The Kinijit leaders who are unjustly languishing in Kaliti jail are sending out a message this weekend to all Kinijit worldwide committees announcing their selection of a new leadership that will lead the party until they are released.
The new leaders are Ato Daniel Assefa (a prominent member of the 60-member CUD council in Addis Ababa, currently on a working visiting in the U.S), Ato Andargachew Tsegie (member of Kinijit-Europe leadership, who was instrumental in designing Kinijit’s organizational structure before the May 15 elections), Dr. Gebrye Wolderufael (a prominent physician residing in the Washington DC area), Major Joseph Yazew (current chairman of the Kinijit North America), Ato Berhane Mewa (current secretary general of Kinijit North America), and Dr. Moges GebreMariam (a physician and current treasurer of Kinijit-North America).
The new leaders will divide responsibilities among themselves, but previously the Kinijit leaders in Kality made it known that Ato Andargatchew Tsige, with his intimate knowledge of Kinijit’s organizational structure and manifesto, as well as his personal knowledge of all key Kinijit activists through out Ethiopia and around the world, is best suited to head the leadership group.
This Warden Message is being issued to inform U.S. citizens that local police confirm that there were at least nine explosions in Addis Ababa today. The explosions occurred in the following areas: Piazza, Mercato, Old Airport, Granary/Confusion square and near the Black Lion high school. The explosions resulted in at least one death and several injuries. There have been no reports of American casualties.
The U.S. Embassy in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia reminds Americans to thoroughly check your immediate surroundings, maintain security awareness at all times, avoid suspicious or unattended packages and remain vigilant in public areas. Please be particularly vigilant on Monday, May 15, the first anniversary of the parliamentary elections.
The U.S. Embassy in Addis Ababa will continue to monitor developments and, as appropriate, provide periodic updates on the current situation on the Embassy’s website at http://addisababa.usembassy.gov.
U.S. citizens living or traveling in Ethiopia are urged to register with the U.S. Embassy in Addis Ababa or through the State Department’s travel registration website, , and to obtain updated information on travel and security within Ethiopia. By registering, American citizens make it easier for the Embassy to contact you in the event of an emergency. The U.S. Embassy is located on Entoto Avenue in Addis Ababa; telephone (251-(0)11) 124-2424; emergency after-hours telephone (251-(0)11) 124-2400; fax (251-(0)11)-124- 2435; web site .
Updated information on travel and security for Ethiopia may be obtained from the Department of State at 1-888-407-4747 within the U.S. and Canada, or at 1-202- 501-4444 from other countries. U.S. citizens should consult the Consular Information Sheet for Ethiopia, the Worldwide Caution Public Announcement, the East Africa Public Announcement, and the travel publication A Safe Trip Abroad, all of which are available on the State Department’s Internet site at.
The dream France is fostering is one of vision… a powerful concept that moves countries, leaders and people to accomplish great things, especially in transforming their lives and those who live in their societies. To be meaningful, a vision (foresight) must be designed to respond to the real needs of real people at a given time in history. A vision must be shared, clearly understood, owned and, must be able to mobilize spirits, energies, talents, resources and capabilities of people. As critical, a vision must be translated into action.
Translating vision into action requires mindsets and behaviors that are directly related to values and principles. These would include:
•Shared Purpose
•Art of Leadership, including organizational acumen
•Team Work/Collaboration
•Mutual Trust
•Mutual Respect
•Integrity and Honesty
•Transparency and Openness
These values and principles will be discussed in greater detail in Part II of this paper. In Part I, we will diagnose the context and the arguments of why the democratization process in Ethiopia must be pursued with wisdom, patience, perseverance, strategic thinking—always using the National Agenda and Unity of Purpose as guide posts.
Context
When the Chinese popularized the vision that the “people can move mountainsâ€Â, they believed and trusted the capacity of the Chinese people to achieve great things by harnessing the creativity and wisdom of the people. Look at where China is today. When President Kennedy vowed that Americans will put a “man on the moon,†he believed in the scientific capacity and determination of the United States to do just that. History proved him right. When Nelson Mandela vowed that South African blacks will achieve majority rule and democracy, he believed in the capacity, determination and commitment of the people to free South Africa from Apartheid. He lived to witness a multi-racial democracy that has won the admiration of the global community. When Gandhi challenged the British with his wise strategy of “peaceful resistance,†he believed in the resolve of the people of India to break the chain of colonialism and racism. Today, India is on the way to becoming an economic colossus. It is not too long ago that Martin Luther King made his “I Have a Dream†speech and mobilized the hearts and minds of millions of people around the globe and changed the course of history.
Whatever example we may cite, it is clear that charting and pursuing visions and goals that respond to the real political, economic, social, diplomatic and cultural needs of a society are absolutely critical to any country or people. There are no short cuts to achieve them. They cannot be achieved without mutual trust and respect. They cannot occur without leadership & organization. They cannot be accomplished without participation and inclusion of those that can and should be included. They cannot be achieved without persistence, sacrifice, collaboration and team work.
What does sustaining the National Agenda of Democratization mean to us?
Under the political leadership (s) of the Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party (CUD/P) and the United Ethiopian Democratic Front (UEDF), the Ethiopian people witnessed sharp differences in vision and goals between the ethnic-based political and social architecture of the Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and these Opposition parties. The Opposition Parties offered the Ethiopian people a contrasting vision of an all inclusive, peaceful, pluralist, progressive, democratic, free-market oriented and unified Ethiopian society in which the rule of law and the settling of disputes peacefully will be the norm. The Opposition Parties challenged the leadership of the EPRDF to demonstrate the legitimacy of its Governance in political, economic, social, diplomatic, cultural and development policies and practices. The Ethiopian people were given contrasting and sharply differing choices. We now know the choices they made and the adverse consequences that followed.
The May 15, 2005 General Elections were therefore contrasts in vision and practice between the Governance of the EPRDF and the aspirations and hopes of the Ethiopian people as presented by the two major Opposition Parties in general and the CUD/P in particular. As in other countries, the May 15, 2005 General Elections–relatively free and fair up to that point–offered the Ethiopian people a historical opportunity to express their voices in shaping their future. A year ago, 26 million Ethiopians cast their ballots rejecting the legitimacy of the EPRDF. The onslaught against the leaders of the Opposition, civic society, youth, party supporters and others by the regime begum when it became clear that the vast majority of the Ethiopian people rejected its political, economic and social hegemony and leadership.
Almost a year later, the EPRDF leadership remains as intransigent as ever. It continues its scorched-earth policy of repression in order to perpetuate its political and economic dominance. It continues extra-judicial procedures and practices–fabricating false charges against the CUD/P leadership, journalists, civic leaders and youth. It continues to reject the call of the international community to release all political leaders and to begin dialogue with the Opposition. It cleverly and systematically crafts alternative, dependent, submissive and nominal parties loyal to EPRDF. In doing this, it has found and recruited short sighted and easily swayed allies. This is not, at all surprising. A regime that has lost legitimacy resorts to machinations to sustain itself. In many respects, the EPRDF has begun to resemble the Dergue during its fading phase.
At the same time, the Ethiopian people have shown a remarkable determination to sustain the democratization process at all costs. Many innocent Ethiopians have lost their lives for a noble cause. Equally important, Ethiopians in the Diaspora continue their allegiance to the people’s cause and vision. This persistence and determination will ultimately result in achieving a new, democratic, pluralist and progressive Ethiopian in the years to come.
As we observe the first anniversary of the May, 2005 Elections, it is critical that we make note and reiterate the eight (8) Point Preconditions that the leadership of the CUD/P issued as part and parcel of the democratization process. These are highlighted below:
1. The Restructuring of the Election Board into an Independent body;
2. Freedom of and access to All Media;
3. Independent legal system (free of EPRDF party control);
4. An Independent Commission to investigate the killings of innocent Ethiopians;
5. Non-involvement of armed forces or police in political affairs;
6. Reinstatement of Parliamentary procedures and Governance of Addis Ababa in accordance with the verdict of the people;
7. Release of all political prisoners; and,
8. Independent commission or body to adjudicate the above.
These points and principles remain as valid today as they were then. They are part of the democratization process that we should continue to defend.
What are the vital reasons for sustaining the democratization process?
Pretensions aside, Ethiopia’s economic, social and cultural development show persistent poverty. Despite massive foreign assistance totaling more than US$21 billion over the past 14 years, and the recent significant debt relief, the current Government has failed to better the lives of ordinary Ethiopians.. It is even unable to feed the poorest of the poor. There is ample evidence to show that its agriculture based development strategy has not produced the promised outcomes. In a most recent and thorough study on Poverty in Ethiopia, the authors identified the following structural issues, and indicators of failure under the EPRDF:
1. The Gross Domestic Product per capita today is “still slightly above the levels in the early 1970s, underscoring the deep-rooted nature of poverty;â€Â
2. “The micro and macro evidence paint a picture of limited to no decline in consumption poverty (food and other consumables) since l992);â€Â
3. “The agricultural sector (EPRDF’s economic policy foundation) barely kept up with rural population growth,†despite heavy donor contributions to the tune of US$21 billion since the current regime took power;
4. “Poverty in urban areas increased despite substantial growth in the services sector—largely fueled by Government expansion.â€Â….This expansion in Government expenditure did not benefit the urban poor. On the contrary, the beneficiaries remain to be EPRDF loyalists who invest in selected industries, services and locations, including housing, manufacturing, transport, banking and mining extraction. The current regime’s investment, financial and monetary policies have created a growing urban inequality that any visitor to Addis Ababa and other cities would witness. Party affiliated and supported enterprises continue to benefit from Government procurement policies and practices. There is hardly a level playing field for non-EPRDF loyal Ethiopians regardless of nationality, religion or gender. Sadly, donor contributions of billions of dollars have not benefited the poor, especially rural Ethiopia. In fact, the beneficiaries are largely EPRDF party affiliated and run enterprises, leaders and loyalists.
5. The regime’s loss of Addis Ababa in the May 15, 2005 Elections is in part a manifestation of growing nepotism, corruption, lack of a level playing field for all Ethiopians, and therefore growing and sharp inequality. EPRDF lost legitimacy in Addis Ababa and else where in the country because it proved to be incapable and unwilling to respond to the economic, social and political needs and aspirations of the Ethiopian people. This was at the center of the debates during the elections that the Opposition parties surfaced and the public supported through its voice.
6. Today, HIV/AIDS afflicts at least 1.5 million Ethiopians. A total of 539,000 Ethiopian youth are AIDS orphans, one of the largest in Sub-Saharan Africa.
7. “There is a startling correlation between poverty in Ethiopia and the lack of educational achievementâ€Â, especially among girls and women;
8. “At 55-60 percent, pre-school child stunting remains among the highest in Sub-Saharan Africa…†This stunting of Ethiopian children will affect the potential contributions of a future generation of our youth, and therefore the productivity of the national economy;
9. Ethiopian women are among the most disempowered in the world. “With over 75% of women having received no education at all– compared to men at 50%–, the lack of access to educational opportunities for Ethiopian women is one of the major limiting factors in tackling endemic poverty. A Government that cares about its people will devote resources in tackling this limiting factor, instead of investing heavily in national defense, security, intelligence and in its members. The EPRDF does not have the interest, the commitment or the motivation to introduce and implement social policies that address the needs of the vast majority, including women.
10. Despite the demonstrated impact of education in reducing poverty and creating the conditions for sustained growth, Ethiopian society continues to suffer from an educational policy that is ethnic based, narrow in scope and depth, nepotistic and not responsive to the economic and social needs of the country. The study concludes that “education attainment in Ethiopia remains limited “
11. Ethiopians actually suffer from a double phenomenon under the EPRDF. Highly educated and trained Ethiopians leave the country for better and more secure lives abroad. Because of unfavorable political, economic and social policies, Ethiopia is unable to benefit from its investment in human capital. The brain drain is one of the most important results of the current policies of the EPRDF. Second, universal education at the primary level remains to be a pipe dream. On average, male adults complete 1.8 grades; and females complete .88 grade– less than first grade.
12. Numerous examples from the East Asian and other experiences suggest that education is the most critical variable in attaining sustained development. “The empirical study suggests that bringing all female adults to at least a 4th grade education could reduce poverty by 12 percent. Education will help households adopt new technologies and thus enhance productivity in agriculture, etc.†In addition, educated women are most likely to encourage their children to go to school and stay in school. The benefit is therefore not limited to women’s productivity; it is also a sure way of enabling the young to be educated and productive. Educating Ethiopians and creating a good political and governance environment within our country to retain and enable them to participate in all sectors of the economy are sure ways to fight poverty. No amount of foreign aid will be a substitute to this reality.
13. Ethiopia’s single most important capital asset is its people. The attainment of education, the retention and reentry of the thousands of Ethiopians in the Diaspora are vital for Ethiopia’s economic, social and cultural development. Sad, but true, internal objectives in social capital formation and institution building will be virtually impossible as long as the current political architecture of exclusion, disempowerment, and lack of pluralism, democratization and participation remain illusive.
14. The above and numerous other examples suggest that it will be impossible for Ethiopia to reach the United Nations mandated Millennium Development Goals (MDGS) of halving poverty (reducing poverty by half), by 2015. This said, a real break through in the political regime impasse–namely, freeing political prisoners, allowing the democratization process to take roots, and creating the conditions for peace and reconciliation….will mobilize and empower all Ethiopians in shaping their country’s future, and in meeting the MDGS. Without peace, national reconciliation, an all inclusive and democratic political system, Ethiopia’s future will remain bleak. The donor community should be aware that poring good money after bad money does not support the poor in Ethiopia. In fact, there are ample indications that the largesse from the donor community is routinely siphoned to enrich what we call the EPRDF inner club.. The donor community needs to recognize that without good governance–the establishment of genuine democracy in our country–foreign assistance will have little impact in tackling poverty in Ethiopia. Meantime, the EPRDF needs to assume total responsibility for our country’s dependency and poverty.
15. It is therefore clear that the EPRDF has failed in meeting the hopes and aspirations of the Ethiopian people. For this reason, sustaining the democratization process of May 15, 2005 is not a choice. It is a necessity. That is why the National Agenda has to be our guiding post.
The dream France is fostering is one of vision… a powerful concept that moves countries, leaders and people to accomplish great things, especially in transforming their lives and those who live in their societies. To be meaningful, a vision (foresight) must be designed to respond to the real needs of real people at a given time in history. A vision must be shared, clearly understood, owned and, must be able to mobilize spirits, energies, talents, resources and capabilities of people. As critical, a vision must be translated into action.
Translating vision into action requires mindsets and behaviors that are directly related to values and principles. These would include:
•Shared Purpose
•Art of Leadership, including organizational acumen
•Team Work/Collaboration
•Mutual Trust
•Mutual Respect
•Integrity and Honesty
•Transparency and Openness
These values and principles will be discussed in greater detail in Part II of this paper. In Part I, we will diagnose the context and the arguments of why the democratization process in Ethiopia must be pursued with wisdom, patience, perseverance, strategic thinking—always using the National Agenda and Unity of Purpose as guide posts.
Context
When the Chinese popularized the vision that the “people can move mountainsâ€Â, they believed and trusted the capacity of the Chinese people to achieve great things by harnessing the creativity and wisdom of the people. Look at where China is today. When President Kennedy vowed that Americans will put a “man on the moon,†he believed in the scientific capacity and determination of the United States to do just that. History proved him right. When Nelson Mandela vowed that South African blacks will achieve majority rule and democracy, he believed in the capacity, determination and commitment of the people to free South Africa from Apartheid. He lived to witness a multi-racial democracy that has won the admiration of the global community. When Gandhi challenged the British with his wise strategy of “peaceful resistance,†he believed in the resolve of the people of India to break the chain of colonialism and racism. Today, India is on the way to becoming an economic colossus. It is not too long ago that Martin Luther King made his “I Have a Dream†speech and mobilized the hearts and minds of millions of people around the globe and changed the course of history.
Whatever example we may cite, it is clear that charting and pursuing visions and goals that respond to the real political, economic, social, diplomatic and cultural needs of a society are absolutely critical to any country or people. There are no short cuts to achieve them. They cannot be achieved without mutual trust and respect. They cannot occur without leadership & organization. They cannot be accomplished without participation and inclusion of those that can and should be included. They cannot be achieved without persistence, sacrifice, collaboration and team work.
What does sustaining the National Agenda of Democratization mean to us?
Under the political leadership (s) of the Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party (CUD/P) and the United Ethiopian Democratic Front (UEDF), the Ethiopian people witnessed sharp differences in vision and goals between the ethnic-based political and social architecture of the Ethiopian Peoples Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) and these Opposition parties. The Opposition Parties offered the Ethiopian people a contrasting vision of an all inclusive, peaceful, pluralist, progressive, democratic, free-market oriented and unified Ethiopian society in which the rule of law and the settling of disputes peacefully will be the norm. The Opposition Parties challenged the leadership of the EPRDF to demonstrate the legitimacy of its Governance in political, economic, social, diplomatic, cultural and development policies and practices. The Ethiopian people were given contrasting and sharply differing choices. We now know the choices they made and the adverse consequences that followed.
The May 15, 2005 General Elections were therefore contrasts in vision and practice between the Governance of the EPRDF and the aspirations and hopes of the Ethiopian people as presented by the two major Opposition Parties in general and the CUD/P in particular. As in other countries, the May 15, 2005 General Elections–relatively free and fair up to that point–offered the Ethiopian people a historical opportunity to express their voices in shaping their future. A year ago, 26 million Ethiopians cast their ballots rejecting the legitimacy of the EPRDF. The onslaught against the leaders of the Opposition, civic society, youth, party supporters and others by the regime begum when it became clear that the vast majority of the Ethiopian people rejected its political, economic and social hegemony and leadership.
Almost a year later, the EPRDF leadership remains as intransigent as ever. It continues its scorched-earth policy of repression in order to perpetuate its political and economic dominance. It continues extra-judicial procedures and practices–fabricating false charges against the CUD/P leadership, journalists, civic leaders and youth. It continues to reject the call of the international community to release all political leaders and to begin dialogue with the Opposition. It cleverly and systematically crafts alternative, dependent, submissive and nominal parties loyal to EPRDF. In doing this, it has found and recruited short sighted and easily swayed allies. This is not, at all surprising. A regime that has lost legitimacy resorts to machinations to sustain itself. In many respects, the EPRDF has begun to resemble the Dergue during its fading phase.
At the same time, the Ethiopian people have shown a remarkable determination to sustain the democratization process at all costs. Many innocent Ethiopians have lost their lives for a noble cause. Equally important, Ethiopians in the Diaspora continue their allegiance to the people’s cause and vision. This persistence and determination will ultimately result in achieving a new, democratic, pluralist and progressive Ethiopian in the years to come.
As we observe the first anniversary of the May, 2005 Elections, it is critical that we make note and reiterate the eight (8) Point Preconditions that the leadership of the CUD/P issued as part and parcel of the democratization process. These are highlighted below:
1. The Restructuring of the Election Board into an Independent body;
2. Freedom of and access to All Media;
3. Independent legal system (free of EPRDF party control);
4. An Independent Commission to investigate the killings of innocent Ethiopians;
5. Non-involvement of armed forces or police in political affairs;
6. Reinstatement of Parliamentary procedures and Governance of Addis Ababa in accordance with the verdict of the people;
7. Release of all political prisoners; and,
8. Independent commission or body to adjudicate the above.
These points and principles remain as valid today as they were then. They are part of the democratization process that we should continue to defend.
What are the vital reasons for sustaining the democratization process?
Pretensions aside, Ethiopia’s economic, social and cultural development show persistent poverty. Despite massive foreign assistance totaling more than US$21 billion over the past 14 years, and the recent significant debt relief, the current Government has failed to better the lives of ordinary Ethiopians.. It is even unable to feed the poorest of the poor. There is ample evidence to show that its agriculture based development strategy has not produced the promised outcomes. In a most recent and thorough study on Poverty in Ethiopia, the authors identified the following structural issues, and indicators of failure under the EPRDF:
1. The Gross Domestic Product per capita today is “still slightly above the levels in the early 1970s, underscoring the deep-rooted nature of poverty;â€Â
2. “The micro and macro evidence paint a picture of limited to no decline in consumption poverty (food and other consumables) since l992);â€Â
3. “The agricultural sector (EPRDF’s economic policy foundation) barely kept up with rural population growth,†despite heavy donor contributions to the tune of US$21 billion since the current regime took power;
4. “Poverty in urban areas increased despite substantial growth in the services sector—largely fueled by Government expansion.â€Â….This expansion in Government expenditure did not benefit the urban poor. On the contrary, the beneficiaries remain to be EPRDF loyalists who invest in selected industries, services and locations, including housing, manufacturing, transport, banking and mining extraction. The current regime’s investment, financial and monetary policies have created a growing urban inequality that any visitor to Addis Ababa and other cities would witness. Party affiliated and supported enterprises continue to benefit from Government procurement policies and practices. There is hardly a level playing field for non-EPRDF loyal Ethiopians regardless of nationality, religion or gender. Sadly, donor contributions of billions of dollars have not benefited the poor, especially rural Ethiopia. In fact, the beneficiaries are largely EPRDF party affiliated and run enterprises, leaders and loyalists.
5. The regime’s loss of Addis Ababa in the May 15, 2005 Elections is in part a manifestation of growing nepotism, corruption, lack of a level playing field for all Ethiopians, and therefore growing and sharp inequality. EPRDF lost legitimacy in Addis Ababa and else where in the country because it proved to be incapable and unwilling to respond to the economic, social and political needs and aspirations of the Ethiopian people. This was at the center of the debates during the elections that the Opposition parties surfaced and the public supported through its voice.
6. Today, HIV/AIDS afflicts at least 1.5 million Ethiopians. A total of 539,000 Ethiopian youth are AIDS orphans, one of the largest in Sub-Saharan Africa.
7. “There is a startling correlation between poverty in Ethiopia and the lack of educational achievementâ€Â, especially among girls and women;
8. “At 55-60 percent, pre-school child stunting remains among the highest in Sub-Saharan Africa…†This stunting of Ethiopian children will affect the potential contributions of a future generation of our youth, and therefore the productivity of the national economy;
9. Ethiopian women are among the most disempowered in the world. “With over 75% of women having received no education at all– compared to men at 50%–, the lack of access to educational opportunities for Ethiopian women is one of the major limiting factors in tackling endemic poverty. A Government that cares about its people will devote resources in tackling this limiting factor, instead of investing heavily in national defense, security, intelligence and in its members. The EPRDF does not have the interest, the commitment or the motivation to introduce and implement social policies that address the needs of the vast majority, including women.
10. Despite the demonstrated impact of education in reducing poverty and creating the conditions for sustained growth, Ethiopian society continues to suffer from an educational policy that is ethnic based, narrow in scope and depth, nepotistic and not responsive to the economic and social needs of the country. The study concludes that “education attainment in Ethiopia remains limited “
11. Ethiopians actually suffer from a double phenomenon under the EPRDF. Highly educated and trained Ethiopians leave the country for better and more secure lives abroad. Because of unfavorable political, economic and social policies, Ethiopia is unable to benefit from its investment in human capital. The brain drain is one of the most important results of the current policies of the EPRDF. Second, universal education at the primary level remains to be a pipe dream. On average, male adults complete 1.8 grades; and females complete .88 grade– less than first grade.
12. Numerous examples from the East Asian and other experiences suggest that education is the most critical variable in attaining sustained development. “The empirical study suggests that bringing all female adults to at least a 4th grade education could reduce poverty by 12 percent. Education will help households adopt new technologies and thus enhance productivity in agriculture, etc.†In addition, educated women are most likely to encourage their children to go to school and stay in school. The benefit is therefore not limited to women’s productivity; it is also a sure way of enabling the young to be educated and productive. Educating Ethiopians and creating a good political and governance environment within our country to retain and enable them to participate in all sectors of the economy are sure ways to fight poverty. No amount of foreign aid will be a substitute to this reality.
13. Ethiopia’s single most important capital asset is its people. The attainment of education, the retention and reentry of the thousands of Ethiopians in the Diaspora are vital for Ethiopia’s economic, social and cultural development. Sad, but true, internal objectives in social capital formation and institution building will be virtually impossible as long as the current political architecture of exclusion, disempowerment, and lack of pluralism, democratization and participation remain illusive.
14. The above and numerous other examples suggest that it will be impossible for Ethiopia to reach the United Nations mandated Millennium Development Goals (MDGS) of halving poverty (reducing poverty by half), by 2015. This said, a real break through in the political regime impasse–namely, freeing political prisoners, allowing the democratization process to take roots, and creating the conditions for peace and reconciliation….will mobilize and empower all Ethiopians in shaping their country’s future, and in meeting the MDGS. Without peace, national reconciliation, an all inclusive and democratic political system, Ethiopia’s future will remain bleak. The donor community should be aware that poring good money after bad money does not support the poor in Ethiopia. In fact, there are ample indications that the largesse from the donor community is routinely siphoned to enrich what we call the EPRDF inner club.. The donor community needs to recognize that without good governance–the establishment of genuine democracy in our country–foreign assistance will have little impact in tackling poverty in Ethiopia. Meantime, the EPRDF needs to assume total responsibility for our country’s dependency and poverty.
15. It is therefore clear that the EPRDF has failed in meeting the hopes and aspirations of the Ethiopian people. For this reason, sustaining the democratization process of May 15, 2005 is not a choice. It is a necessity. That is why the National Agenda has to be our guiding post.
As many Ethiopians and friends of Ethiopia have repeatedly stated, only the TPLF leadership and its cadres have persisted in telling God-fearing, honest, innocent and starving Ethiopians – and the international community – that the tireless efforts and wisely crafted policies and strategies of the TPLF leadership have assured continued production in the various economic, educational and health sectors of Ethiopia, as well as incalculable amounts of agricultural and industrial products and goods, and that this has allowed the country not only to feed its entire population but also to realize a huge profit of billions of dollars in foreign exchange. This unsubstantiated news is transmitted on a daily basis by the poorly trained, unprofessionally organized staff of the TPLF-controlled media. For example, they have said that educational outputs in 2005 increased by millions of Ethiopian graduates compared to 2004, and their employment figures suggest that the percentage of unemployed Ethiopians is the lowest in the history of Ethiopia. The health conditions of all Ethiopians too have improved in a most dramatic fashion, due to great increases in the number of hospitals and clinics of all sizes located all over Ethiopia. If the current development trend continues in the coming half decades concurrently with the process of democratization, the Meles-controlled media says blatantly, Ethiopia will undoubtedly be able to help feed not just Ethiopians, but also the people of many other African countries. Such are the astonishingly creative stories invented by the TPLF trained cadres, well-paid foreign lobbyists and personal foreign friends of the TPLF leadership. Saddest of all, these totally fabricated stories are expanded and widely transmitted by the newly created friends who are being cultivated, the Chinese and Reuters websites.
The TPLF’s repressive leadership employs an extreme policy of stifling long-running internal conflicts and differences among its members, as well as the voices and deep-seated grievances of the general population of Ethiopia. This regime has never allowed Ethiopians to know the actual daily events taking place in their country, including the imprisonment and killing of their own family members. But also the repressive, stifling nature of Meles Zenawi’s regime is clear, even against its own core members and ministers: for example, neither Ethiopians in Ethiopia nor those residing in the western world have ever heard or read a single statement of disagreement or criticism from any of the core members of TPLF against any TPLF policy, or against the views, measures undertaken or proposals made by the TPLF leader – Meles Zenawi – before the results of the policy explode and become known to the general public. Yes, it is indeed true that even though many dramatic events have resulted from bad, harsh policies over the past fifteen years, we have never heard a word or statement from a single top member of the TPLF leadership saying “with due respect, I disagree with you, Mr. Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, because .…†Never. Ethiopians discover the long-existing disagreements and conflicts among TPLF core members only after one of them has managed to defect to a foreign country and directly or indirectly join the Ethiopian resistance.
The Rationale Behind the Persistent Lies of the TPLF Leadership
Since many may wonder about the rationale behind the blatant and persistent lies of the TPLF leadership, it is probably important to briefly explain, and in particular to address the reason the TPLF leadership attaches so much value to such methods, and has employed lies as an indispensable part of its short and long term policy since it came into being.
As historical records clearly show, the founders of the TPLF took up arms to fight against the political and economic system of the time with the sole objective, at least according to the original goals stated by the founders, of demanding an equal and balanced distribution of the country’s resources from the central government of Ethiopia and freeing the people of Tigray from their socio-economic backwardness. Over time, however, and due to the incalculable crimes committed by the regime of Mengistu Hailemariam, Ethiopia was gradually made a fertile land, ready to be ruled by the enemy of the people – the TPLF, under the leadership of Meles Zenawi. The endless killings of innocent Ethiopians, including members of the Ethiopian armed forces, and the continuous humiliation of a good number of high-ranking officers and generals, were the main forces that drove a disproportionately high number of Ethiopian soldiers into the camps of the TPLF and EPLF. This became a decisive factor in the weakening of the entire power structure and the eventual disintegration of Mengistu’s regime. It is further true that since the very inception of the TPLF, which coincided with Ethiopia’s bloody and most cruel revolution of 1974, the entire political programme and socio-economic policies of the TPLF have been and are still hostile to the unity of Ethiopia and to certain sections of Ethiopian society. The TPLF leadership still considers the bulk of Ethiopian society – which has in fact been responsible for defending Ethiopia’s territorial integrity for centuries, and for shaping and maintaining its social and political fabric – to be the historical and potential future enemy of the TPLF, which deserves to be marginalized and to gradually evaporate from the land of Ethiopia.
It is also to be remembered that when the TPLF leadership, with the full supervision and military leadership of the EPLF, entered Addis Ababa, the capital city of Ethiopia, Meles Zenawi and his followers did not come empty handed. They were carrying many variegated bags, each one full of historical and newly minted animosities and hostilities directed at the very people that the TPLF leaders intended to rule. Consequently, for fifteen years now the TPLF leadership has ruled Ethiopians with maximum cruelty and with the barrel of the gun – separating family members from each other and killing Ethiopian youth, the future assets of Ethiopia, every day. Meles Zenewi and his cadres have never shown the slightest respect to the people of Ethiopia – even to well-known or aged Ethiopians. Therefore, it appears that both the immediate and long-term policies of Meles Zenawi and his cadres is simply to find a way to be accepted by countries willing to provide tools to help strengthen the power structures of the TPLF so that it can continue to silence the people of Ethiopia and continue to rule. Lies have thus become the cardinal foundation of the TPLF leadership, a foundation that is rational, given the aim of defeating its enemies and winning the sympathy, the hearts and minds, and the financial and military assistance of donor countries, upon whom the very existence and survival of Meles and his cadres are almost exclusively dependent. The rationale behind the daily transmissions, the postings and presentations on the TPLF-controlled media about the dramatic expansion of various economic, health and educational sectors should be seen in this framework – a concerted effort to win the hearts and minds of those willing to help the TPLF leadership survive and prolong its life span.
Does the Opposition need to employ the Methods of the TPLF Leadership?
What is much more difficult to understand is the recent appearance in the opposition camp of something similar to what has been described above: the repeated transmission of unsubstantiated events and “news†by pro-democracy media outlets, such as Tensae radio and various websites. Every concerned Ethiopian must wonder what the rationale can be, and whether this can possibly be effective. Why are conflicting views, misunderstandings and confusions circulating at this very early stage of our resistance? Why is it that we have become so increasingly dependent upon the brutal killings and measures undertaken by the TPLF leadership against our people at home for the bells of our resistance to ring loudly? Why was, or is it necessary for people within the resistance camp, or for the “Chapters†or “Support Groups of Kinijit†– whose target groups are you and I – to submit unsubstantiated, one-man produced reports and resolutions from small get-together meetings and events and often extremely exaggerated or inflated, to pro-democracy media outlets for transmission and posting – to the point of contributing to a loss of interest and confidence in Kinijit itself among many CUDP or Kinijit supporters and sympathizers? How come critical issues, difficulties and problems within Kinijit and facing Kinijit are not raised, openly and publicly debated, analyzed and resolved? Or, does this silence mean that everything within Kinijit is all right? Do we really believe deep in our hearts and minds that we ourselves are democrats and free from self-imposed or culturally-imposed censorship and dictatorial behaviours, simply because most of us have been living for so long in the western world and continuously shout for the implementation of democracy and the rule of law in our country? Again, the question is: is there a need for Kinijit – a political party that we all consider to be the spirit of all Ethiopians – to follow in the footsteps of the TPLF leadership if what we want to do is to engage, progressively attack and intensify our resistance? Do we really need to feed ourselves with lies? For what reason and toward what purpose? What factors might be considered responsible for the changing face of Kinijit today, compared to some months back? The TPLF leadership’s rationale for telling lies to Ethiopians and the international community have been explained above and are clear. What would be the rationale for Kinijit to employ the same methods and techniques? I sincerely hope some of you will respond to my concerns and worries as stated above and as reflected in following pages.
Missing Elements in Ethiopian Opposition Camps
It has been argued repeatedly and agreed by all actively involved Ethiopians and friends of Ethiopia that the participation of Ethiopian opposition political parties in the 15 May 2005 general election occurred without the necessary preparation, and indeed without establishing the necessary power bases both inside Ethiopia and outside, where the opposition parties enjoy a disproportionately high number of supporters and financiers. It is also true that on the eve of the election, very few of the Ethiopians in the Diaspora were physically in Ethiopia, whether for their own businesses or helping and encouraging the opposition party leaders and their supporters. The rest, an estimated 99 percent or more of the total Ethiopian Diaspora, were in essence still in bed – they did not even know that an important election day was to take place in the land of Ethiopia on the following day – and that some 26 million eligible and registered Ethiopians were ready to show the tyrannical TPLF leadership their red cards: to tell Melles Zenawi in clear language that “enough is enough.†In my recollection, it was the day after the election, to be precise, after the declaration of the state of emergency by the leader of the tyrants, Meles Zenawi, on 16 May 2005, that most of the Ethiopian Diaspora began to spring up and show their unlimited support for the opposition and to the people of Ethiopia, and promised to do everything in their power, to sacrifice their energy, time, money, skill and even their lives in support of respect for the vote, voice and freedom of all Ethiopians. Indeed, as promised, Ethiopians at home and those living abroad reacted massively with a collective voice, protesting the brutal killings of innocent Ethiopians and attempting to force a return of their stolen votes to the people of Ethiopia by the TPLF leadership. It is also a fact that all this concerted effort and resistance by the Ethiopian Diaspora was waged spontaneously, depending only upon events and developments – killings and arrests taking place at home – but without any sort of organizational structure and strategy, and without the development of an effective leadership that could support our elected leaders or even take their places if they are arrested or killed, and a leadership that could serve as the voice of the entire Ethiopian people.
Much to the disappointment and regret of many Kinijit members, financial contributors, devoted supporters and authors of articles, however, this did not happen. Even serious suggestions made in the early summer of 2005 by actively involved and concerned Ethiopians to reorganize, restructure and strengthen Kinijit’s power base in exile – before our leaders were snatched from the people by the tyrannical leadership of TPLF – did not receive the required attention they deserved; instead, these serious and repeated suggestions were put aside by the leadership of Kinijit and the Ethiopian pro-democracy media outlets. It may also be remembered that in addition to the suggestion to create a shadow cabinet, whether in Ethiopia or elsewhere, the issues of effective strategy and leadership were again raised directly to the CUD leader, Engineer Hailu Shawel, I believe by Mr. Elias Kifle, publisher of the Ethiopian Review. During that telephone interview in the summer of 2005, Engineer Hailu Shawel’s strong, firm responses and statements suggested to all of us that he and the rest of Kinijit leadership had already prepared something unknown to us – something he did not want clarify at that time. But I have come to believe Engineer Hailu Shawel was talking about some kind of alternative Kinijit leadership or popular force that would take responsibility and operate clandestinely in the event that he himself and his colleagues are arrested or silenced by the tyrants. As we listened attentively to the interview, the responses and statements of Engineer Hailu Shawel seemed to many of us to be powerful and convincing. In the course of time, however, the reality appeared to be not only different but disappointing. That is, when Meles Zenawi’s tyrannical leadership wasted no time in carrying out its usual heinous crimes, jailing our elected leaders – our worst nightmare – there was no sign of the clandestine organization we had expected to begin to operate clandestinely in the place of jailed Kinijit leadership.
What about measures undertaken by the Ethiopian Diaspora in response to the atrocious crimes being inflicted on our people by Meles Zenawi and his cadres? Yes, demonstrations have been staged; a huge number of letters have been written to US and European officials, and to other institutions concerned; many articles have been produced by active and concerned Ethiopians; candlelight vigils have been organized; a good number of Ethiopians were and are still engaged in lobbying activities, all directed at expressing our outrage at the brutal killings of our people and the jailing of our leaders and with the overall objective of freeing our people from the yoke of TPLF’s repressive regime. Much to my sadness and disappointment, however, there have been no important, boldly formulated initiatives directed at structural, long-term engagement of our resistance. For example, an international gathering could be convened for five days or a week: this could involve all Ethiopians and aim at assessing current political events at home, including the views, attitudes and policies of major donor nations towards the people of Ethiopia and the TPLF leadership; debating the responsibilities, roles and contributions of the Ethiopian Diaspora and friends of Ethiopia with respect to the political stability and instability in our country; devising a future strategy for Kinijit; and officially electing leaders among those in Ethiopia and in the Diaspora to temporarily replace the jailed Kinijit leaders. This would also be an opportunity to officially and publicly announce Kinijit’s official headquarters and branch offices in exile, and to assess and debate other options, such as possible strategies for supporting and assisting the military struggle inside Ethiopia. These three words – “strategy†and “effective leadership†are the essential missing elements within today’s Kinijit. In my view by supplying those missing, most indispensable elements we can also supply the potential sources for change in the current and future face of Kinijit, including the direction for our resistance. The lack of these elements is directly responsible for the conflicting views that are current among active Kinijit members, supporters, sympathizers and the Ethiopian Diaspora at large. This has become a source of misunderstandings, confusion and fingers pointing at each other. The resulting worrisome disagreements and conflicts both between Kinijit and UEDF and within Kinijit itself probably explain why the bells of our resistance do not ring as loudly as they did prior to the first two or three months of 2006. The lack of an elected and accepted leadership, of common strategies and common rules, has also led to the problems seen recently, such as transmitting and posting unsubstantiated, individually produced reports and resolutions from small events, presenting them to the general public of Ethiopia and the Ethiopian Diaspora in an exaggerated way. Each Kinijit Chapter or Support Group wants to be able to say that it has done something meaningful; not knowing what to say to other Kinijit members and the Diaspora, some Support Groups have portrayed what were actually get together meetings as if they had been attended by hundreds of public participants, with reports and resolutions discussed, agreed and produced collectively by conference participants. We have also heard repeated announcements on Tensae radio and various pro-democracy websites of “major international conferences†that are actually small meetings, planned for twenty or thirty participants and one or two speakers. This creates expectations among interested Ethiopians regarding the activities of Kinijit, expectations they will later learn are false. This means transmissions and postings on pro-democracy websites that inflate small get-together meetings may not only be detrimental to the activities of Kinijit within Ethiopian communities in a given country, but can also lead to the eventual destruction of Kinijit itself, as most listeners to Tensae radio and most readers of pro-democracy websites are also themselves involved as participants and observers in the activities of Kinijit Support Groups everywhere in the western world – in Los Angeles, Atlanta, Stockholm, London, Frankfurt, Amsterdam, Oslo, Geneva or other cities or countries.
It should be abundantly clear that without reorganizing ourselves, without crafting meaningful and workable strategies to be carried out by the Ethiopian Diaspora in cooperation with clandestine Kinijit leaders and supporters at home, without effective leadership and professionally-functioning office staff outside Ethiopia, the future of Kinijit as an effective and viable political organization will be short lived. And unless each of us takes the bold decision to free ourselves from secretiveness, from self-imposed or culturally-imposed self- censorship, and to democratize ourselves and our organizations, there is no way we will be justified in imagining that we will be able to help our people and free our country from the repressive chains of the unelected regime of Meles Zenawi. And continuously crying, imploring major donor countries to stand at our side without showing our firm determination and unity, with no carrots and sticks in our hands, are not just unhelpful; they are obvious signs of our own powerlessness and inability to agree and work together.
Dr. Maru Gubena, from Ethiopia, is a political economist, writer and publisher
Readers who wish to contact the author can reach me at [email protected]
The poet and dramatist Tsegaye Gebre-Medhin, who has died aged 69, was considered Ethiopia’s poet laureate. He was one of the most important literary figures that country has produced in the last hundred years, and certainly the best known, both within and outside it; his 1960s decision to write about the common man, rather than religion and royalty, marked the beginning of modern Ethiopian theatre. He wrote in English and was a translator of Shakespeare, but his real gift and achievement was to harness the considerable lyrical powers of his own, Ethiopian, languages.
This was often achieved under trying circumstances. His career spanned three regimes: Emperor Haile Selassie I’s feudal rule, Mengistu Hailemariam’s Marxist dictatorship (under which he was briefly imprisoned), and the putative democracy of Meles Zenawi. All three banned his plays; he once estimated that of 49 works, 36 had at one time or another been censored.
Tsegaye was born in Boda, a village some 120km from the capital, to an Oromo father, who was away fighting the Italians, and an Amhara mother. (The two groups speak languages from entirely different linguistic groups, Cushitic and Semitic respectively; the latter has an alphabet of some 300 letters.) As many Ethiopian boys do, he also learned Ge’ez, the ancient language of the church, an Ethiopian equivalent to Latin; he also helped the family by caring for cattle. He was more unusual in beginning to write plays when at the local elementary school. At 16 he transferred to the Wingate school in Addis Ababa, where he developed an interest in pantomime; this was followed, in 1959, by a degree from the Blackstone School of Law in Chicago. He had not forgotten his first love, however; the following year he used a Unesco scholarship to do an educational tour that included visits to the Royal Court Theatre in London and the Comédie Française, Paris.
The 1960s were an important decade. He returned to Ethiopia in 1960 to run the Municipality Company at the National Theatre and establish a school which produced a number of leading Ethiopian actors. Realising the usefulness of Shakespeare in the making of dangerous political points, he translated Macbeth and King Lear. He also translated Molière’s Tartuffe, and wrote a play in English called Oda Oak Oracle, which was performed in theatres in Ethiopia, Britain, Denmark, Italy, Romania, Nigeria, Tanzania and the US, and still appears on reading lists in black studies departments. But it was Yekermew Sew (Tomorrow’s Man) which established his place in Ethiopian theatre.”Drawing from Ge’ez and Amharic and Orominya, he was able to coin phrases which, in normal Amharic language, don’t exist, but are powerful and expressive,” says Tamrat Gebeyehu, author of the Ethiopian entry in the World Encyclopaedia of Contemporary Theatre. Thus it was “a pleasure to hear his characters talk, even though chances were you did not understand 50% of what they were saying.” In 1966, aged 29, he became the youngest person ever to receive the Haile Selassie I Prize for Amharic Literature.
Briefly, he was appointed minister of culture, but Haile Selassie was deposed by Mengistu Hailemariam and, during the Red Terror in 1975, Tsegaye and the playwright Ayalneh Mulatu spent months together in a prison cell. Ayalneh, who remained friends with Tsegaye for the rest of his life, remembers a daily 11am roll call of men to be killed, and the day his own name came up. It was mispronounced, and Tsegaye seized on the mispronunciation to argue they had the wrong man, thus saving Ayalneh’s life. They wrote poems and plays on the paper bags their food came in.
Agit-prop came into its own under the Marxist regime, as did Tsegaye’s own brand of declamatory nationalism. He wrote Inat Alem Tenu (or Mother Cour- age, though he borrowed only the title) and Ha Hu be Sidist Wer (ABC in Six Months), which referred to the period of the emperor’s deposition. In 1979 he helped to establish the theatre arts department at Addis Ababa University where he is remembered as being very strict and aloof. In the 1980s he also wrote historical plays about Ethiopian kings, one of which, Tewodros, was performed at the Arts Theatre in London in 1986. In 1993, after Mengistu Hailemariam was in turn deposed, he wrote a companion piece to Ha Hu be Sidist Wer. This was Ha Hu Weynis Pe Pu – A or Z, a play about peace, which the current regime banned.
There are persistent reports that the actors were beaten while on tour. Despite this, “I like to go out and communicate with the common folk of Ethiopia,” Tsegaye wrote in 1999. “The peasant, the patriot, the soldier, the traitor, the housewife, the priest, the sheikh … It is from them that I learn about my country and people. And generally their comments are accompanied by tears; their stories are mostly melancholy; their memories are bitter and tragic. It is that which I reflect in my writings. That is why my plays dwell on tragedy.”
In 1998 he moved to New York to undergo dialysis, virtually unavailable in Ethiopia, and to be near his children. He remained active, promoting Ethiopian culture, until the end. In 2002 the African Union took one of his poems as its anthem. He is survived by his wife Lakech Bitew, three daughters, Yodit, Mahlet and Adey, and three sons, Ayenew, Estifanos and Hailu. Tsegaye Gebre-Medhin, poet and dramatist, born August 17 1936; died February 25 2006
