertions were to be helpful for constructive debates, they should be shown to derive from the common sets of beliefs or understandings of the ‘democratic family’; or, efforts should be made to convince the opposite side to these beliefs prior to asserting them as truisms. Short of either of these, I am afraid such assertions are recipes to provoke polemics and cause the degradation of the debate to a circus from which only Woyane extracts laughter.

I will try to show why the premises for these three points may not be shared by the ‘democratic family’ at large, by challenging each one of them briefly.

1. About the peaceful struggle having born more fruit than armed struggles

It is stated that the struggle EPRP, OLF etc… have been waging for so long hasn’t led them to anywhere while the struggle waged by the diasporas in Europe and America has arguably ‘resulted’ in the release of the incarcerated Kinijit leaders in two years time.

My main problem with this line of argument is the incomparability of the scopes of the two sets of struggles. OLF and EPRP are struggling to oust Woyane from power, while Kinijit support groups were only pleading with western governments for Woyane’s courts of justice to observe Woyane’s own laws. Clearly, success in the safe streets of Washington, London & Brussels cannot in any way be indicative for the possibility of success on the streets of Addis Ababa, Awassa or Mekele.

In my view, the above observation by the proponents of ‘peaceful forms only’ should be a starting point for serious analysis by provoking questions like “why the struggles of EPRP, OLF, EPPF etc… haven’t succeeded so far? How was it possible that the diasporas’ struggle resulted in the release of the prisoners? Can this form of struggle be replicated in the streets and villages of Ethiopia for the purpose of democratising the country? If so, what would be required in order to do that?”

I will not attempt to dwell on these questions here, except a few comments on the scope of the diasporas’ peaceful struggles during the past two years. Needless to say, the release of the prisoners was made possible because of the influence USA had over Woyane, whose conduct had become despicably embarrassing to the super power whose incumbent leader started by evangelising freedom and liberty to the oppressed peoples of the world. The role of the diasporas’ struggle was to keep this embarrassment persistently in the limelight until a cost-benefit analysis would convince both Woyane and USA to choose the option of releasing the prisoners as beneficiary to both of them. Frankly speaking, the prisoners were released on terms most suitable for Woyane, and I don’t see reasons to be overjoyed about our achievements.1

This experience should by no means convince us to believe about a similar form of struggle to bear fruits when the objective may be shifted to the higher ideal of democratisation of the country. This is mainly because: 1) USA’s foreign policy is based on the preservation of global interests rather than adherence to humanist principles or international laws and a stance against Woyane on the part of USA would require the development of a situation which will be seen as affecting these vital interests adversely; 2) Woyane is likely to stand fast despite pressures from or possibilities of confrontations against USA, if the stakes become so high as to require the relinquishing of political power.

Of course, we should draw lessons from the failures of EPRP, OLF etc… But, that lesson definitely is not the virtue of peaceful struggle to lead to desired outcomes. If the right lessons are to be extracted from this experience, in my belief, we should start by asking “why is it that these movements haven’t delivered their goals despite such length of time having been spent in the struggles? “

If our analysis of the above question may lead us to the answer “because they chose armed struggles”, then proponents of armed struggles should mince their words. But, I very much doubt whether that answer can be an outcome a serious analysis.

2. About peaceful struggle being the only civilised form

The forms of struggle we choose are not merely determined by our tastes only, but predominantly by a multitude of circumstances constituting the situation we find ourselves in at a particular historical juncture. We may be of the highest refined tastes; but that cannot be a sufficient condition for us to practice our values, if our adversaries with whom we are fatefully entangled in a societal inter-relation may have different standards that make the practice of our values impossible. Under such circumstances, we need to compromise some of our sets of values in order to advance the values we believe to be of paramount significance; because the alternative will be to live according to our values individually only (i.e.; abandoning the situation that inter-locked us with our adversaries in a societal relationship).

The ‘civilised’ argument can be given any credence only if a given situation may be such that peaceful forms of struggle can be feasible, and there may be groups who wilfully want to ignore that option in favour of the armed form of struggle. But what is being said here by the advocates for inclusion of violence as a means of struggle is that the current situation in Ethiopia doesn’t allow any meaningful peaceful struggle to be conducted; and if that may be desired to come, Woyane should be pushed to it by use or threat of violence. In my view, for those who disagree with this analysis, the right argument, under these circumstances, should develop by showing how peaceful forms of struggle may be possible in Ethiopia at this moment. If that may be too much to ask for some unknown reasons, questions of the following type should be appreciated and answered in earnest:

“How it was possible for countries of Eastern Europe to achieve their goals through peaceful struggle in a very short time where Burma & Tibet failed for twenty and fifty years respectively?”

As we know, the level of civilisation humanity achieved so far hasn’t extricated the world from use of force to advance various interests. As we speak, American and British defence forces are using superior military force to advance their interests in Iraq and Afghanistan. Different peoples may have different views about these wars, but they remain to be wars started and being conducted by civilised countries. The best we can speak about in our present world is about just and unjust wars, codes and norms of executing wars etc…

3. About the immorality of support for armed struggles from afar

If I understood correctly what the morale proponents are saying in this regard is that, “advocacy for actions that may put others in harm’s way is bad so long as the advocate himself is not partaking in the said actions”.

I think this is invalid argument on two counts. Firstly, what we are doing at the moment is exchange of ideas and actions cannot be started without preparations. By the same token, persons living in Ethiopia but supporting armed form of struggle can ask the proponents of peaceful struggle in the diasporas why they don’t return back to Ethiopia and live under Woyane peacefully. Secondly, the proponents of armed struggle were not heard saying that they would not be part of the struggle they are advocating for. I don’t think they should be expected to say what they will be doing in public.

In the interest of the debate, I would go further and declare that support for something you believe in to be ‘good’ is morale, even when you do not put yourself in harm’s way while others sharing your views did. For example, multitudes of US and European citizens supported ANC fighters during the apartheid era from the comforts of their country houses, not even social housing flats. Are we to declare these ANC supporters as immoral, because the peoples they were supporting were dying fighting against apartheid and them not?

I can see the morale point to be holding some water only under two circumstances: 1) if you decry the non-action on the part of the populace and move on to do damaging things against it on the basis of that judgement; 2) if you become the ultimate beneficiary of the outcome that followed from the suffering of the people while you always stayed away from harm’s way.

But, neither of these charges can stick to proponents of violent form of struggle. These proponents, rather than blaming the populace for not rising up against Woyane as ‘civilised people’ would do under similar circumstances, are suggesting violence as the right form of struggle because they appreciated the impracticability of conducting peaceful struggle in Woyane’s Ethiopia. Also, as far as I can understand, they haven’t yet made a call for the Ethiopian people to revolt against Woyane now; or stated their plan to stay in USA or Europe when such calls may be made in the future.

I don’t think these personalities in the diasporas can be so crazy as to think that they will called from their comfortable residences in USA and Western Europe to assume political power after the struggle against Woyane comes to fruition through the violence of the ordinary Ethiopians. If anyone entertains such possibilities even theoretically, let alone as probable realities, I suspect this may be a health issue or a case of ignorance of the highest order about the capabilities of the Ethiopians in the homeland.

Let us be clear about one thing: the role of the diasporas in the struggle for democracy can only be supportive, not central. The diasporas cannot be the main actor in the struggle, save those elements which join the movements on professional level. In this situation, one of the things the diasporas can do best is development and exchange of ideas. Even this, not because diasporas know better; but because Woyane’s repression doesn’t allow the free flow and exchange of ideas.

In my view, the moral preaching, whether pronounced by diasporas or domestic elements, springs from feudalistic arrogance. If I am to tell a ten year old girl or mentally deranged person to take actions that puts her in harm’s way, I can be charged as morally irresponsible. But airing my views to my equals about what will be the right thing to do, cannot be put under this category by any stretch of imagination. If someone comes to charge me as morally irresponsible for having done so, he must clearly have presumed my superiority. And if he belongs to the same social category as mine, his allegation against me would impliedly be a clear revelation of his arrogance.

Let me conclude this section by posing the following moral question to the moralists: “will it be morale of me if I withhold a view which I truly believe will deliver the peoples of Ethiopia from their sufferings from those very peoples? ”

In arguing as above, I have no doubt about the well meaning and concern on the part of most of the commentators of the above views. My interest here is to try to put the discussions in what I believe to be the right tracks so that the movement will benefit ultimately. When this debate calms down, each one of us may leave with our original stances intact or some of us may be swayed to the opposite view point. Whichever, all of us can be gainers by having clarity about the view points of our respective opposite sides. The challenge to address the concerns of our opposites will also benefit us by sharpening of our own respective standpoints and hence advance the cause of the struggle.

I think all of us would deplore what we witnessed during the past two years about Kinijit’s movement cannibalising itself. I believe that two of the lessons we can draw from this unpleasant experience should be: 1) elevation of our discourse style to a higher level; 2) mutual respect between members of the ‘democratic family’ even while disagreeing on political matters and ideologies.

In this series of debate, we have seen Nelson Mandela, Martin Luther King and Mahatma Ghandi cited by the different sides in order to justify their respective stand points. True, Ethiopia is not yet so fortunate to have a person of such great stature. But, this should not be a pretext for self-absolution from responsibility for not doing enough within the bounds of our limitations. I believe that each one of us should attempt to the best of our abilities to learn from great personalities, at least by imitations, if not on more profound levels.

Nelson Mandela, Martin Luther King & Mahatma Ghandi were great, thoughtful and serious personalities. Because they were thoughtful, they were able to understand the difficulties of their oppressors let alone the situations of the various bodies fighting for the same goal but with secondary level differences. Because they were serious, they were always focused on their goals and never swayed by threats of death or personal sufferings let alone second level differences on matters of tactics for the struggles. Because they were great, they didn’t need to indulge in moralising or emotive rhetoric against members of the broad church of their respective movements in order to attract political followers. Rather, they led by example and multitudes flocked and remained stuck to them till the end.

This brings me to the point I mentioned towards the beginning of this article and deferred to later—constructive engagement. I think we all in the democratic family agree that our main goal is the institutionalisation of democracy in Ethiopia. As our country has always been under autocratic or totalitarian rule, this goal requires am immense task and can effectively be a complete overhaul of our socio-political system. By the same measure we may also have differences on how to achieve these goals.

But, so long as we remain serious about our main goal, we can’t lack the understanding for the others’ positions in their respective situations. By focussing on the main goal and doing our preferred roles or parts only, we remain united and make healthy and constructive engagement with the other members of the ‘democratic family’ possible. It is only if we stay united as such that our movement can develop the strength which may make it very difficult for those countries who professedly support freedom and democracy to ignore.

In my view, these are basics the leaderships of the Ethiopian democratic movements can afford to lose sight of at the minimum. In fact, with some modest vision, these basics can de-facto be transformed to be some of the starters of institutionalising democracy in Ethiopia. For example, if ways may be devised and effected whereby the peaceful political and mass organisations may serve as checking organs for the armed movements, that would be a great achievement in the direction of transforming our society.

To conclude, let us not forget: ‘United’ we have a better chance for success, but ‘divided’ we certainly will fail. The best way of staying united under the present Ethiopian circumstances is by: 1) focussing on the main goal of achieving democratic system in Ethiopia; 2) seriously executing the respective lines of activities we sincerely believe to be leading to our common goal; 3) staying engaged in constructive exchange of ideas between the various trends of the democratic movement; 4) supporting and checking on each other within the family of the democratic movement as and when the needs arise.
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The author can be reached at the following email address: [email protected]

7 thoughts on “A way forward for the democratic movement in Ethiopia

  1. In my simple openion, it is well written and balanced accademic excerise. I believe, we have, just to try whatever works, in order to bring Democracy, Peace and Prosperity in Our Beloved Country, Ethiopia. We have to get rid off the present Woyane Dictatorship by ‘Any Meance Necessary”.
    Thanks again for the Good Article.

  2. I support the peaceful struggle but the fact is we are dealing with TPLF tribal regime that doesn’t respect or understand PEACE it self. So one must ask:
    a) what is the value of peaceful strugle with a regime is continually destroying our country and its citizens?
    b) Should we all seat tight and beg TPLF for democracy?
    c) Is that the essence of peaceful struggle?

    I personally support removing Woyane by any means necessary i.e. Peaceful Struggle and Armed struggle.

    AMEN

  3. Peaceful struggle is not a bad idea at all. However,in the case of our country currently led by a cruel government,violence seems to be an alternative. Woyane was in trouble when there was a mass demonstration and civil disobedience againt their rule. We saw them on the virge of disintegration when people went out and expressed their hatred against their rule.They were panicked for a while.Then,they came up with the idea of negotiation and they won the battle big time.We lost the months long struggle with many Deads and Casualities.That gave us a lesson what negotiation mean around Woyanes’ table.

    Unless woyane see a serious of uprising a gainst them, they will continue to suppress our people for ever. We should not forget for a minute that they lost their senses when they controlled Addis. Thus, peaceful struggle against a senseles gang of criminals is a waste of time. A theif always thinks to steal his next victim until he faces a serious man to bring him down either to jail or death.Woyanes’ are not any different than this.

  4. The foreign agents should be removed and taken to court by any means necessary. Any formula to free our ppl and lead the country in the right direction is acceptable. both peacefull and armed struggle must continue against USA’s servants who have been colonized somalia TO PRTECT USA;s interst.

  5. it is a very good article for generating reflection and debate. One comment is that, CREATIVE NON-VIOLENCE and awareness to be changed and transform society is not measured by the actions and reactions of your oponent. Yes change comes by changing one self first, by being an active participant in the movement rekindling a new awarness for change. This what Ghandi did in his public engagement and Martin Luther King used in his speech from the pulpit. Creative non-violence to be successfull it has to take specific circumstances of the country, belief system and a strong intellegentia that is capable of lending a hand in the movement. Last but not least, armed struggle and violence at this time is very irressponsible. There is no guarantee that democracy will blossom out of chaos. There is no guarantee that we can bring peace and prosperity from the jaws of fratricidal conflict. Creative non-violence is a win win situation if it addresses the grievances by opening inclusive dialogue among the opposition to morally challenge the regime. Creative non violence and mediation will also require your opponent as a partner. The only way armed resistence may be justifiable is that if victory is guaranteed, if achieved by very minimal cost ( or nothing), even one’s life, even if 1 is too many, if brought in very short time and if it guarantees that the emerging system is better than the status quo. With this situation and changinging geopolitical variables internationally armed struggle is very irresponsible and unjustifiable.If constructive engagement and creative non-violence is used I do not have doubt that even our Eritrean and brothers and sisters will reunite and forge a common destiny.Please my brothers and sisters, the world is advancing through globalization and communication, let us rekindle hope in Ethiopia and the rest of Africa. let us be smart and learn from Europe and America. Can you hear any conflict in Europe now? Is it not better to build our respective countries in Africa instead of flocking to Europe, the very Governments became partners in creating the genesis of conflict and dictatorships. Yes, we flock to western capitals because we were also part of the problem.can you envision a scenario where Mugabe comes to Europe and becomes an asylee to change tsvangary’s regime. Our existence and thinking are very paradoxical. We have to start thinking out of the box. It is great to see such constructive article in ER. Respectfully: balcha.

  6. In my opinion, peaceful struggle should not include any type of violence; if it does, then it is not Martin Luther Kings’ or Mahatama Gandhi’s type of movement; rather it is inclined to be Malcolm X’s type of movement, which is doomed to fail.

    In this long article, I can descry Mr. Ferja’s view point that has divided the Kinijit’s members into two groups, which I was unable to see before that such two groups symbiotically coexist without destroying each other. These two groups, one more important than the other, according to this article, are the diaspora people on one side and the people at home on the other side. The diaspora people who live a comfortable life, driving their cars in the streets of New York or in the streets of London or in the streets of Frankfurt, Germany, have contributed little to the people who are in the frontlines at home, facing everyday the brutality of the Woyanne’s police force and struggling hard to overthrow the Meles regime by means of arms struggle. According to the article, the contribution to the people at the frontline at home has been the release of some Kinjit members from jail after two long years, and this kind of achievement by the diaspora people is not satisfactory to those at the frontline. The people at the frontline feel that they are more important than the people of the diaspora. For example, if the people at the frontline succeed through their arms struggle to topple down the Meles regime, they assume they are not going to invite the diaspora people to come home and run the country or share the spoils equally with those who overthrew the Meles regime through their weapons.

    On the other hand, the people on the diaspora are arguing that they are more important than those at the frontlines because they have commented extensively against the Meles regime and denigrated its name through their writings, advertisements, and mailing broachers throughout the world there by weakening the Meles regime, so they want to have a say about the aftermath of the collapse of the Meles regime. To this two fighting groups, I would quote some verses from the scripture to convince which one is wrong and which one is right on the matter of sharing the spoils after Meles Seitanawi is gone for good.

    We remember as the students of the Bible that when David, king of Israel, returned after defeating the Amalekites with great plunder, some of his men did not go with him to fight but remained, taking care of the supplies of those men who went with David to the battlefield. When they came back with great quantity of plunder, the men who went with David to the battle field said that they would not be willing to share the plunder with those who remained behind watching over the supplies. Here is what David said to these greedy men: “No my brothers, you must not do that with what the Lord has given us. He has protected us and handed over to us the forces that came against us. Who will listen to what you say? The share of the man who stayed with the supplies is to be the same as that of him who went down to the battlefield. All will share alike” (1Samuel 30:23-24). Therefore, if by chance, those in the frontline at home brought down Meles without the practical participation of the diaspora people, the frontline people at home should share the plunder equally with the diaspora people who have supported the movement financially, morally, and politically, and that is the way I see it; I may be wrong.

    I don’t think those of us who support Kinijit didn’t join Kinijit because of the failure of the EPRP, or OLF; we simply joined Kinijit because of its peaceful struggle, nothing else, and the lesson we should learn from EPRP or OLF is that arms struggle does not work because it has an evil character or destructive appeals to the warmongers, and we know Meles’ regime is an evil government; therefore, scripture tell us: “Do not be overcome by evil, but overcome evil with good” (Romans 13:21).

    Yes, by peaceful forms of struggle we can defeat our enemy and achieve our goal – the democratization of our country, and in order to do this, we have to be patient. For example, after the fall of man from the Garden of Eden, the prophets preached to the world that Emanuel, prince of peace would be born, and the whole world waited patiently for about 5, 500 years according to the Ethiopian calendar, and then Jesus came, and you know what he did on this earth, and what he will do when he comes for the second time. So we have to be patient, even if it takes 5, 000 years to achieve our goals. The same thing Jeremiah was telling the Jews in exile that they had to be patient for about 70 years and then they would come back to Jerusalem. Again we must be patient if we want to see good results in our peaceful struggle. We should not say, “Forget it, if we do not achieve our goals within one or two years, we are not going to support our movement.”

    It is true the more the world gets civilized, the more problem it creates to its inhabitants, and the more warmongers we become, the more uncivilized we will be. We do not need superior force or we should not imitate those countries that use superior force to achieve their interest because in the end they will fail and leave more hatred to the next generation, but if we achieve our goals through, and we will, peaceful means, we are creating a peaceful transition of a peaceful generation to the other generation.

    Nevertheless, without being asked to go home and bear arms against Woyanne, we in the diaspora have the will and the means, if we want to, to go to Ethiopian and advance the arms struggle’s cause practically and at the same time theoretically.

    The article says: “…support for something you believe in to be ‘good’ is moral….” Well, there were states that supported Adolf Hitler and Bonito Mussolini during World II, and especially the Pope of Rome who blessed the Italian army marching to invade Ethiopia. This is, of course, immoral, because Hitler and Mussolini were invading countries for their self aggrandizements and, especially Germany, for a “living space.” However, the ANC were fighting for their human rights – they were fighting to destroy apartheid from their country – South Africa – and that is why they got a world-wide support for their noble cause, but to be frank, we do not have the kind of apartheid South Africa had had in Ethiopia, and for this reason, if we support arms struggle against Woyanne, we may never get world-wide support. So, we better stick to our peaceful struggle since we have learned from history that Hitler’s and Mussolini’s war was unjustified, yet the ANC’s war against apartheid was justified.

    Indeed, if some one wants to benefit from the outcome of the struggle, he must be part of either the arms struggle or the peaceful struggle; we should not exclude one from the other; however, after peace and democracy are restored in Ethiopia, and if someone who has never participated in any one of them (arms struggle or peaceful struggle) comes and applies for the highest office in Ethiopia, the first priority must be given to the person who did so much and worked hard to liberate his country; and that is what I will do if I were an employer in Ethiopia.

    To me there is no need to call the Ethiopian mass to stand up against a formidable and well armed enemy as Meles the dictator. If we do, we will be condemned by the United States and the European Union that, at present, support the Woyanne regime. We have to convince the world through our peaceful struggle telling them and proving to them that the Woyanne regime is an oppressive and undemocratic government that should be changed by any means but arms struggle.

    At present, I don’t see any convincing reason that prevents the Ethiopians in the diaspora from going back to their country and hold high offices and run their country. After all they have been part of the struggle, peaceful or otherwise. I don’t understand why Mr. Fereja is so pessimistic about the diaspora people’ running their country – Ethiopia – after the collapse of the Meles regime?

    Rather than looking after some heroes of other countries, we should descry our own Ethiopian Mahatama Gandhis either at home or abroad; we should not be always borrowers but some times lenders, too.

  7. Thank you getu. I want to add some comments to your above thoughts.

    There is a significant place for the Diaspora intellegentia. We can be instruments of hope for our people
    by promoting dialogue, among the opposition within and the regime. Employing creative non-violence must not be equated with opportunism , less patriotism or fear. It is the most courageous action to mobilize our people to bring democracy and prosperity. There was great courage in Ghandi even near death. remeber that Mandela’s best partner was Deklirk, son of a segregationist aparthaid. When mandella was being inaugurated he told the diplomatic corps, “I want you to meet very special people,—they were my jailors.”. When a new regime comes in Africa, it comes from the forest with preformed values and slogans. That is what happened in Ethiopia in creating an ethnic based federation than a federal state with an electoral power. Some liberation fronts now are trying to repeat the same mistakes of separation. That is why we should say NO to fratricidal conflict and armed struggle. It can likely cancel the nation to the abyss.I am not justifying the action of the current regime. Somebody has to start mediation with the regime giving the opposition and its adversary a complementary face saving and exit strategy to assure the existence of Ethiopia forever. Again it is not opportunistic to negotiate with your enemy because you cannot negotiate with your friend. We have to go beyond this ‘kid stuff tantrum of slogans’ on all sides and start saving and building the nation. It is very critical.
    Balcha

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