Sharing my Night Memories of the 1974 Ethiopian Revolution and the Purpose of my Departure
By Maru Gubena (Ph.D.)
May 20, 2006
Among the multiple sources of Africa’s chronic economic poverty, social and political instability, and the persistent backwardness of the educational and health sectors is the exodus and permanent settlement of Africans: the brain drain. Indeed, millions of highly educated and skilled Africans in the Diaspora today are maturing and living in a world in which they have not been born – in their countries of asylum or immigration. As my own profile clearly illustrates, a large number of the currently maturing African Diaspora left their countries of origin carrying in their minds not just a bag of goals conducive to improving their own personal lives and those of their families back home, but also with a solid aim of returning home within a brief period – a maximum of one or two years. In reality, however, that has not been the case.
Night Memories of the 1974 Ethiopian Revolution and the Purpose of my Departure
As is true for every child, I too had my own personal ambitions, ideas and visions about what I wanted to be and how to become an active and productive member of society – a contributing force to the growth and development of my country, where I had no doubt when I was a boy that I would remain as an inseparable part of Ethiopian society. Oh, yes, I was convinced that Ethiopia was the place where I would spend my entire life. I was not just ambitious but I was also a boy devoted to my studies – to what I wanted to be in the future – and well known for being assertive. As far as I can recall, during the nostalgic period of my childhood, I was often engaged with expansive plans about what I wanted to be, including becoming a famous international attorney and at the same time a moderator of TV and conference debates. Seriously considering and exploring the possibilities to one day become a well-known and highly respected advisor to the head or heads of the government of my country of that memorable period were my sleeping tablets.
The vivid visions and night dreams I had during my childhood related to future socio-political and economic roles and responsibilities were compounded with sweet and tender dreams. Although I never told any of my best friends or family members, I was madly in love with my little neighbour girl named Gonaye, whom I always call “my Goni,” which can roughly be translated as “a good part of me.” As Goni repeatedly told me that she too was in love with me and her future life would be meaningless without me, I wanted to belong to her forever and spend the rest of my life with Goni. To me, at least at that period, there were no any other beautiful girls on earth as beautiful as my little Goni girl. She was not only beautiful, but also soft, loving and most generous. And despite being so young, the words and statements of Gonai were always carefully and wisely crafted and expressed in the most affectionate fashion. Love letters exchanged through trusted family house-guards were our main source of communication.
Whenever there was an opportunity, we met each other in late afternoon or early evening in a shop that was located in our neighborhood. With the limited time Goni and I were allowed to be outside, we made all possible efforts to make our time together enjoyable. We shared our bottles of soft drinks, but never kissed each other in the shop or in public places. We kissed each other through the fence that divided Goni’s house from mine, but only in the evening, when it was getting darker. We never dared to even to talk about sex. And consequently, Goni and I never even saw each other’s bodies without clothes. But since we knew that we loved each other so deeply and belonged to one another, there was no hurry at all for sex. We knew that as soon as Goni and I had completed our studies and had found jobs, we were going to get married, to have a joyful life and have our lovely children. I always lovingly expressed my desire to Goni to have at least six children – four girls and two boys. Goni preferred to have fewer children, only four – two girls and two boys. When we quarreled heatedly and emotionally about the number of children each of us would like to have, the charming and powerful words of Goni, “stop it now my love! You know that time will tell,” had the power to immediately end the discussion.
Indeed, as a teenager, I thought my many plans and vivid visions would make me a productive and responsible member of Ethiopian society. I also I had sweet and loving dreams of becoming a proud husband of my Goni girl and the father of my dream children, living in my own country. Most unfortunately, however, all my plans and night dreams, including the immeasurable true love I had for my Goni were abruptly interrupted by the upheavals of the 1974 Ethiopian revolution.
The 1974 Ethiopian Revolution and the Purpose of my Departure
I left Ethiopia during the upheaval that overthrew the Emperior Haile Selassie of Ethiopia, who had ruled my country for some forty years. Immediately after coming to power, the Ethiopian Revolutionary Provisional Government suspended the longstanding Ethiopian constitution, and arrested all former Ethiopian ministers, army and police generals and those associated with Haile Selassie. Finally, Haile Selassie himself was arrested and killed. The highly accelerated changes that accompanied these events, including the course and direction of the Ethiopian revolution, were appalling – even in some cases most terrifying. Yet, despite witnessing many fearsome events, I initially never thought of leaving my country. Besides, at that time I had no idea how to leave Ethiopia even if I wanted to do so. It was the events of just one night that decided that my life would be spent outside my country – Ethiopia. It was, I think, the second of October 1974. I was not at home; I had gone to spend the night not with Goni but with my best male friend – Melku Bezugeza. As it was then very normal in Ethiopia to sleep in one bed with a male friend, I was sleeping together with my friend in his bed. Yes, Melku was a friend of my childhood and my best friend. We did everything together. When we were together we usually talked almost the whole night, and listened to the news from minute to minute. Because of this habit and our persistent curiosity to know about events and developments both at home and abroad, Melku and I were probably among the first Ethiopians to hear about the murder of about 60 Ethiopian assets of Haile Selassie’s government, including ministers and other officials, from the Ethiopian radio news transmission in the early morning of the 23rd of November 1974. The country was full of fear, tension and uncertainties. No one knew when the soldiers would come, knock on the door as forcefully as they could and snatch one or more family members from a household, including our loved ones or us. During this fearful and most memorable period, Melku and I also became more fearful and dependent upon each other, unwilling to spend a day without seeing one another. Due to the accelerated tempo of structural changes in all areas, the continuing and most indescribable upheaval and the increasing number of young people being taken away and never coming back, Melku and I would go to sleep holding each other as tightly as we could. In those dark and terrifying days, my best friend Melku and I also used to pretend that we were both courageous and determined to defend each other as relentlessly as we could. Yes, Melku and I were good friends, prepared to give everything we had and to die for each other. Especially during the darkest hours each of us used to do our best to give words of encouragement to the other – “don’t be afraid, my best friend. No one will touch you while I am with you, as long as I am alive. Don’t be scared, I am here to defend you,” I said to him. And Melku Bezugeza responded with almost the same words, coming from stammering lips. “Listen, Tilo, someone will dare to touch you only when they see my dead body – when they perceive that I am dead and you have no one to defend you. But as long as I am well, alive and with you, no one is going to do anything to you. I am here to defend you until the end of my life.” These were Melku’s unforgettable words. Someone listening to our talks at that time could have easily seen that the words and statements we made to each other were purely a sign of fear, of being totally terrified by the actions we were witnessing.
Our fears were not baseless. Much to our shock and panic, the soldiers, about seven to nine of them came, started screaming and breaking down doors and everything they found in front of them. Melku and I did not know what to do or where to go. The soldiers were everywhere. But when we began to listen quietly and more rationally, the soldiers were not at our door. They were breaking the doors and property and terrifying the family of Melku’s neighbour. We heard the soldiers asking the mother of the family to tell them the whereabouts of two of her sons – the ones they were looking for. This lady, who was the mother of seven children, insisted that she did not know where her two sons were. I was standing and looking through a small hole in the door of Melku’s bedroom. I saw one of the soldiers pulling out a pregnant daughter of the woman and dragging her outside along the ground with all his power, then standing with his big shoes on her stomach, though one could see clearly that she was carrying a baby. She and her five-month old baby died immediately.
It was that night I made up my mind to leave Ethiopia. Although I have never in my life heard of a more beautiful, a better country with kinder or lovelier people than Ethiopia, I just wanted to disappear. Besides, many of the children of my uncles and aunts who were in my age group, and many of my friends, had already left Ethiopia without saying a word to me, to their friends or family members. Yes, I also felt lonely and helpless without most of my friends.
At the time, as for almost all Africans now living in the Western world, when I finally decided to leave my country I thought it would be just for a few months, or a maximum of one or two years – until the dust of the upheaval that was the Ethiopian revolution had settled. Given the ambitious socio-political and economic plans I had in my mind, combined with the joyful and affectionate relationship I had with Goni – whom I actually had considered as uncontested part of my future life – I never thought, never dreamed of spending a quarter of a century of my life in another country without her and the family members I was fond of, and in a country where I will never be in a position to say “this my county.” But I left Ethiopia without delay and without saying goodbye to my Goni girl, whom I still miss today.
The Future of the Maturing African Diaspora
Almost all of the currently maturing African Diaspora living permanently in the West have stories that are more or less the same, with short-lived plans that were as simple as mine. They initially left their countries to study for a few years, or immigrated thinking it was just for one or two years; they planned to return, get married, and live a better life in their own country or countries. As in my case, the great majority of Africans were forced to leave their motherland by political repression at home. However, in general people who initially thought they would definitely go back home within a few years never did. The reality is that almost all Africans who are now effectively settled in the west are living the same way of life as westerners, with a proper income and proper housing – in some cases a luxuriously organized way of life. Their new habits, combined with the day-to-day personal freedom of the west, mean that reintegration in the culture back home on a limited salary, with uncertain political conditions and limitations on freedom of movement, would not be an easy process.
What is more tragic in recent times is that while almost all of us left our hometowns with the intention of returning as soon as possible to the place where we belong, the possibility of fulfilling the old dream seems now to be very remote, even untouchable, due to the changing political maps in our countries of origin – with the deterioration of political stability, the persistent repression of political opponents and massive human rights violations. Consequently, some Africans may not even want to think about either going back or investing in their countries of origin.
The worsening political trend in recent times in countries like Ethiopia is reaching its climax in an irreconcilable fashion. On top of the existing internal, deadly political instabilities in the countries of the Horn of Africa, we observe new and mounting political turmoil in Ethiopia, in particular due to the measures undertaken by the vicious and power-thirsty regime of Meles Zenawi, aimed at eliminating political opponents and eradicating the people’s political parties from the land of Ethiopia. The killings of over one hundred innocent Ethiopian citizens since the May 2005 national election; the incarceration of our elected leaders; the unlawful mass arrests and torture, the terrorization and beatings of the mothers, wives, sisters and children of those suspected of supporting opposition political parties, have been instrumental in sending a clear message to the maturing and highly educated Ethiopian Diaspora, discouraging any idea of returning to their country of origin and contributing to the alleviation of poverty and helping to improve and expand the much needed educational sector and other aspects that will support the economy of the country.
The forces of political turmoil currently lashing much of Ethiopian society, clouding the economic and political map of my country, and the unacceptable measures undertaken – including unusually cruel methods of arrest, torture and killing – by Meles’s cadres, which have already been denounced both by Ethiopians and the international community at large, are not only becoming a bottleneck to the incalculable potential contributions of the very resourceful Ethiopian Diaspora to the development of Ethiopia. Instead, these forces have created an inextinguishable energizing focus on crafting and shaping complex mechanisms and strategies to challenge the unlawful measures being employed by the ruling party and to wage a peace-oriented diplomatic war against Meles, intend to weaken the economic and military power of the EPRDF and to isolate Meles himself from the wider international community upon which he and his ruling party are exclusively dependent.
It is additionally true that for some of the maturing Ethiopian Diaspora, the prospects for returning home have been darkened by the ongoing massive, atrocious crimes being committed by the ruthless cadres of Meles, as demonstrated by the arrival of the newly produced exodus of compatriot refugees who are joining the maturing Ethiopian Diaspora in their countries of asylum. Indeed, by accelerating the spread of fear throughout the country, the ruling party and its cadres are currently forcing the indispensable economic forces of Ethiopia to leave their country and loved ones. Just as we have seen in other countries with repressive regimes, the ruling TPLF party has been and is still intensively preparing the ground for western governments and private firms, who are unashamedly going directly to Ethiopia and other Africa countries with the aim of bringing more Africans to the west, draining African of brains by bringing out African doctors, nurses and other professionals.
What is most shocking and has in fact become an energizing and harmonizing force for a good number Ethiopians of my generation, whether in Ethiopia or residing in the Western world, those who experienced the unforgettable and painful periods of Mengistu’s era, however, is the fact that in our wildest dreams we had never thought that the spirit of Mengistu’s terror would once again come back to our country to haunt our children – the generation of my daughter.
___________ Dr. Maru Gubena is a political economist, writer and publisher. Readers who wish to contact the author can reach him at [email protected]
As many Ethiopians and friends of Ethiopia have repeatedly stated, only the TPLF leadership and its cadres have persisted in telling God-fearing, honest, innocent and starving Ethiopians – and the international community – that the tireless efforts and wisely crafted policies and strategies of the TPLF leadership have assured continued production in the various economic, educational and health sectors of Ethiopia, as well as incalculable amounts of agricultural and industrial products and goods, and that this has allowed the country not only to feed its entire population but also to realize a huge profit of billions of dollars in foreign exchange. This unsubstantiated news is transmitted on a daily basis by the poorly trained, unprofessionally organized staff of the TPLF-controlled media. For example, they have said that educational outputs in 2005 increased by millions of Ethiopian graduates compared to 2004, and their employment figures suggest that the percentage of unemployed Ethiopians is the lowest in the history of Ethiopia. The health conditions of all Ethiopians too have improved in a most dramatic fashion, due to great increases in the number of hospitals and clinics of all sizes located all over Ethiopia. If the current development trend continues in the coming half decades concurrently with the process of democratization, the Meles-controlled media says blatantly, Ethiopia will undoubtedly be able to help feed not just Ethiopians, but also the people of many other African countries. Such are the astonishingly creative stories invented by the TPLF trained cadres, well-paid foreign lobbyists and personal foreign friends of the TPLF leadership. Saddest of all, these totally fabricated stories are expanded and widely transmitted by the newly created friends who are being cultivated, the Chinese and Reuters websites.
The TPLF’s repressive leadership employs an extreme policy of stifling long-running internal conflicts and differences among its members, as well as the voices and deep-seated grievances of the general population of Ethiopia. This regime has never allowed Ethiopians to know the actual daily events taking place in their country, including the imprisonment and killing of their own family members. But also the repressive, stifling nature of Meles Zenawi’s regime is clear, even against its own core members and ministers: for example, neither Ethiopians in Ethiopia nor those residing in the western world have ever heard or read a single statement of disagreement or criticism from any of the core members of TPLF against any TPLF policy, or against the views, measures undertaken or proposals made by the TPLF leader – Meles Zenawi – before the results of the policy explode and become known to the general public. Yes, it is indeed true that even though many dramatic events have resulted from bad, harsh policies over the past fifteen years, we have never heard a word or statement from a single top member of the TPLF leadership saying “with due respect, I disagree with you, Mr. Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, because .…†Never. Ethiopians discover the long-existing disagreements and conflicts among TPLF core members only after one of them has managed to defect to a foreign country and directly or indirectly join the Ethiopian resistance.
The Rationale Behind the Persistent Lies of the TPLF Leadership
Since many may wonder about the rationale behind the blatant and persistent lies of the TPLF leadership, it is probably important to briefly explain, and in particular to address the reason the TPLF leadership attaches so much value to such methods, and has employed lies as an indispensable part of its short and long term policy since it came into being.
As historical records clearly show, the founders of the TPLF took up arms to fight against the political and economic system of the time with the sole objective, at least according to the original goals stated by the founders, of demanding an equal and balanced distribution of the country’s resources from the central government of Ethiopia and freeing the people of Tigray from their socio-economic backwardness. Over time, however, and due to the incalculable crimes committed by the regime of Mengistu Hailemariam, Ethiopia was gradually made a fertile land, ready to be ruled by the enemy of the people – the TPLF, under the leadership of Meles Zenawi. The endless killings of innocent Ethiopians, including members of the Ethiopian armed forces, and the continuous humiliation of a good number of high-ranking officers and generals, were the main forces that drove a disproportionately high number of Ethiopian soldiers into the camps of the TPLF and EPLF. This became a decisive factor in the weakening of the entire power structure and the eventual disintegration of Mengistu’s regime. It is further true that since the very inception of the TPLF, which coincided with Ethiopia’s bloody and most cruel revolution of 1974, the entire political programme and socio-economic policies of the TPLF have been and are still hostile to the unity of Ethiopia and to certain sections of Ethiopian society. The TPLF leadership still considers the bulk of Ethiopian society – which has in fact been responsible for defending Ethiopia’s territorial integrity for centuries, and for shaping and maintaining its social and political fabric – to be the historical and potential future enemy of the TPLF, which deserves to be marginalized and to gradually evaporate from the land of Ethiopia.
It is also to be remembered that when the TPLF leadership, with the full supervision and military leadership of the EPLF, entered Addis Ababa, the capital city of Ethiopia, Meles Zenawi and his followers did not come empty handed. They were carrying many variegated bags, each one full of historical and newly minted animosities and hostilities directed at the very people that the TPLF leaders intended to rule. Consequently, for fifteen years now the TPLF leadership has ruled Ethiopians with maximum cruelty and with the barrel of the gun – separating family members from each other and killing Ethiopian youth, the future assets of Ethiopia, every day. Meles Zenewi and his cadres have never shown the slightest respect to the people of Ethiopia – even to well-known or aged Ethiopians. Therefore, it appears that both the immediate and long-term policies of Meles Zenawi and his cadres is simply to find a way to be accepted by countries willing to provide tools to help strengthen the power structures of the TPLF so that it can continue to silence the people of Ethiopia and continue to rule. Lies have thus become the cardinal foundation of the TPLF leadership, a foundation that is rational, given the aim of defeating its enemies and winning the sympathy, the hearts and minds, and the financial and military assistance of donor countries, upon whom the very existence and survival of Meles and his cadres are almost exclusively dependent. The rationale behind the daily transmissions, the postings and presentations on the TPLF-controlled media about the dramatic expansion of various economic, health and educational sectors should be seen in this framework – a concerted effort to win the hearts and minds of those willing to help the TPLF leadership survive and prolong its life span.
Does the Opposition need to employ the Methods of the TPLF Leadership?
What is much more difficult to understand is the recent appearance in the opposition camp of something similar to what has been described above: the repeated transmission of unsubstantiated events and “news†by pro-democracy media outlets, such as Tensae radio and various websites. Every concerned Ethiopian must wonder what the rationale can be, and whether this can possibly be effective. Why are conflicting views, misunderstandings and confusions circulating at this very early stage of our resistance? Why is it that we have become so increasingly dependent upon the brutal killings and measures undertaken by the TPLF leadership against our people at home for the bells of our resistance to ring loudly? Why was, or is it necessary for people within the resistance camp, or for the “Chapters†or “Support Groups of Kinijit†– whose target groups are you and I – to submit unsubstantiated, one-man produced reports and resolutions from small get-together meetings and events and often extremely exaggerated or inflated, to pro-democracy media outlets for transmission and posting – to the point of contributing to a loss of interest and confidence in Kinijit itself among many CUDP or Kinijit supporters and sympathizers? How come critical issues, difficulties and problems within Kinijit and facing Kinijit are not raised, openly and publicly debated, analyzed and resolved? Or, does this silence mean that everything within Kinijit is all right? Do we really believe deep in our hearts and minds that we ourselves are democrats and free from self-imposed or culturally-imposed censorship and dictatorial behaviours, simply because most of us have been living for so long in the western world and continuously shout for the implementation of democracy and the rule of law in our country? Again, the question is: is there a need for Kinijit – a political party that we all consider to be the spirit of all Ethiopians – to follow in the footsteps of the TPLF leadership if what we want to do is to engage, progressively attack and intensify our resistance? Do we really need to feed ourselves with lies? For what reason and toward what purpose? What factors might be considered responsible for the changing face of Kinijit today, compared to some months back? The TPLF leadership’s rationale for telling lies to Ethiopians and the international community have been explained above and are clear. What would be the rationale for Kinijit to employ the same methods and techniques? I sincerely hope some of you will respond to my concerns and worries as stated above and as reflected in following pages.
Missing Elements in Ethiopian Opposition Camps
It has been argued repeatedly and agreed by all actively involved Ethiopians and friends of Ethiopia that the participation of Ethiopian opposition political parties in the 15 May 2005 general election occurred without the necessary preparation, and indeed without establishing the necessary power bases both inside Ethiopia and outside, where the opposition parties enjoy a disproportionately high number of supporters and financiers. It is also true that on the eve of the election, very few of the Ethiopians in the Diaspora were physically in Ethiopia, whether for their own businesses or helping and encouraging the opposition party leaders and their supporters. The rest, an estimated 99 percent or more of the total Ethiopian Diaspora, were in essence still in bed – they did not even know that an important election day was to take place in the land of Ethiopia on the following day – and that some 26 million eligible and registered Ethiopians were ready to show the tyrannical TPLF leadership their red cards: to tell Melles Zenawi in clear language that “enough is enough.†In my recollection, it was the day after the election, to be precise, after the declaration of the state of emergency by the leader of the tyrants, Meles Zenawi, on 16 May 2005, that most of the Ethiopian Diaspora began to spring up and show their unlimited support for the opposition and to the people of Ethiopia, and promised to do everything in their power, to sacrifice their energy, time, money, skill and even their lives in support of respect for the vote, voice and freedom of all Ethiopians. Indeed, as promised, Ethiopians at home and those living abroad reacted massively with a collective voice, protesting the brutal killings of innocent Ethiopians and attempting to force a return of their stolen votes to the people of Ethiopia by the TPLF leadership. It is also a fact that all this concerted effort and resistance by the Ethiopian Diaspora was waged spontaneously, depending only upon events and developments – killings and arrests taking place at home – but without any sort of organizational structure and strategy, and without the development of an effective leadership that could support our elected leaders or even take their places if they are arrested or killed, and a leadership that could serve as the voice of the entire Ethiopian people.
Much to the disappointment and regret of many Kinijit members, financial contributors, devoted supporters and authors of articles, however, this did not happen. Even serious suggestions made in the early summer of 2005 by actively involved and concerned Ethiopians to reorganize, restructure and strengthen Kinijit’s power base in exile – before our leaders were snatched from the people by the tyrannical leadership of TPLF – did not receive the required attention they deserved; instead, these serious and repeated suggestions were put aside by the leadership of Kinijit and the Ethiopian pro-democracy media outlets. It may also be remembered that in addition to the suggestion to create a shadow cabinet, whether in Ethiopia or elsewhere, the issues of effective strategy and leadership were again raised directly to the CUD leader, Engineer Hailu Shawel, I believe by Mr. Elias Kifle, publisher of the Ethiopian Review. During that telephone interview in the summer of 2005, Engineer Hailu Shawel’s strong, firm responses and statements suggested to all of us that he and the rest of Kinijit leadership had already prepared something unknown to us – something he did not want clarify at that time. But I have come to believe Engineer Hailu Shawel was talking about some kind of alternative Kinijit leadership or popular force that would take responsibility and operate clandestinely in the event that he himself and his colleagues are arrested or silenced by the tyrants. As we listened attentively to the interview, the responses and statements of Engineer Hailu Shawel seemed to many of us to be powerful and convincing. In the course of time, however, the reality appeared to be not only different but disappointing. That is, when Meles Zenawi’s tyrannical leadership wasted no time in carrying out its usual heinous crimes, jailing our elected leaders – our worst nightmare – there was no sign of the clandestine organization we had expected to begin to operate clandestinely in the place of jailed Kinijit leadership.
What about measures undertaken by the Ethiopian Diaspora in response to the atrocious crimes being inflicted on our people by Meles Zenawi and his cadres? Yes, demonstrations have been staged; a huge number of letters have been written to US and European officials, and to other institutions concerned; many articles have been produced by active and concerned Ethiopians; candlelight vigils have been organized; a good number of Ethiopians were and are still engaged in lobbying activities, all directed at expressing our outrage at the brutal killings of our people and the jailing of our leaders and with the overall objective of freeing our people from the yoke of TPLF’s repressive regime. Much to my sadness and disappointment, however, there have been no important, boldly formulated initiatives directed at structural, long-term engagement of our resistance. For example, an international gathering could be convened for five days or a week: this could involve all Ethiopians and aim at assessing current political events at home, including the views, attitudes and policies of major donor nations towards the people of Ethiopia and the TPLF leadership; debating the responsibilities, roles and contributions of the Ethiopian Diaspora and friends of Ethiopia with respect to the political stability and instability in our country; devising a future strategy for Kinijit; and officially electing leaders among those in Ethiopia and in the Diaspora to temporarily replace the jailed Kinijit leaders. This would also be an opportunity to officially and publicly announce Kinijit’s official headquarters and branch offices in exile, and to assess and debate other options, such as possible strategies for supporting and assisting the military struggle inside Ethiopia. These three words – “strategy†and “effective leadership†are the essential missing elements within today’s Kinijit. In my view by supplying those missing, most indispensable elements we can also supply the potential sources for change in the current and future face of Kinijit, including the direction for our resistance. The lack of these elements is directly responsible for the conflicting views that are current among active Kinijit members, supporters, sympathizers and the Ethiopian Diaspora at large. This has become a source of misunderstandings, confusion and fingers pointing at each other. The resulting worrisome disagreements and conflicts both between Kinijit and UEDF and within Kinijit itself probably explain why the bells of our resistance do not ring as loudly as they did prior to the first two or three months of 2006. The lack of an elected and accepted leadership, of common strategies and common rules, has also led to the problems seen recently, such as transmitting and posting unsubstantiated, individually produced reports and resolutions from small events, presenting them to the general public of Ethiopia and the Ethiopian Diaspora in an exaggerated way. Each Kinijit Chapter or Support Group wants to be able to say that it has done something meaningful; not knowing what to say to other Kinijit members and the Diaspora, some Support Groups have portrayed what were actually get together meetings as if they had been attended by hundreds of public participants, with reports and resolutions discussed, agreed and produced collectively by conference participants. We have also heard repeated announcements on Tensae radio and various pro-democracy websites of “major international conferences†that are actually small meetings, planned for twenty or thirty participants and one or two speakers. This creates expectations among interested Ethiopians regarding the activities of Kinijit, expectations they will later learn are false. This means transmissions and postings on pro-democracy websites that inflate small get-together meetings may not only be detrimental to the activities of Kinijit within Ethiopian communities in a given country, but can also lead to the eventual destruction of Kinijit itself, as most listeners to Tensae radio and most readers of pro-democracy websites are also themselves involved as participants and observers in the activities of Kinijit Support Groups everywhere in the western world – in Los Angeles, Atlanta, Stockholm, London, Frankfurt, Amsterdam, Oslo, Geneva or other cities or countries.
It should be abundantly clear that without reorganizing ourselves, without crafting meaningful and workable strategies to be carried out by the Ethiopian Diaspora in cooperation with clandestine Kinijit leaders and supporters at home, without effective leadership and professionally-functioning office staff outside Ethiopia, the future of Kinijit as an effective and viable political organization will be short lived. And unless each of us takes the bold decision to free ourselves from secretiveness, from self-imposed or culturally-imposed self- censorship, and to democratize ourselves and our organizations, there is no way we will be justified in imagining that we will be able to help our people and free our country from the repressive chains of the unelected regime of Meles Zenawi. And continuously crying, imploring major donor countries to stand at our side without showing our firm determination and unity, with no carrots and sticks in our hands, are not just unhelpful; they are obvious signs of our own powerlessness and inability to agree and work together.
Dr. Maru Gubena, from Ethiopia, is a political economist, writer and publisher
Readers who wish to contact the author can reach me at [email protected]
The poet and dramatist Tsegaye Gebre-Medhin, who has died aged 69, was considered Ethiopia’s poet laureate. He was one of the most important literary figures that country has produced in the last hundred years, and certainly the best known, both within and outside it; his 1960s decision to write about the common man, rather than religion and royalty, marked the beginning of modern Ethiopian theatre. He wrote in English and was a translator of Shakespeare, but his real gift and achievement was to harness the considerable lyrical powers of his own, Ethiopian, languages.
This was often achieved under trying circumstances. His career spanned three regimes: Emperor Haile Selassie I’s feudal rule, Mengistu Hailemariam’s Marxist dictatorship (under which he was briefly imprisoned), and the putative democracy of Meles Zenawi. All three banned his plays; he once estimated that of 49 works, 36 had at one time or another been censored.
Tsegaye was born in Boda, a village some 120km from the capital, to an Oromo father, who was away fighting the Italians, and an Amhara mother. (The two groups speak languages from entirely different linguistic groups, Cushitic and Semitic respectively; the latter has an alphabet of some 300 letters.) As many Ethiopian boys do, he also learned Ge’ez, the ancient language of the church, an Ethiopian equivalent to Latin; he also helped the family by caring for cattle. He was more unusual in beginning to write plays when at the local elementary school. At 16 he transferred to the Wingate school in Addis Ababa, where he developed an interest in pantomime; this was followed, in 1959, by a degree from the Blackstone School of Law in Chicago. He had not forgotten his first love, however; the following year he used a Unesco scholarship to do an educational tour that included visits to the Royal Court Theatre in London and the Comédie Française, Paris.
The 1960s were an important decade. He returned to Ethiopia in 1960 to run the Municipality Company at the National Theatre and establish a school which produced a number of leading Ethiopian actors. Realising the usefulness of Shakespeare in the making of dangerous political points, he translated Macbeth and King Lear. He also translated Molière’s Tartuffe, and wrote a play in English called Oda Oak Oracle, which was performed in theatres in Ethiopia, Britain, Denmark, Italy, Romania, Nigeria, Tanzania and the US, and still appears on reading lists in black studies departments. But it was Yekermew Sew (Tomorrow’s Man) which established his place in Ethiopian theatre.”Drawing from Ge’ez and Amharic and Orominya, he was able to coin phrases which, in normal Amharic language, don’t exist, but are powerful and expressive,” says Tamrat Gebeyehu, author of the Ethiopian entry in the World Encyclopaedia of Contemporary Theatre. Thus it was “a pleasure to hear his characters talk, even though chances were you did not understand 50% of what they were saying.” In 1966, aged 29, he became the youngest person ever to receive the Haile Selassie I Prize for Amharic Literature.
Briefly, he was appointed minister of culture, but Haile Selassie was deposed by Mengistu Hailemariam and, during the Red Terror in 1975, Tsegaye and the playwright Ayalneh Mulatu spent months together in a prison cell. Ayalneh, who remained friends with Tsegaye for the rest of his life, remembers a daily 11am roll call of men to be killed, and the day his own name came up. It was mispronounced, and Tsegaye seized on the mispronunciation to argue they had the wrong man, thus saving Ayalneh’s life. They wrote poems and plays on the paper bags their food came in.
Agit-prop came into its own under the Marxist regime, as did Tsegaye’s own brand of declamatory nationalism. He wrote Inat Alem Tenu (or Mother Cour- age, though he borrowed only the title) and Ha Hu be Sidist Wer (ABC in Six Months), which referred to the period of the emperor’s deposition. In 1979 he helped to establish the theatre arts department at Addis Ababa University where he is remembered as being very strict and aloof. In the 1980s he also wrote historical plays about Ethiopian kings, one of which, Tewodros, was performed at the Arts Theatre in London in 1986. In 1993, after Mengistu Hailemariam was in turn deposed, he wrote a companion piece to Ha Hu be Sidist Wer. This was Ha Hu Weynis Pe Pu – A or Z, a play about peace, which the current regime banned.
There are persistent reports that the actors were beaten while on tour. Despite this, “I like to go out and communicate with the common folk of Ethiopia,” Tsegaye wrote in 1999. “The peasant, the patriot, the soldier, the traitor, the housewife, the priest, the sheikh … It is from them that I learn about my country and people. And generally their comments are accompanied by tears; their stories are mostly melancholy; their memories are bitter and tragic. It is that which I reflect in my writings. That is why my plays dwell on tragedy.”
In 1998 he moved to New York to undergo dialysis, virtually unavailable in Ethiopia, and to be near his children. He remained active, promoting Ethiopian culture, until the end. In 2002 the African Union took one of his poems as its anthem. He is survived by his wife Lakech Bitew, three daughters, Yodit, Mahlet and Adey, and three sons, Ayenew, Estifanos and Hailu. Tsegaye Gebre-Medhin, poet and dramatist, born August 17 1936; died February 25 2006
Given the image that major western leaders, financial institutions and NGO communities have had of Meles Zenawi as a progressive leader, and given the massive moral, financial and military support he has received from donor nations over the past fifteen years, the measures actively undertaken taken against him by the Ethiopian Diaspora-–staging demonstrations, writing letters and articles, organizing candlelight vigils, engaging in lobbying activities as well as waging this war on the diplomatic front – are indispensable tools and forces towards achieving the intended goals: public awareness, helping to show the ugly face of the repressive regime of Meles Zenawi to western governments and the international community at large. While completely believing that the progression of current engagements of the Ethiopian Diaspora are a crucial element of our broader resistance to help free our people from prolonged economic poverty, political repression by successive regimes and uninterrupted, multiple tragedies, it is also vitally important to realize that the challenges to our struggle are many and complex, and the path we must travel may be painfully long and hard. The disappointments and frustrations experienced and expressed by some compatriots in articles recently posted on various pro-democracy websites in connection with the persistent refusal of the US administration to stop supporting, financing and protecting the enemy of both Ethiopia and its people are therefore unfortunate and untimely. This is especially true given the historical record of the United States itself as the most violent nation on the globe, and given its historical record – which continues into the present – of supporting, financing and working hand in glove with unelected and undemocratic leaders, including both civil and military regimes and world dictators, as part of its own geo-political and military strategies and economic interests. This will be clearly shown in the following pages: [… read more]
March 10 Frezer has been released today after languishing in jail for 41 days!
March 8
A judge ordered yesterday that Ethiopian Review correspondent in Addis Ababa Firezer Negash should be released as there is no evidence to keep her in jail, but the lawless regime, as expected, refused to let her go home.
Feb 23
Frezer continues to languish in jail without charges. When she appeared in court last Monday she appeared to be in good spirit. She is accused of terrorism, even though she is 4-month pregnant and has been sick for a few weeks prior to her arrest. We have learned that she was interrogated by Federal Police Commissioner Gebeyehu Workneh last week.
Feb 20
Frezer appeared in court today and sent back to jail without any charge filed against her. The judged asked her to come back next week.
Feb 9
A pregnant reporter has been jailed in Ethiopia for more than two weeks, and Ethiopia’s Information Ministry said on Thursday she had not been legally accredited … Reuters, Feb 9
The propaganda minister is not telling the truth. Frezer is an accredited reporter of Ethiopian Review since May 2005. Even if she is not, does that justify beating and detaining a 3-month pregnant woman in a disease infested jail? As an American -based company licensed to operate in the State of Virginia, Ethiopian Review is consulting with lawyers to file lawsuit in Virginia against Meles Zenawi, Federal Police Commissioner Workneh Gebeyehu and others for violating the civil rights of its employee, Frezer Negash. Frezer has been illegally detained for the past 14 days.
Feb 7
The International Women’s Media Foundation has expressed alarm regarding the detainment without charge of an Ethiopian journalist Frezer Negash … IWMF Feb 7
Frezer went to court today, but was told to return to her prison cell after the police told the judge that they don’t have enough evidence to charge her yet.
Feb 2
Frezer had to be hospitalized after being beaten up by the Federal Police when she was arrested last Friday. She is in good spirit today, but bitter about the way she is being treated.
Jan 31
Ethiopian reporter Frezer Negash had become the latest journalist in that country to be arrested… AP/CNN Jan 31
Jan 30
The Committee to Protect Journaliss writes on behalf of Frezer
… CPJ Jan 30
Jan 30
Firezer Negash appeared in court today and was told to come back in 14 days so that the investigators gather more information. Federal Police investigators ransacked her home, searching every where including under beds. They confiscated a computer, camera, recorder, all documents, and photos. A lawyer who tried to see her in prison was denied access today.
Jan 29
Ethiopian Review reporter in Addis Ababa Frezer (also spelled Firezer) Negash is being detained in Maikelawi police station. She is detained in inhumane condition as tens of thousands of other journalists, students, and opposition partymembers. Frezer is three-month pregnant and have been sick for the past few weeks. We are deeply worried for her safety knowing the brutal treatment she may be facing in the hands of the Federal Police.
At the moment, the exemplary work for the respect of the peoples vote in Ethiopia is being carried out by the European Union representatives, while US foreign policy is being driven by a single issue, “war on terrorismâ€Â, in the African context
By Kebede D Gashaw
Long before the May elections in Ethiopia, the European Union (EU) has been at the forefront in giving financial support as well as training and preparing candidates for the election. In some cases, the EU had allocated funds in the past to train and educate parliamentarians by granting them visits to Brussels and to member countries legislatures and educating them in the roles that parliamentarians play in democratic societies, the role of government and the governing process.
The EU also pledged to send the largest contingent of observers during the campaign and the election process. The observers more than any other group, (there were two other groups including the Carter Center and the observers from the African Union (AU), were able to diligently execute their duties in a very professional and efficient manner. After the election, they have been the only consistent group that had maintained a fair and balanced effort to address the issues of irregularities, fairness and called for dialog between the opposition and the ruling party. Now, after all the atrocities committed by the Meles Zenawi government over the last eight months, the EU has carried out its moral, political, and economic obligations by not funding the direct aid it has been providing to the Meles Zenawi government, and by this action, the EU has effectively declared that the ruling party is undemocratic, inconsistent, unfair and has committed atrocities on its own people. The EU has been proactive prior to the elections and had given glowing reports about the process prior to the elections and how the process was conducted and the open, un-encumbered political debates held between the parties during the campaign process. After the elections, the EU has been equally critical of the actions of the government and has been calling for a negotiated process to resolve all issues between the opposition and the ruling party.
On the other hand, the other major player in the world seen and in particular in the case of Ethiopia has been the United Kingdom. Prime minister Blair had given an unqualified support to the prime minister Meles Zenawi. Even in the face of criticism from the EU, Britain and Mr. Blair together with the United States continued to give aid, support and comfort to Mr. Zenawi . In an interview with a BBC reporter, he openly declared that his development partners were still with him, even after the massacre of thirty-six innocent students and civilians last June. The demonstrators went out to voice their displeasure of the election aftermath and the rigging of votes and election irregularities. In late November, the British government declared that it will no longer fund direct aid through the government of Ethiopia and was going to with hold over 30 million Euros
Early in November, Mr. Zenawi rounded up opposition leaders from one of the main political parties, the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) and thrown them in jail. He also rounded up members of the fledgling free press, journalists and reporters of independent newspapers, all in all, more than one hundred and twenty individuals ranging in age from 14 to 75 were jailed and are being accused of treason which is punishable by death.
Mr. Zenawi, once again in November as he did in June, unleashed his special forces against demonstrators that were demanding the release of opposition leaders and the journalists that have been rounded up and thrown in jail, and shot down over eighty people in Addis Abeba, the capital and in other cities around the country. All in all, Mr. Zenawi’s government rounded up and jailed over forty thousand students, civilians, opposition party members and supporters. The intimidation, arrests and killings continue to this day. The government owned radio and TV stations only broadcast government propaganda. What little press freedom that existed prior to the election is no longer in existence.
Ethiopians for the first time in the history of the country felt that what was being preached both in Washington and in Addis Abeba was true and they showed their thirst for democracy by lining up to vote on May 8th, the day of the election. Some were out forming a cue at four-o’clock in the morning standing and waiting in line to vote. Vote they did, an unprecedented turnout of over 90 percent of the eligible voters braved the elements of early morning and the piercing sun of the afternoon and rain in some locations. Vote they did, in spite of all the adversities. They voted out the ruling party in the capital, not even one seat was won by the ruling party. The purge continued in other major cities of the country as well. Once the results of the capital was known, the next day after election day, the prime minister went on the air and declared victory. He sated the obvious, that the capital city has been won by CUD but he declared that his party the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) had won the majority of the rest of the country. This, before his own hand picked National Election Board (NEB) had even had a chance to gather the election results from remote locations and above all, after all political parties had agreed to abide by the rule of not declaring them selves a winner until the NEB gathers all the results and declares and certifies a winner. Against the wishes of his own hand picked national election board. To add insult to injury, prime minister Meles Zenawi declared a state of emergency and banned all political gatherings or demonstrations for one month and put the police, the army and security apparatus under his direct command and control.
As an Ethiopian American, I have been appalled and dismayed by the actions and inactions of the Bush administration. The administration provides lip service to democracy and democratic movements in Africa and in particular in Ethiopia. It seems that foreign policy when it comes to Africa and especially the Horn of Africa is being carried out by the Department of Defense (DOD) rather than the State Department. It has become obvious that US foreign policy is being driven by a single issue, “war on terrorismâ€Â, in the African context. Democratic movements and the aspirations of the masses in Africa and in particular in Ethiopia are secondary. The killings of innocent Ethiopians, that were only exercising their constitutional rights to voice their objections to atrocities, vote ragging and irregularities of the election process, is meaningless, immaterial and inconsequential. As long as the election process appears to be fair by African standards. Then the results however the ruling party extracts them are acceptable. These assertions by both Washington and London are not acceptable to the Ethiopian people. They do not see themselves as second class citizens of the world. What is good for Ukraine and Georgia is also good for Ethiopia. Anything less than that is un-acceptable. That is why we see young people defying the killing machines of the ruling party and sacrificing themselves for the betterment of their people and their nation.
The situation in Ethiopia continues to be volatile. If the frustrations of the young and the concerns of the old are not addressed by the ruling party and/or the international community, there is great concern and of an imminent danger. The danger that the peaceful struggle that has been the hallmark of the major opposition parties, will be forced to resort to violence and that will in turn lead to the destabilization of the country. The EU is has been carrying the mantel of a negotiated settlement between the ruling party and the opposition CUD leaders that are still in prison. Here lies the absurdities, the US government fully understands the trumped-up charges that has been filled against these gallant democrats. The US government also is fully aware of the atrocities and the undemocratic actions that continue to be committed by the ruling party. It appears that the US government has sided with the ruling party and the handful individuals that are holding economic power in the country. Much to the dismay of and to the detriment of the promising democratic movement and the aspirations of the 77 million Ethiopians.
Unfortunately, the US is making an effort to expedite the trial of the opposition leaders, while at the same time it is calling for the release of what it calls individuals that have not committed any crime or offense. The US through its ambassador is pressuring opposition party members that have not taken their seats in the parliament to do so even before the release of their leaders that are languishing in the ruling party’s jails. At the moment, the exemplary work for the respect of the peoples vote is being carried out by the EU representatives and without any strings attached in the effort to get a negotiated settlement for the crisis. For that effort, the EU holds the moral high ground.
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Kebede Gashaw resides in California
