Despite the Ethiopian government’s decision last week to release 38 leaders of an opposition party from prison, Congress must still pass a bill that ties that country’s human-rights record to U.S. aid, say Ethiopian-Americans who have lobbied for the measure.
The community, which has worked in recent years to add its voice to the list of influential ethnic lobbying groups, backs H.R. 2003, a measure authored by Rep. Donald Payne (D-N.J.) that directs the State Department to support democracy in Ethiopia and restricts assistance for security efforts until the country releases political prisoners and meets a series of other benchmarks.
The House Foreign Affairs Africa and Global Health subcommittee, which Payne chairs, passed the bill last week. The full committee is expected to mark up the bill on Tuesday.
Prime Minister Meles Zenawi said the decision to pardon the prisoners was unrelated to efforts in Congress to pressure his government.
“The Ethiopian government isn’t willing and is unable to be run like a banana republic from Capitol Hill,” he said. His government has worked closely with the Bush administration on counter-terrorism efforts in the region.
Human-rights activists and congressional backers of the Payne bill welcomed the news that the government had pardoned 38 of the country’s top political opposition leaders. But Tom Lantos, the chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, indicated the bill would still move forward.
“At least 36 more activists remain in detention because they either refused to sign a required letter of remorse or because they signed the letter but their cases remain undecided,” Lantos said.
As stated in the preface to part one, it is this important part ? part two ? that provides a clear definition of the two generations under discussion; distinguishes the socio-economic and political conditions these generations have experienced; assesses the many interlinked historical factors and actors that are the immutable sources of our unhealed wounds, divisions and obstacles ? obstacles not just to a search for possible solutions to our longstanding and persistent socio-economic and political problems, but even to our living side by side and working together. It is also this part of the article that examines the role of the complex mechanisms used by the Dergue regime to forcefully inculcate the images they preferred into the minds of the War Born Generation.
To obtain a clear picture of the complex sources, processes, problems and issues involved, it is advisable to read parts one and two together.
Distinguishing the Two Generations and their Socio-economic and Political Conditions
Before tackling the remaining issues of this paper, let me first attempt to clear up the clouds surrounding the two generations, including my definitions and the reasons I have found it necessary to introduce these two concepts – the Golden Period Generation and the War Born Generation.
To begin with, our current difficulties seem to me to be explained by the ?Cold War? these two generations are waging against each other, with devastating and destructive effects to the path of the Ethiopian resistance. Therefore it is necessary to make a clear distinction between them. Additionally, the concept of the generations that I am suggesting can, I believe, be helpful in assessing the impact of the socio-economic and political experiences and backgrounds in which each generation was born and brought up.
Each generation encompasses a range of ages. The Golden Period Generation, for instance covers those individuals who were born between 1938 and 1966, with an average age of 22 in 1974 and 53 in May 2005 ? the year that marked the first national parliamentary election in the history of our country ? Ethiopia. A good number of the Golden Period Generation are said to have been contributing forces to, and in some cases instrumental in, the upheaval of the bloody 1974 Ethiopian revolution, which marked the end of Emperor Haile Selassie?s forty-four year rule and the disintegration of the long established feudal system, including the suspension of Ethiopia?s constitution; they came predominantly from rural Ethiopia and belonged to rural families. The War Born Generation, on the other hand, encompasses those born between 1967 and 1986, with an average age of 14.5 in 1991 ? the year that marked the end of Mengistu Hailemariam?s era ? and 28.5 in May 2005.
I prefer, however, to define these two generations not in terms of years, but rather on the basis of Ethiopia?s political conditions, relationships or affiliations, and in relation to the experiences of the two generations with the country?s rulers, including the process of victimization some experienced, inflicted by certain regimes. This determined their ability or inability to participate in political activities such as demonstrations, and the chance they ran of being picked up and arrested, or being gunned down by the security forces of the regime in question. As has already been said, and as might be expected, there are thus substantial differences in the experiences and ideologies of the Golden Period Generation and the War Born Generation, as in other many aspects.
First and most essentially, the time in which the Golden Period Generation was born and grew up was relatively stable, with few or no rebel groups. The Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF) was still in an organizational phase. The number of active ELF members, including the founders, was small; it had not yet even reached one hundred. At that time, most well known founders and some members of the ELF lived in the Middle East other Islamic African countries. The entire Ethiopian population, including the Golden Period Generation, was free to move from one border to the other, all the way across the country. In fact, at that time Ethiopians had never seen a compulsory identification card, something they were suddenly required to carry with them. This requirement was introduced for the first time in Ethiopia?s history by the regime of the Dergue. Even in the first few months of the Dergue era, permission was not required to travel from one border to the other, for example from Moyale to Massawa. It was also true that life in the entire nation of Ethiopia was extremely cheap and it was easy. In relatively small restaurants in Finote Selam, Bahir Dar, Dessie, or any other medium or small Ethiopian cities and towns, it was for example quite normal to order an extended lunch or dinner for just ten cents in Ethiopian Birr.
As the educational system of Ethiopia had been seriously and carefully established, aimed at producing well trained graduates with a bright future, the students of the Golden Period Generation were loved, respected and regarded by the general public of Ethiopia as the future representatives and symbols of the country. Wherever they went, all Ethiopian mothers and fathers ? in both urban and rural areas ? always welcomed Ethiopian students and youth of that memorable period. Indeed, throughout the youth of the Golden Period Generation the educational system was complex and exams were tough to pass, especially the two ministry exams (from 6th to 7th grade, and from 8th to 9th grade) and the third so-called ?matrix exam,? which enables students, if they pass, to enter one of the Ethiopian universities. The quality of Ethiopia?s educational system and educational outputs were extremely high. During the generation of the Golden Period it was not strange, for example, to hear little children in the fourth or fifth grade speaking English well and helping foreign visitors. As the result of the relatively professionally established educational system of the time, the attitudes and views of the Golden Period Generation were and are far broader and more international than those of others.
As the name clearly suggests ? and in strong contrast to the environment and socio-economic conditions in which the Golden Period Generation was born, grew up and lived ? the period of the War Born Generation was and still is marked with external wars, conflicts and internal armed confrontations among an increasingly number of rebel groups, each with a lengthy list of demands for independence. The War Born Generation is the first in the history of Ethiopia to experience living in officially registered locations (called ?Kebeles?) with house numbers, and with a requirement that individuals who would like to have visitors ? even family members and friends from other Ethiopian cities, towns or villages ? must register their names and the duration of their stay in advance, and ask permission. Moreover, the War Born Generation has had little or no freedom to move from city to city, or from a city to certain regions of rural Ethiopia, without proper legal permission and without carrying an ID. It is also undeniably true that the socio-political and economic conditions in which the War Born Generation has been born and brought up have been torturous ? isolationist and impoverished. The impact of the worsening economic conditions on social relations among Ethiopians has been heavy, and has resulted in persistent increases in hostilities. Due to the substantial decreases in the quality of education under the Dergue regime, the educational level of the War Born Generation is exceptionally low. For example, a disproportionately high number of the War Born Generation who have completed high school, even among those who have attained the second or third year of university, don?t speak English. Many of those among the War Born Generation who are living today with us in Europe or the United States, when applying for political asylum, could not manage to articulate their own profile or the reasons for applying for asylum to an immigration officer without the help of an interpreter.
Further, as the result of the intensity of the war between the then two guerrilla rebel forces ? the EPLF and TPLF forces ? and the regime of Mengistu Hailemariam, the War Born Generation has continued to be both a direct and indirect potential victim of the parties involved in the war. An indirect victim, because there is not a single person among the War Born Generation whose family members were not affected, who could escape from being forcefully snatched, conscripted by the fascist regime of Mengistu Hailemariam to go the warfront and sacrifice his or her life. And directly, in the case of those who were themselves conscripted to fight the war ? a war created and expanded by the regime of the Dergue itself. And finally, for children of Dergue members, and of those who served the regime of Mengistu Hailemariam in one way or the other, including members of the former Ethiopian armed forces ? it is certainly and undoubtedly this generation, the War Born Generation, that has been and is directly and badly affected and victimized by the defeat and eventual ousting of Mengistu Hailemariam from power by EPLF and TPLF forces in May 1991. Most lost their loved ones, close friends and colleagues as well as personal property and other essential belongings.
Due to their ages and because they were the children of the Dergue system itself, the War Born Generation was vulnerable: it could easily be molded in accord with the desires and wishes of the system and leadership of the Dergue regime. It is additionally true that given the complete lack of educational alternatives, the War Born Generation had no choice but to listen to their parents, go to school and learn from their school teachers. The schools, together with the Dergue controlled media outlets ? an indispensable tool in molding this generation ? were the only institutions available to provide information. It is also true that not a single person in the world can stand and watch when his or her parents are being criticized or attacked ? it doesn?t matter how bad the parents might be. So the repeated denials and defense by the War Born Generation of the Dergue, even given the atrocious crimes committed and the damage inflicted upon the people and the territorial integrity of Ethiopia are understandable. The problem, however, does not end with these denials of the appalling crimes of the parents, other family members and the War Born Generation itself. The problems and the clashes between the Golden Period Generation and the War Born Generation are much deeper and are getting out of hand: we are at a point where the War Born Generation is ready, not only to politically outsmart and socially silence the Golden Period Generation, but, appallingly, is also working day in and day out to physically eliminate all individuals who belong to the Golden Period Generation. The big question is: why are such great cruelty and creatively invented, unsubstantiated charges necessary? Who is really going to benefit from this intensified, volatile war of words? What are the historical sources of the clash between the two generations?
Looking at the Historical Sources
As widely recorded evidence clearly shows, from early in the 1950s the Golden Period Generation was an active force in resisting and challenging, directly and indirectly, the policies and government of Emperor Haile Selassie, demanding socio-economic, political and leadership changes. It was seen as an indispensable symbol and voice of the people of Ethiopia. However, despite well-researched historical evidence on the incalculable influence and contributions of the Golden Period Generation to relative improvements in areas related to health, education, agriculture and basic infrastructure in various regions of Ethiopia, and while knowing perfectly well that the 1974 Ethiopian revolution had been partly or fully the result of the uninterrupted concerted efforts and sacrifices of this generation, the Dergue, with its unpatriotic and greedy members ? and which later became the uncontested, most ruthless ruler of my country and oppressor of my people ? conspired against the Golden Period Generation and the Ethiopian people in general, and decided to snatch the socio-economic, political and leadership changes from them all. The months that followed the end of Emperor Haile Selassie?s rule were to be the beginning of urban and city dominated war, terrorization and self-destruction among Ethiopians themselves ? with the new military rulers and those supporting military rule against those emphatically opposing the imposition of power and rule by an unelected military dictatorship. The new self-installed fascistic military dictatorship was also quick to take inconceivable, cruel and irreversibly destructive measures against the Golden Period Generation as well as a large section of other Ethiopians who rejected the idea of military rule in the land of Ethiopia.
Indeed, the Golden Period Generation was seen not only as a potential enemy, but also a direct threat to the long term desires and plans of the Dergue to forcefully impose its oppressive and repressive rule upon our country for an unspecified period. These new rulers were faced with increasing and spreading challenges including dangerously escalating resistance in both urban and rural Ethiopia, and were unable either to convince or silence the concerted opposition to military rule by political means, rationally and wisely devised mechanisms and instruments, the parents of the Warn Born Generation ? the members of the fascistic dictatorial military regime declared open war on the Golden Period Generation and its political party, the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party (EPRP) ? a war aimed at exterminating the entire Golden Period Generation and those associated or suspected of being involved with or related to EPRP members, activists or their families.
To help sharpen its teeth, and in an attempt to justify its appalling war policies and strategies to the Ethiopian people and the international community, even though these were exclusively directed at its targeted victims ? the Golden Period Generation and its political party, the EPRP ? the then military dictatorship, the Dergue, publicly accused the EPRP and the civilian left of being anti-peace and anti-Ethiopian unity. By employing the Dergue-controlled Ethiopian media outlets as effective and indispensable propaganda machines in the war against my generation, the Dergue accused the civilian left organization, the EPRP, whose activists included students, the entire body of Ethiopian intellectuals, teachers and trade union associations, the Ethiopian business community and even some members of the Ethiopian armed forces, of being a political organization that was working hand in glove with the growing number of newly emerging separatist rebel groups engaged in terrorist activities and working towards the disintegration of Ethiopia?s territorial integrity. The accusations and charges made by the then Ethiopian military dictatorship against my generation were not only entirely politically motivated and disproportionate, but were also totally unfounded.
Contrary to the unfounded accusations and charges declared against my generation by the fascistic regime of the Dergue, the EPRP?s suggestions and proposals ? as can be read in well-documented records ? were presented as a lasting solution to the conflicts arising between the new military dictatorship and the new rebel groups of the period, were entirely and exclusively focused on peaceful, immediate resolution of the issues and problems raised by a few of the rebel groups, before they become more organized, grew and expanded and before their ideas and strategies took root in the land of Ethiopia. Because the demands of the rebel groups were straightforward, the EPRP believed that sitting together and talking with even one rebel group ? the EPLF ? could help to bring a lasting solution, stop the emergence of other rebel groups and clear up the heavy, dark cloud of possible protracted internal and external conflicts and wars hanging over the head of Ethiopia.
Regrettably, however, the Ethiopian army officers who had forcefully snatched power from Ethiopians who had struggled over many painful years, attempting to cultivate the habits and culture of democracy in our country and to create an opportunity for our people taste both the fruits and challenges of freedom and democracy, were unconvinced. They continued a ruthless and fascistic policy of war, intensifying the process of extermination of the most irreplaceable Ethiopian assets, along with the destruction of the many complex and most valuable Ethiopian cultural and patriotic symbols, along with norms and values including the deep respect and love Ethiopians had for each other. Yes, indeed, the greedy, power thirsty, irresponsible and arrogant Dergue members who ruled my country during those nightmarish years chose for prolonged internal and external wars in preference to engagement in discussions and an attempt at a peaceful resolution to the newly emerging armed confrontations and conflicts.
Although the responsibility for the decision to eradicate my generation rests entirely with the Dergue, since Dergue members themselves made this decision, the conflict that arose within the civilian left during the early and mid 1970s ? for strategic reasons plus ideological differences and convictions, and which led to the eventual split, to irreconcilable animosity and to further self-destruction of one another ? served not just to embolden and radicalize the hearts and minds of the Dergue, but also led them to escalate and expand the war machines against the civilian left. The decision made by the All-Ethiopia Socialist Movement, often referred to by its Amharic acronym, Meison, to form an alliance with the Dergue regime and work cooperatively with the most ruthless regime of the period (in the expectation of diverting the revolution from within) was indeed an unforgivable historical error of the then leaders of Meison, Mr. Haile Fida and Dr Negede Gobeze ? a painful memory to the Meison figures and activists who finally managed to escape the cruel and deadly war machine of Mengistu Hailemariam.
A major reason behind the irreconcilable disagreement of Meison with the EPRP and their alignment with the repressive regime of the Dergue was the use of arguments by the then leaders of Meison based on a theory that asserted the positive contributions of military dictatorship. This presumably was borrowed from the well known social scientist, Andre Gundar Frank, who is best known as the post-Second World War exponent of his dependency theory ? the idea that despite the undemocratic nature of military rule, in countries such as Ethiopia, the deep-rooted feudal mode of production and relations among the members of society cannot be simply eradicated and fundamental structural socio-economic and political change cannot be implemented just by ending the rule of a monarchy and replacing it with a democratically elected leadership. The Meison leaders concluded with confidence and certainty that if Ethiopia were not to be ruled by a well-organized and armed military leadership, the people?s revolution would not survive, and the old rule that had been deposed would certainly revive, once again forcing its feudal system upon the entire population of Ethiopia. Therefore they insisted on the importance of military rule in Ethiopia for an unspecified period.
Emphatically rejecting both the stated arguments of the then Meison leadership and the collaboration between Meison and the new military dictatorship in Ethiopia, the EPRP leadership challenged the Meison leadership on grounds of practical experience in countries that had been ruled by fascistic military dictatorships. In making clear its case to the Ethiopian people, the EPRP leadership of the 1970s stood firm, saying that the reasons given by Meison were unjustifiable and in contradiction to the history of military dictatorships. According to well established historical documents covering military dictatorships, argued the EPRP leadership, where such dictatorships have come to power in a nation state not a single country has witnessed a peaceful and democratic transfer of power to an elected leader or leaders. Military dictators have by nature little or no respect for their people or country. They are allergic to the idea of being replaced by an elected civilian leadership.
Not surprisingly, the persistent self-incrimination and escalation in the wars of words and deeds between Meison and EPRP became an energizing force for the military regime of Mengistu Hailemariam in the radicalization and escalation of its own war, not only against EPRP, but also against everyone who did not express his or her unreserved, loud and clear support for the war and the destructive policy of the Dergue. As not publicly supporting the war policy and the war machine of the Dergue became tantamount to committing a crime, being accused, charged, hunted and gunned down became a daily urban phenomenon in all cities of Ethiopia. Again, not surprisingly, after sharpening its teeth and firmly reorganizing the foundation of its power structures, the ruthless dominant figures of the Dergue turned the barrel of the gun towards the entire leadership of Meison, who had been working hand in glove with the Dergue itself towards the destruction of my generation. A few among the active leadership of Meison who managed to escape the killing machines of the Dergue ? killing machines they themselves helped to create and sharpen ? live today with horrifying memories and never-ending nightmares.
What is more interesting in this connection, however, is this: it is these same rebel groups, newly born at this earlier time and each founded in the land of Ethiopia by three to seven individuals, concurrently with the emergence of the new military dictatorship, that eventually became ? after 17 years of protracted war ? a source of the complete destruction of the Dergue itself, including the loss of life of the most dominant leaders of the Dergue, those who initially so emphatically rejected sitting and negotiating with the small rebel groups to resolve the emerging problems of the period in a timely fashion.
Incidentally, it is probably worth noting that the falsely and creatively invented accusations and charges declared by the Dergue regime against the Golden Period Generation more or less resemble the treason and genocide charges more recently imposed upon Ethiopian elected and jailed leaders, Ethiopian Free Press Journalists and many other Ethiopians by the tyrannical unelected TPLF leadership that is currently ruling our country and its people with its repressive machine and with the barrel of the gun. The obvious major difference between the victims of the Dergue and those of the current unelected TPLF leadership is that a disproportionately high number of the Dergue?s victims didn?t have an opportunity to be arrested, imprisoned and visited by their loved ones, by journalists and international leaders, or to challenge the illegally and falsely made charges against them. Those of my generation who were charged by the Dergue did not have the prospect of being released someday after serving two to fours years of prison time. They were simply hunted and gunned down wherever and whenever they were found. The elected Ethiopian jailed leaders who were forcefully picked up in their houses, offices or on the street since the 31st of October 2005, however, are alive and are challenging their charges in the courts, even though these courts are simply the mouthpieces, the personal property, of the unelected TPLF leader, Meles Zenawi. It should in addition be obvious that for most, some 98 or more percent, of the Kaliti prisoners who have been imprisoned under politically motivated charges the prospects of being released are not clouded, although the duration of their imprisonment is almost entirely dependent upon the political heat and dust surrounding the future political stability or instability of our country. In other words, if the uncertain, dark clouds surrounding the political power and leadership structures of the TPLF leadership begin to stabilize, then the prospects for the release of Kinijit?s jailed leaders will be brighter than is the case today. Again, the timeframe for the release of all Kaliti political prisoners will depend heavily upon the speed of the process of stabilization in the power and leadership systems of the unelected leadership of Meles Zenawi, unless something miraculous happens, such as a military coup d’etat or any other event that deposes the regime.
As discussed in the sections above, it appears that the socio-psychological damage inflicted upon the War Born Generation has been overwhelming, to the point that we have become unable even to live side by side in foreign countries ? in our countries of asylum and immigration. Although I may be wrong since I have not been in Ethiopia for some time, the clash of the two generations ? the conflict currently underway between the Golden Period Generation and the War Born Generation ? I would argue that this is more clearly manifested in the Diaspora than in our country of origin. I also dare to argue that the impact of the clash of generations is more obvious within the Diaspora political organizations, more specifically on the Kinijit Diaspora leadership and its active members, than in the Kinijit we knew in Ethiopia.
The Direct Repercussions of the Clash of Generations: The Kinijt Diaspora Leadership as a Prisoner of the War Born Generation
Although the lifeless Kinijit Diaspora leadership persistently and blindly denies the obvious huge differences between the Kinijit we knew in Ethiopia and the Kinijit Diaspora leadership, the well-known, respected and loved Kinijit led by Engineer Hailu Shawel, which won the 2005 Ethiopian parliamentary election, was founded and functioned upon a cardinal foundation of Ethiopianess: it embraced and involved all Ethiopians from all regions without discrimination based on religion, sex or age group. The jailed Kinijit leaders were leaders for everyone, every single Ethiopian. The jailed Kinijit leaders loved and respected the old and young, the wealthy and the poor, the powerless and defenseless as well as the powerful. The house and the entire Kinijit family was always open and willing to shelter every child, man and woman who needed its help, its protection or its defense. ?Every Ethiopian belongs to Ethiopia and to the family of Kinijit.? was the Kinijit motto. Yes, Kinijit in Ethiopia was radically different from the Kinijit Diaspora leadership. In my recollection, in Ethiopia Kinijit was a political organization in which everyone was welcome to actively participate and contribute to its growth and development. Every generation, old and young, had the opportunity and in fact the responsibility to become a leader and spokesman as well as a sympathizer, supporter or member of Kinijit. For example, it was quite normal to find members of three different generations ? my father?s generation, my generation and my daughter?s generation ? among the individual leaders, activists, members and sympathizers within Kinijit in Ethiopia. It is further true that the spirit, policy frameworks and strategies of Kinijit in Ethiopia were all consistent with an aggressive attack on the factors dividing us, and towards a revival of the unity, harmony, love and respect among all Ethiopians. There was little or no sign of a clash of generations to be seen in the house and family of Kinijit in Ethiopia ? Kinijit as it was under the leadership of Engineer Hailu Shawel,
What about the Kinijit Diaspora leadership? But what is it ? what is the Kiniji Diaspora leadership? The Kinijit Diaspora leadership came into existence in the final weeks of the spring of 2006, not through the collective voice of the Ethiopian Diaspora community, but due to the initiative of a few individuals. Despite the lack of a collective voice, the Ethiopian Diaspora community was willing to accept and support the coordination of the Ethiopian resistance by the Kinijit Diaspora leadership.
And still, despite persistent complaints and accusations related to ineffectiveness and ongoing refusals to coordinate multiple projects and lead the Ethiopian resistance cooperatively, working closely with civil organizations and other political parties, the Ethiopian Diaspora remains reluctant to openly criticize the Kinijit Diaspora leadership. Much to the sadness and disappointment of many Ethiopians and to the terrible embarrassment of our jailed leaders and their families, however, the now lifeless Kinijit Diaspora leadership has became a prisoner of a single generation ? the War Born Generation, who have been directly affected by the war that defeated the regime of Mengistu Hailemariam. Completely contrary to the spirit and principles of Kinijit as we knew it in Ethiopia, the Kinijit Diaspora leadership and about 80 percent or more of its active members, supporters and sympathizers, with their aggressive and militaristic character and behaviour, are a part of the War Born Generation. Consequently, the Kinijit Diaspora leadership has today become an open battlefield in a war being waged by the revengeful children of the Dergue regime ? the War Born Generation ? not only against the tyrannical regime of the TPLF, but mainly against the civilian left of the 1970s, whom the War Born Generation sees as the historical enemy of their parents.
The direct effects and repercussions of the clash of generations are growing rapidly, worsening by the day and getting out of hand. They have effectively paralyzed not just the Kinijit Diaspora leadership, but the entire Ethiopian resistance.
Indeed, the long-standing clashes between the two generations, the deep-seated hostilities and animosities of the War Born Generation towards the Golden Period Generation, have in recent times been transformed into a total, open war. Although the exchanges are not systematically structured, the Kinijit Diaspora media outlets and their paltalk rooms, Ethiopian Current Affairs Discussion Forum, and Ethiopians in Switzerland Discussion Forum, which along with Negat Radio and the newly born station called Radio Kaliti, focus entirely on the favorite talking points and interview channels of Mr. Andrachew Tsigie, have openly declared war against the Golden Period Generation and flatly denied that any crimes were committed by the Dergue regime. The revengeful children of the Dergue have argued emphatically that not one of the Ethiopian armed forces, police or cadres during the era of Dergue regime killed a single person. While admitting that atrocious crimes were committed against the Ethiopian people during the terrible, painful period of the 1970s, and while admitting the shameless obliteration of over a half million of my generation, the paltalk room participants who support the radical militant Kinijit Diaspora leadership, especially those who are themselves former members of the armed forces of the Dergue regime, instead charge the EPRP with responsibility for the atrocious crimes committed against more than one-half million Ethiopians. Unfortunately, however, the militant paltalk room participants provide absolutely no information about how the EPRP managed to kill so many Ethiopian youth of the period, what weapons were used or with whose permission.
For example, on the first of October 2006, the radical Admins (Administrators) and participants in the paltalk room called the ?Ethiopian Current Affairs Discussion Forum,? such as those nicknamed Green_Yellow_Red, @balwe_1, VIVA MINILIK, @selamhunu and others have shamelessly stated that few if any Ethiopian youth or students were killed during the Dergue era with the knowledge or by the order of Dergue government officials. The Ethiopian youth of the period were eradicated by EPRP leaders and activists, says VIVA MINILIK. VIVA MINILIK added that ?EPRP leaders and their cadres killed a large number Ethiopian youths, compared to the number of Ethiopians killed by the regimes of either Mengistu Hailemariam or Meles Zenawi.? In explaining the impossibility of future cooperation between Kinijit and UEDF, VIVA MINILIK, who is said to be the undisputed boss of the paltalk room mentioned, poses the following question to himself and the other participants in the room: ?how can Ethiopians work and cooperate with such cruel people and such cruel behaviour? How can we do that? We can?t! We cannot work and live with those who have committed the most terrifying crimes on earth,? insists VIVA MINILK, himself a former soldier under Mengistu Haile Mariam?s regime.
While VIVA MINILIK was still engaged with his endless, totally unfounded accusations against my generation, ?tadeaa,? another active participant in the Ethiopian Current Affairs Discussion Forum, proudly wrote in. He expressed his joy to VIVA MINILIK, saying that his voice, behaviour and way of speaking are exactly the same as the former Ethiopian dictator Mengistu Hailemariam. VIVA MINILIK in turn responded to ?tadeaa? in an extremely loud voice, showing deep emotion and a feeling of enormous pride in tadeaa and the other participants in his room, to whom he said that they deserve such a bold nationalist, with a most courageous voice, to motivate paltalk room participants and energize their mood and feelings of Ethiopian nationalism.
Hearing such statements made by former members of the armed forces under Mengistu Hailemariam?s regime, whose hands are covered with the blood of the Ethiopian youth of my generation, reminds me of an Italian politician named Alessandra Mussolini, the granddaughter of Benito Mussolini ? the cruel fascist dictator who ruled Italy from 1922 to 1943 ? who continually argues that her grandfather was never a fascist dictator and never killed a single person, or even a single bird for that matter. Alessandra Mussolini also says that her grandfather was in fact a loving person, valuing all human beings, and a well known humanist.
For the Ethiopian Diaspora as a whole, apart from the question of how we will be able to reconcile with each other, given the views and convictions of individuals who talk like Alessandra Mussolini and the above mentioned Admins of these paltalk rooms and media outlets, what is more worrisome, even most depressing of all, are the immediate effects and repercussions of the clash of generations ? the war currently being waged by the War Born Generation against the Golden Period Generation. And since we Ethiopians have never given the required attention to these issues and problems, which should be seen as the equivalent of a big foreign enemy advancing towards us, armed with complex and highly advanced weapons, the Ethiopian Diaspora community will soon not be able to work collectively to support the Ethiopian resistance against the common enemies of our country. The politics of the Ethiopian Diaspora, it seems, is in its closing pages, at least for the coming few years, until the previous wounds that have been revitalized, given a new life, by the War Born Generation are healed a bit, and until certain individuals those who are currently faced with memories of pain and nightmare of the 1970s are recovered.
A final note. It is also appropriate to use this opportunity to thank friends and colleagues who have been helpful to me, including those who recorded and sent discussion messages, or passed on statements and written texts from the various paltalk rooms. Thanks also to those who notified me when discussions related to my work were underway in one or more paltalk rooms.
Finally, this paper has been written in memory of my generation ? the youth of Ethiopia of the 1970s, particularly those who were inhumanly exterminated, to their families and to those who managed to survive the ruthless death squads of Ethiopia?s historic enemy, the Dergue, which left irremovable scars on the body of my generation, our country and its people.
Dr. Maru Gubena, from Ethiopia, is a political economist, writer and publisher. Readers who wish to contact the author can reach me at [email protected]
Once upon a time Ethiopians heard some scanty news about the Wild West. In school they read about Mark Twain and Shakespeare’s Romeo & Juliet. In colleges they were taught by scholars from Europe and North America whose professional commitment and humanitarian gestures were exemplary. These professors were friendly and unsophisticated. They intermingled with Ethiopians, with adventurism and courage.
Inspired by these foreigners, many students of wisdom and knowledge read novels and political writings of the West. With all naivete many wanted to travel to America and England to learn more about the socioeconomic developments of these countries. Thousands were interested to understand the essence of the Statue of Liberty and the freedoms of Trafalgar Square. Ignoring their sinister and condescending behavior, the innocent believed that the West was destined to spread democracy in Ethiopia. So, graduates from US, Ethiopian and UK universities made unprecedented effort to copycat the ideals of George Washington, Winston Churchill, Martin Luther King and Woodrow Wilson. Mesmerized by the eagerness of these disciples of democracy, U.S. and its allies supported the elite to change the political establishments in Ethiopia. Westerners covertly and overtly used student and trade unions, and the Ethiopian Army to stage coup d’etat. In spite of that, neither a bourgeoisie revolution nor a democratic evolution was achieved.
In the end, socialist revolution took the lives of Ethiopians and military dictatorship was installed in 1974. As the power of the gun roared on the streets of Addis Ababa, print and electronic media controlled, and civic organizations dismantled, freedom of speech curtailed and individual and collective freedom abused to an unimaginable proportion, thousands stood against the revolution. Yet still in the midst of brutal repression
and when the world was divided between East and West, Ethiopians adhered to the doctrines of democracy.
In order to forestall the speared of communism in East Africa, Western powers supported anti-government forces to unseat the military regime in Ethiopia. Even the so called humanitarian organizations like OXFAM, Care and World vision advocated for a change of governance. Assuming that US and Britain would not be interested in replacing one dictator by another, Ethiopians were joyous with the demise of Mengistu’s communism in 1991. Precisely this is the reason that Ethiopians gave the benefit of the doubt to the new TPLF rulers in Addis Ababa. And indeed the struggle to create a free society continued unabated.
Many hoped that with the help of Western nations, a true democratic society with a government by the people for the people would be formed. Unfortunately, soon after the end of communism, Western nations stopped far short from supporting democratic transition in Ethiopia. Instead of building democracy, they helped build great walls on ethnic lines and worked towards the dismemberment of a nation.
Nevertheless, the good disciples of democracy including Hailu Shawel, Bertukan Mideksa, Birhanu Nega, Yakob Hailemariam, Dr. Befekadu Degefe, Professor Mesfin Woldemariam, Muluneh Eyuel, Gizachew Shiferraw, Hailu Araya, Debebe Eshetu, Kifle Tigene, Serkalem Fasil, Eskinder Negga, Sisay Agena, Kassahun Kebede, Daniel Bekele, Netsanet Demessie and dozens of the gallant sons and daughters who are in and outside the country continued their struggle to bring democracy to Ethiopia. These individuals who are now prisoners of consciences were encouraged by the tacit support they received from some Western nations to advance the cause of freedom. Up until they were betrayed by Western teachers of democracy, they tried to bring change often in difficult circumstance peacefully and constitutionally. Sadly, their peaceful struggle was countered by brute force and these courageous disciples are locked up in one of Africa’s most dilapidated prison cells.
Bereft of everything, in the crowded prison cells of Kaliti, the prisoners of conscience shine in the hearts and minds of 70 million Ethiopians. Out of their prison cells they continue to give us the true account of the peaceful democratic struggle they waged in Ethiopia in 2005. By all standards, their courage, wisdom and commitment is exemplary. The selflessness of Prof. Mesfin and Eng. Hailu at old age and, Judge Bertukan Mideksa who is separated from her two year old daughter invigorates the dreams for a democratic Ethiopia. Special salutation goes to Dr. Berhanu Nega who, through his book the Dawn of freedom articulates, his team’s advocacy for democracy and peaceful struggle to change a fearful society to a free society. This book written from Kaliti unmasks the truth between democracy and dictatorship, nationalism and sectarianism, honesty and betrayals, diplomacy and tact, political dodgers and honest brokers, success and setbacks. What was fundamental was his thesis and anti-thesis on individual freedom and collective freedom. He goes on to say that men are born free and they should be free to think and choose what they think is right for them. His eloquent description manifests that the assurance of individual freedom and liberty is the fundamental of a true and sustainable democracy. The absence of it leads to the creation of fearful societies.
Berhanu and his team in prison remained steadfast in their peaceful resolve to bring democracy to Ethiopia. They remained good disciples of Martin Luther King, Windrow Wilson, Nelson Mandela, Abraham Lincoln, George Washington, Winston Churchill, and Gandhi. True those Western powers lead by George Bush and Tony Blair who promised to give their support to these disciples have failed them in the wee hours of need. Nevertheless, out of your prison cells you ought to be encouraged by the support you garnered from the peoples of Ethiopia, US and Europe. Members of Congress and European parliamentarians have continued their support and advocacy to your noble cause of spreading freedom to Ethiopia. A case in point is HR-5680, the Ethiopia Freedom, Democracy, and Human Rights Advancement Act of 2006. Rest assured
that honest representatives of the people, Congressmen Rep. Chris Smith, Rep. Donald Payne, Rep. Mike Honda and others, are working hard to get HR-5680 passed in Congress. In Europe, Anna Gomes and the European parliamentarians are working tirelessly to advance the cause of democracy in Ethiopia. Rest assured that you have more voices than those who betrayed your struggle. For example, the unfailing and determined members of the Ethiopian Diaspora around the world have intensified the struggle to secure your unconditional release and bring about genuine democracy in Ethiopia, the same cause that you and your loved ones are paying untold personal and collective sacrifices.
More than ever, the Ethiopian people are united behind your cause and dreams. They are showing their opposition to Zenawi’s regime with resilience. This regime which you have asked for national reconciliation is being pressured from all quarters. Its own inquiry commission and kangaroo courts are getting tired and frustrated of lying. Witnesses that were summoned by Meles are testifying against Meles and his judges. It is a system which is terminally ill, a regime that is in the process of disintegration. Members of the commission and senior judges have fled their country to tell the international community the true nature of Zenawi’s leadership. The Meles dictatorship’s frustration brings new types of deception and coercion, for which Ethiopians must be prepared. Rumor has it that Meles Zenawi has the intention of releasing CUD leaders from Kaliti prison should they abandon politics.
Truth and dawn are thin. However thin they may be, they will shine by the hour, by the day and by the year. Since you are the true disciples of democracy, you shall be free to lead Ethiopians create a fearless society. There will be a day without Birr Sheleko, Didesa, Zewai, and Kaliti mass detention camps. The struggle goes on. Keep hope alive. You will triumph.
With the world focused on an imminent all-out civil war looming in Iraq and the Middle East at large, the warlords in the horn of Africa are gearing up to show the world the mother of all civil wars. Totally consumed by the Middle East crisis, the world has turned away from the Somalia crisis, an unfortunate development taken by Ethiopian government as a green signal to begin its adventure in Somalia. The U.S. is half-attentively pushing for a U.N draft resolution to allow foreign troops including Ethiopia’s in Somali, a recipe that may provide the full momentum for a grandiose disaster in the region.
The Union of Islamic Court (UIC) that has now controlled most of Somalia has brought unprecedented peace and stability to the Somali people after 15 years of mayhem. Despite its apparent success, the UIC has neither been supported nor has the weak interim government been encouraged to work with UIC to bring permanent stability in Somalia. The reason is simply that the West’s policy in Somalia is predominated by their Islam-paranoia. Meles regime is effectively exploiting this paranoia and has been distorting the reality to make the West believe that the UIC poses threat of terrorism. What Meles desires to get out of creating fear is to be elevated to the status of policing/caretaker of the horn region, for which he anticipates support from the West that gives him the capacity to extend the horizon of its tyranny beyond the borders of Ethiopia.
The tyranny under which the peoples of Ethiopia and the Oromo people in particular, are living defies the imagination. The brutal dictator of Ethiopia has gained notoriety for his violent suppression of dissenting voices, and the regime has been directly responsible to the genocide of the Anuaks, the Oromos, and other nations and nationalities of Ethiopia. This genocide is still ongoing. The minority regime of Meles Zenawi has managed to pull the wool over the West’s eyes while he was busy committing these atrocities. Genocide Watch and other widely-respected international NGOs have documented the genocide committed against the Anuak people of Ethiopia in 2003 by uniformed soldiers of the Ethiopian Defense Force1. On the 2001’s World Conference against Racism, the genocide of Oromos and other people was also brought to the world’s attention by the Oromia Support Group23. Other NGOs have also produced similar alerts4,5.
The menace of the regime on the Oromo people has also been committed on the Sovereign territories of neighboring countries. The regime of Meles Zenawi is accustomed to violating the sovereignty of Ethiopia’s neighbors and uses its military power to intimidate neighboring governments into no reaction. It has been reported by various media that Ethiopian defense force has made frequent incursions since 1992 into Somalia and Kenya in pursuit of Oromo refugees that the regime alleges to be members and sympathizers of the Oromo Liberation Front (O.L.F) – a politico-military movment that enjoys support from the vast majority of Oromos. The Meles’ regime has cowed the Kenyan government to be complacent to the Ethiopian troop’s abuse of Kenyan citizens and in many instances, the Kenyan government has indeed cooperated in the rounding up and mistreatment of Oromo refugees in Kenya as well as Kenyans of Oromo descent. The Meles’ regime has gone as far as running the Kenyan court that was hearing the cases of Oromos. This testifies to the extremely aggressive nature of the Ethiopian regime in dealing with real or perceived dissidents that has clearly taken a form of ethnic cleansing. The regimes’ tyranny knows no national boundaries!
The Ethiopia’s interference in the Somali’s affair may come as news to those who have never known the existence of a terrorizing regime in Ethiopia. After denying for so long the eyewitness accounts on the presence of Ethiopian troops inside Somalia, Meles Zenawi has recently acknowledged the presence of his troops in Somalia. His own sham parliament members were as oblivious as the rest of the world to this activity of Ethiopian troops. In his usual and blatant way, Meles zenawi, without consulting the parliament, has single handedly declared that his regime has finished preparation for official war with Somalia’s UIC.
The war-cry of Meles Zenawi is nothing but a gimmick to divert the attention of the Ethiopian public and international community from the real internal political tensions to an outside deliberately created problem. After falling from grace, the Prime Minister Meles Zenawi is facing immense resistance both at home and internationally for its continual atrocities against the peoples of Ethiopia. With an increasing unpopularity in the West, the Meles is desperately seeking a cause that makes him the West’s lap-dog in order to receive the support he needs to thrive as a tyrant.
The fact of the matter is there is no tangible evidence that implicate the UIC as a threat to Ethiopia and the rest of the world. The UIC has given ample time for the world to realize their sincerity to bring peace and stability to Somalia. In a bid to show off their achievement, the UIC has recently invited U.S. authorities to visit the capital Moqadishu. Such a genuine gesture has been ignored and the U.S. backed U.N resolution is being drafted as we speak to lend ‘legitimacy’ to Meles’ regime invasion of Somalia to prop up the weak interim government. This news came few days after the Ethiopian regime declared its readiness to engage the UIC militarily. It seems that Meles Zenawi has once again succeeded in duping the West! Meles is not your average dictator- he also knows how to sucker the West.
The U.S., the U.N. and all concerned parties should be awakened to the fact the Meles Zenawi is deliberately trying to create chaos in the region hoping to emerge as a stabilizing force. When his undemocratic nature is unveiled, Meles is frantically trying to jump on the “war on terror†bandwagon by fabricating fear. This appears to be his last token to draw off cash from the West to finance further massacre of the peoples of Ethiopia, and his main targets-the Oromos. This will undoubtedly prolong the anguish of Ethiopians, the Somalis, and all the people in the region. At a time when the policies of the West is being resented by people in the Middle East, the last thing the West should be doing now is creating more regions that are desperate and resentful. After failing gravely in the Middle East, the West should finally wisen up on how they deal with troubled regions where tyrannical regimes have taken hold of peoples’ lives.
Abdi Galgalo is a graduate student in life sciences and can be reached at [email protected].
I read Dr. Maru Gubena’s article with a lot of interest. This interest came because we both belong to the same generation he called ‘Golden Period Generation’ and share more or less the same experiences. It would have been wise and scientific to wait until Part II come out and read what is in it to conclude and learn what Dr. Maru Gubena wants us to. I chose not to wait.
I agree to most of the analysis given by Dr. Maru Gubena and do agree on the historical part of the analysis. Two foundations he based his analysis on put their weight on the other side of the scale. Let me explain.
First: Is there a clash of generations?
My answer is NO there is not.
When we make such generalized statements, we have to be careful to cover our bases. We have to ascertain what we mean by generations. We have to establish the two generations that we are describing. Then we have to define what we mean by clashing. Here Dr. Maru Gubena, except throw in a generalized statement, did not establish what he made us think that he is going to do.
Second: What is the purpose of writing the article?
Currently we in the Diaspora, who claim to be on the people’s side in its fight against the illegal group in power, are without a leadership, vision, and means of supporting the people. What is this article intending to do? Are its intentions to foment more divisions and promote my way or the high way?
First let me recap what I agree with Dr. Maru Gubena.
Dr. Maru Gubena is correct when he described the early 70s as the time when there was growing need for new socio-economic and political change. I also agree that Dergue was the uncontested and most ruthless ruler of Ethiopia until now. TPLF is fast passing any threshold Dergue has established in crimes, killings and disestablishing the country. I do agree when Dr. Maru Gubena wrote that the 1974 Ethiopian revolution was began as a people’s revolution until it was forcefully snatched by Dergue. In addition to that I agree in the mess the Kinijit Diaspora Leadership, whatever the division is, created and wasted the good will of the Diaspora Ethiopians.
Here I would like to correct a general misconception. It is with pride that one writes, ‘My generation is excellent. We did this and did that. ‘Of course some take it further and compare theirs with others. This becomes a problem when this comparison belittles others and magnifies itself. I am pretty sure one way or another we heard: “Yezare gize ligotch.” and “The good old days” and the like. In a casual conversation it has its place but when one analyzes a historical perspective of a country it is dangerous. I am transitioning to the first of the foundations in my view Dr. Maru Gubena violated. Every generation has its own historical mission given not by choice but by being born at that time. No one goes to her or his choice of generation one is born into it. In the late 60s and early 70s the historical call was to champion “land to the tiller” “education for all” and “a representative working parliament/government”. In that struggle progressives and saboteurs were created. This is what I think Dr. Maru Gubena called “Golden Period Generation” Unless Dr. Maru Gubena chooses his members selectively, it is this generation that gave Ethiopia the Mengistu Hailemariam and the officers that butchered thousands, it is this generation that gave Isayas Afewrki, Meles Zenawi, and their groups and political followers. Is this the generation that is lumped together and glorified? Of course I belong to it. For me there are bad and good in it as there are in every generation. In the generation Dr. Maru described, “War Born Generation” I found the students in the university in 2001 that fought hard and sacrificed their dreams for the Ethiopian people. I see many that swarmed the rank and file of opposition camps. Are these to be lumped with the few that served Dergue and few that are serving TPLF? THERE IS NO GENERATION CLASH. I am definitely sure you have around you individuals that were born within 1974 ± 5 years you admire for their commitment to the Ethiopian people and their struggle against TPLF/EPRDF. Again, THERE IS NO GENERATION CLASH. The current demarcation is between those who side with the people of Ethiopia and TPLF.
Let me go to the second point.
What is the purpose of writing this article?
In general terms I can correctly say that what we in the Diaspora talk about is the struggle of the Ethiopian people against the illegal and ruthless TPLF/EPRDF group. This struggle is in Ethiopia where young children are telling the illegal group you do not represent me. The form of the struggle is many and the place is everywhere in Ethiopia. Where do we fit in then? Well we support. That is all to it. We could, if we were organized enough do the diplomatic part and help them financially. Thai is the big “if we were”. The problem is we think we are the people. We are the center of the struggle. We are the leaders. We own the struggle. Here is the biggest mistake. Now the shift has taken place. The struggle is inside the Diaspora, between those organized by EPRP and those organized by Kinijit Diaspora. Hallelujah! Let the fight be glorified! I totally disagree with Dr. Maru Gubena when he stated:
“a good number of my compatriots argue that the 1974 Ethiopian revolution should be seen as an extension of the failed December 1960 attempted coup d’etat.”
First of all, Dr. Maru does not say which side of the fence he is standing on. Does he mean he accepts his compatriots view or not. If not why did he bring it up? For me it is comparing apples to oranges. The 1974 revolution was a grassroots movement be it on the side of the people or the army. Just because the end result was not what it started out to be does not make it an extension of the 1960 military coup d’etat. Could it different instead of the military other kind of government was established. No. The result does not define the nature of the revolution. It has nothing to do with the military coup of the 1960.
The following quote vents your frustration but does not weigh anything at all.
“Apart from being directly responsible for making our country a battlefield among various rebel groups and for the disintegration of Ethiopia’s territorial integrity, this is the worst remnant that the Dergue regime left behind: this generation “the War Born Generation”
Just because you do not like a few members of that generation you do not have to say this about all the members of that generation. Are you lumping the Shibre Desalegns in this category? Remember you are talking about a generation!
What the Ethiopian people want is fight TPLF/EPRDF now. Can we be on their side?
I admit there is a lot of mess created by Kinijit Diaspora. There are also some good efforts done by them. Each one of us should not be looking to find faults on others but do our part.
You see there is a simpler way of looking at things at this point.
1. Given the opportunity, the people elected their own leaders.
2. TPLF/EPRDF has been rejected at its own pools.
3. TPLF/EPRDF group has illegally occupied the government power.
4. The Ethiopian people are struggling against TPLF/EPRDF by any means they can.
Here comes the Diaspora; the part it plays is dictated by its wishes.
1. Accept that the people are the owners of this struggle.
2. Acknowledge that the Diaspora is a helper.
3. Do the diplomatic struggle.
4. Help financially.
What political organizations do inside their political organization is the business of its members. Outsiders do not determine the organization’s political path. What they are following is going to determine their place in tomorrow’s Ethiopia. The problem is when one individual or organization says the action of the others is to do this and thus I have to block that now. The center of the struggle is forgotten. The only thing others must do is to evaluate the said organization is then to plan to cooperate with it or go their own way. The final judge is the Ethiopian People. Do not have doubts in the people. They are not afraid of any one with guns or without. The people know.
Before you “my readers” commence reading this article, let me just say a few things about it, its objectives and the complex issues that are assessed.
The writing of the paper was completed in early October 2006, when the political temperature within the Ethiopian Diaspora community was dangerously heated, even explosive; and when a good number of politically active Ethiopians were — as they are still–being intimidated by plans of the Kinijit Diaspora leadership and AFD militants and supporters to hunt them down.
For various reasons, including the long-anticipated split of the Kinijit Diaspora leadership into two factions, but mainly due to the Commemoration Day–one year after the jailing of Kinijit leaders –the posting of this paper has been delayed for some weeks.
Because of the length of this article, the paper has been divided into two parts to make for smooth reading. However, to clearly comprehend the complex sources, processes, problems and issues articulated in the article, it is advisable to read parts one and two together.
Apart from examining the on-going destructive roles of the self-installed Kinijit Diaspora leadership, the AFD, and their militant supporters in the politics of Ethiopia, along with their intimidating behaviour, this important paper analyses the many interlinked historical factors and actors that are the immovable sources of our unhealed wounds, divisions and obstacles–obstacles not just to a search for possible solutions to our longstanding and persistent socio-economic and political problems, but even to our living side by side and working together. However, because of the date it was written, this article does not assess either the sources of the most embarrassing of the recent crisis or the division that emerged within the Kinijit Diaspora leadership, which became public after the second week of October, 2006.
The overall purpose of the paper is twofold. Firstly, to attempt to examine the role of the complex mechanisms used by the Dergue regime to encourage the image formation they wanted in the War Born Generation (defined in more detail in part two; see the section on “Distinguishing the Two Generations and their Socio-economic and Political Conditions” which I see as an important source of the clash of generations. The second purpose is just to share my observations, views and experiences with you–my Ethiopian compatriots and friends of Ethiopia–regarding the increasing and worsening divisions among individuals involved with the many issues of our country, including Ethiopian opposition parties and in the Ethiopian Diaspora community in general. It is, however, not my intention to suggest that the targeted victims, the individual artists, political activists, or other individuals like myself and other Ethiopians, are in need or require your immediate physical, legal, or professional action or assistance.
It is also appropriate to use this opportunity to thank friends and colleagues who have been helpful to me, including those who recorded and sent discussion messages, or passed on statements and written texts from the various paltalk rooms. Thanks also to those who notified me when discussions related to my work were underway in one or more paltalk rooms.
Finally, this paper has been written in memory of my generation–the youth of the Ethiopia of the 1970s, particularly those who were inhumanly exterminated, to their families and to those who managed to survive the ruthless death squads of Ethiopia’s historic enemy, the Dergue, which left irremovable scars on the body of my generation, our country and its people.
Maru Gubena
Nov 24, 2006
One Year After: An Overview of the Rise and Fall of the Ethiopian Resistance
One thing all politically conscious Ethiopians can agree on now is that last year around this time a disproportionately high number of us thought Ethiopians had somehow been united by the processes of the May 2005 Ethiopian parliamentary election, by the election events and indeed by the turmoil that followed the election. It is also true that most Ethiopians at home, as well as those forced by the forces of power, greed and evil to leave their country and go in search of relative freedom, including freedom of self expression, thought “oh, at last, we have managed to come back to our senses” and were ready to collectively engage–not only to directly and indirectly resist, fight and attack as aggressively and progressively as we could against the historical and current enemies of our country and its people, which are directly responsible for the territorial disintegration of our country, for the prolonged internal tensions, armed conflicts – but also to work together in an attempt to assess and reassess the multiple and complex sources of our differences and conflicts, and to go forward with one voice, in a focused and harmonious fashion, with concern, deep involvement and consistency. Many of us thought that we all wanted and had agreed to rise up against our common enemies and do everything in our capacity to build an unbreakable bridge that would be most conducive to enabling our country and its people to test and face the fruits of our resistance and its overall outcome–freedom in a democratic system–a system which means simply, above everything else, living together side by side, peacefully, in a community or society with tolerance and respect for the values and views of one another. These were the desires and wishes we had in mind and the agreements we reached last year, even though unwritten and not officially ratified.
A good number Ethiopians, including myself, have strongly and convincingly been arguing throughout the past eleven or more months that without first engaging in a confidence and trust building process among ourselves; without cultivating convincing and immovable common grounds–as a cardinal foundation for our resistance and unity; without revitalizing the feelings of patriotism, respect and love our ancestors had for each other; and without nurturing a relatively tolerant and harmonious Diaspora community, the perceptions, convictions and wishes outlined above, which most of us had last year around this time could not take root. Much to our dismay and regret, this has come true. Although we are the children of a single mother, we have failed to travel on the same track and the same road, because a few among our compatriots have chosen to advance their socio-political and economic position within the Ethiopian Diaspora community undemocratically and forcefully, based upon the feudalistic ways of thinking and the cultural logic traditional in our country, before our unity and resistance (see also Sharing the Sources of my Anxiety.)
Yes, indeed, quite contrary to the perceptions and convictions Ethiopians had last year around this time, something more, something unthinkable, undesired and very disturbing, at least under the international standards, norms and values and contrary to the wishes and desires of the general public of Ethiopia, is in the making within the politics of the Ethiopian Diaspora community. It is also undeniably true that most Ethiopians, especially those of my generation who are residing in the Western world after experiencing the unforgettable, painful periods of Mengistu’s era, have never in our wildest dreams thought that the nightmarish terror of Mengistu Hailemariam’s era would follow our footsteps as far as to our countries of asylum and immigration, coming to haunt us–to terrorize us once again–after the long period of three decades. But however unbelievable, shocking and terrifying we may find it, the nightmarish events of the 1970s, which forced my generation to be the first victims of other Ethiopians in the long history of our country, are again coming to the fore within the Ethiopian Diaspora community.
Indeed, instead of engaging those individuals with views critical of the Kinijit Diaspora leadership and its big brother – the OLF dominated Alliance for Democracy and Freedom (AFD)–in discussions in the spirit of our jailed leaders, of the original political path, ideological thinking and political programme of Kinijit itself, and in a democratic and civilized fashion, the Kinijit Diaspora leadership, in collaboration with OLF and its militant media outlets and paltalk rooms, have chosen to openly and publicly intimidate, scare, terrorize, and aggressively attack those democratically-minded, peace-loving and highly concerned Ethiopians who reside throughout the international community, simply because of their differing views and because they decline to agree and accept the recently founded Kinijit Diaspora leadership and the AFD, who have wanted to impose their ideas upon us by force. Those individuals who have sacrificed their entire lifetime, energy, financial resources, resisting repressive regimes whenever and wherever they could, using all available means at their disposal, who have lived with little or no attention to themselves, and have been forced by the conditions of the struggle–combined with a feeling of guilt and responsibility–to lead a solitary life, without even creating the sort of family they deserve and without having a single child of their own, have not only been denied the right to express their democratic rights: we have been denied access to the Kinijit Diaspora leadership and the AFD controlled media outlets, so we have been unable to add our voices to the heated discussions and debates around the issues and problems that have faced our people for decades, including the future geopolitical face of our country, and have been told to be silent–not to write articles and not to give interviews even to other media outlets interested in our work, or to those who have views that differ from the Kinijit Diaspora leadership, the AFD and their militant supporters. Serious suggestions to the Ethiopian “pro-democracy” media outlets and websites to impose a permanent gag upon those individuals with views critical to the Kinijit Diaspora leadership and AFD have been submitted and, in fact, some of them have already been published. An article authored by “Gemechu Megersa,” which I take to be the pseudonym of an AFD and OLF activist, posted on the Ethiomedia website on the 12th of September, 2006, is a case in point.
What is shocking, appalling above everything else, is the engagement, involvement and cooperation of former Ethiopian journalists who left their country of origin in search of individual freedom, freedom of self-expression, and to maintain respect and independence for their voices, who with the Kinijit Diaspora leadership, AFD and their militant supporters are actively participating in the process of silencing–making voiceless–those actively involved, innocent and concerned Ethiopian artists, political activists and political leaders. It is particularly disturbing, even embarrassing to observe the limited or non-existent self-respect and sense of independence of journalists among Ethiopian Diaspora websites, such as Ethiomedia, Ethiopian Media Forum (EMF) and Addis Voice, who have openly and publicly shown their intoxication and affiliation with the OLF and the Kinijit Diaspora’s futureless and fruitless partnership under the name of the recently founded AFD. The submission of those with backgrounds in journalism to the wishes and destructive strategies and policies of the OLF/AFD–including the decision not to include the highly respected and loved voices, views and writings of a good number of highly devoted and hardworking Ethiopians, just because our views differ from those of the anti-Ethiopian OLF and the Kinijit Diaspora leadership, and because our work includes terms and paragraphs that stress and signify “Ethiopian Unity” and “Ethiopia’s territorial integrity”–is most astonishing and indeed depressing. Such behaviour from Ethiomedia, EMF and Addis Voice directly contradicts not only the principles of “fair journalism,” but also the motives those involved had for leaving their country of origin.
The saddest and possibly most damaging of all that we have been forced to observe is the recent creation of red or green dividing lines between the Ethiopian pro-democracy outlets, simply on the basis of their association and affiliation with the Ethiopian political parties and with those engaged in armed confrontation against the unelected regime of Meles Zenawi. The ugliest aspect of these dividing lines is that one gets the impression (especially since the OLF has managed to convince and control Kinijit Diaspora leadership members, supporters and media outlets) that the division suggests an increase in tensions between the Kinijit Diaspora leadership and OLF/AFD – who are making every effort to avoid the phrase “Ethiopian unity” – and those who would like to see our country, Ethiopia, as intact as it was before May 1991, who would like to stress the terms “Ethiopian unity” and “Ethiopia’s territorial integrity” as often as possible.
For example, in formulating and producing texts for an announcement, fliers or folders to be distributed to the Ethiopian Diaspora community, calling them to come in mass to demonstrate and collectively challenge the tyrannical TPLF leader, Meles Zenawi, during his appearance at United Nations Assembly in New York on the 22nd of September 2006, representatives of the Kinijit Diaspora leadership were worried and uncertain about the reactions of OLF; this made them reluctant to work cooperatively with other political and civic organizations who wanted to produce flier texts in the spirit of Ethiopianess, or “Ethiopiawinet.” Consequently and most embarrassingly, for a single objective–to demonstrate–two different fliers were produced. The one from the representatives of the Kinijit Diaspora leadership was written in the spirit, political ideology and strategies of OLF and AFD, and does not include any sense of Ethiopianess. The text produced by Kinijit representatives was posted on AFD controlled websites, such as Ethiomedia and EMF.
In contrast, the other fliers, written in the spirit of Ethiopiawinet and including the phrase “Ethiopia’s territorial integrity” couldn’t be posted on Ethiomedia and EMF. These fliers were posted only on the Debteraw and Ethiolion websites. Isn’t this extremely depressing? Was this really necessary? Does this reflect the spirit of Kinijit and its jailed leaders? Why do we need such divisions? Why and again why? We have also been receiving information about serious and unpleasant confrontations in New York between the predominantly OLF/AFD and EPPF supporters on one side and those representing other political parties on the other, along with those who just came to support the Ethiopian people in the fight against the unelected regime of Meles Zenawi.”
The Revitalization of Ethiopia’s Tragic, Painful Memories of the Dergue Era
As part of the fruitless, ineffectual attempts of the Kinijit Diaspora leadership, the AFD and their blindly militant supporters to silence highly concerned and involved Ethiopians and make them voiceless by boycotting their work, direct warnings and threats have also been reaching our e-mail boxes. Some frustrated and irresponsible individuals have even been doing their best to intimidate us, with the single objective of keeping those with views different from their own silent and isolating us both from the issues that we find most important and from Ethiopians, whether the mass of the Ethiopian Diaspora community or elsewhere. Sometimes this is done directly, by making phone calls, sometimes with the pretext of “journalism”–saying they would like to interview their victims, just to induce us to start talking with them on the telephone. Within a few seconds, however, the real purpose of these “interviewers” who are inspired by the Kinijit Diaspora leadership or who are AFD militants becomes more than obvious. The Kinijit Diaspora leadership and AFD radical militants who are currently so sleeplessly engaged in the process of revitalizing our most tragic, nightmarish and painful memories of the appalling years of the 1970s and the early 1980s move immediately from their original stated purpose of fixing a date and a precise time for an interview to a direct confrontation with their victims, questioning the integrity of the very person they initially said they wanted to interview, giving repeated warnings and threats, asking us to stay away from any political activities and issues related to our country, or join hands with their militant surrounded camps–the Kinijit Diaspora leadership and AFD–immediately, before something undesired, unpleasant and ugly occurs to their victims. A few of the victims of such intimidation by the Kinijit Diaspora leadership and AFD radical militants have already reported their experiences to law enforcement authorities in their respective locations, with evidence in their hands. The publicly made complaint of artist Solomon Tekalign during the interview he gave to the “Ethiopians in the Diaspora Discussion Forum” on Monday, the 18th of September and Saturday the 7th of October 2006 and his report to law enforcement authorities in the area where he resides is a case in point.
Much to the dismay and disappointment of both the Kinijit Diaspora leadership and a few AFD founders, and more particularly their actively militant paltalk rooms known as the “Ethiopian Current Affairs Discussion Forum” and the “Ethiopians in Switzerland Discussion Forum,” together with “Negat radio” and “Radio Kaliti,” however, the individual Ethiopian victims have continued to resist, arguing and even striking back as boldly and aggressively as they can by employing every media opportunity they can find to publish or post their articles and giving powerful interviews to media outlets of a democratic mind, saying that they cannot so simply be intimidated, silenced and prevented from exercising their democratic rights by threats and warnings from the Kinijit Diaspora leadership, the AFD and their radical supporters. In the articles they have posted and their interviews with various Ethiopian Diaspora outlets, these victims have insisted, arguing eloquently, that they would prefer to die rather than end the role they are playing and their engagement with the issues due to threats and the cold war being waged against them by some individuals seeking revenge, who were directly or indirectly affected by the changes of power either in May 1991 or thereafter, following the removal of the dictator Mengistu Hailemariam’s regime from power and the complete disintegration of the Ethiopian armed forces due to the rebel forces of Ethiopia’s enemies–the EPLF and TPLF.
The victims of the Kinijit Diaspora leadership, the AFD and their media outlets and militant supporters have included well-known artists, intellectual politicians, academics and others who have been working hard with the aim of witnessing relative freedom and democracy taking root in our country of origin–Ethiopia–in our lifetime. Going beyond defending themselves and taking some urgently required measures conducive to protecting themselves and their family members, both at home and within the Ethiopian Diaspora community, the victims of the self-installed Kinijit Diaspora leadership and the AFD militants have accused the two organizations and their supporters not only of being undemocratic and feudalistic in their thinking and self-centred in their behaviour, but also potentially dangerous to the future image and peace of Ethiopia and to its territorial integrity. In responding to the many attempts of the Kinijit Diaspora leadership, the AFD and their militant media outlets to inflict untold damage on their political and personal reputations, some of the well known victims have further accused the two self-installed organizations, the Kinijit Diaspora leadership and its other rebel partners–who are said to be the creation of, and supported morally and assisted financially and militarily by Ethiopia’s historical and current enemies, OLF and Shabia–of lacking a legal basis for their existence, and being not only uninterested in helping Ethiopians cultivate the habit and culture of democracy in their country and enabling them to test the fruits of freedom and democracy and face its challenges, but instead concerned only with the immediate removal of the unelected tyrannical regime of the TPLF leadership and its replacement by themselves–by another unelected Dergue-type regime. Their critics, on the other hand, find it essential to begin now to create tools and mechanisms that will be conducive to changing and democratizing our attitudes and habits.
According to inside sources, recorded discussions and interviews given to the militant paltalk rooms of the Kinijit Diaspora leadership, the entire intention and most fervent desire of this leadership–whose members and supporters have personally and directly been affected by the unelected leadership of TPLF, both during the armed struggle and after the defeat of the Dergue regime in May 1991–is to mobilize and redirect every resource they can find to provide money and manpower for the warfront in a war that is in preparation, which is to be waged under the leadership of OLF, with the supervision and cooperation of the regime of Eritrea. This will have a single objective: not to free Ethiopians, but to use every available means to revenge the members of the entire leadership of TPLF before they die by immediately removing the TPLF regime from power. It does not matter what follows, or what happens to the people of Ethiopia. They simply want to instantly–today rather than tomorrow–remove the unelected regime of Meles Zenawi. That is why they are not doing the sort of planning and political programme that takes into consideration the future face of Ethiopia and the safety and security of its people.
A further remark, which should be stressed and articulated as effectively and often as possible, is in regard to the overall outcome of the short-lived–and, to any conscious and concerned Ethiopian, tragic, saddening and extremely hurtful–marriage committed between the Kinijit Diaspora leadership and its boss, the OLF. This marriage was celebrated from 19 to 22 May, 2006, in the city of Utrecht, the Netherlands–but with no invited witnesses and guests. As has already been stated in my previous article, Holding Back Sobbing Children at their Mother’s Untimely Death and Not Explaining what Happened is both Wrong and Unfair, posted in the first two days of September 2006, the marriage between these two organizations –which are totally unequal and have no common ground or common vision at all, and whose overall objectives towards the future geopolitical face of Ethiopia are entirely remote from one another and irreconcilable in all respects, except in their efforts and campaigns to force their undemocratic desires and strategies upon the Ethiopian Diaspora community–the Kinijit Diaspora leadership and AFD, together with their radical militant supporters and paltalk rooms, have managed not only to destroy the motivation, energy, morale and relative unity that existed among the Kinijit Diaspora community last year around this time, and with this the many vitally important activities and projects that were expected to be carried out in support and on behalf of our jailed leaders, the political programmes and generally the broadening and strengthening of the forces of the Ethiopian resistance, but also they have revitalized the complex mechanisms that were previously employed by the most hated and cruel regime of Mengistu Hailemariam as indispensable tools to hunt down and annihilate the youth of Ethiopia–a good portion of my generation, which the Dergue saw as its potential enemy.
Due to their increasing frustration and inability to either convince the Ethiopian Diaspora community to accept and support them, or to silence and isolate their most outspoken and well-known critics, these two self-installed organizations, the Kinijit Diaspora leadership and the AFD, have embarked on a horrifying plan: they are organizing and assigning a large number of individuals among their militant members and supporters as undercover agents, who are to engage in the heavy task of following in the daily footsteps of those with critical views of the Kinijit Diaspora leadership and the AFD or unwilling to give moral and financial support to their objectives and activities. This is taking place not in Ethiopia, but, shockingly, in our countries of asylum and immigration–on European and American soil, in the cities, towns and villages where we work and live. Some of the main tasks of the undercover agents are to be physically present in the areas where we live and work, to observe our physical appearance, movements, family members, our educational background, and the kind of job we engage in. Moreover, they are to make a complete list of our names. According to statements of some individual members of the two political organizations in meetings and discussions held around the end of August and in early September, 2006 on the two extremely vocal and militant paltalk rooms mentioned above, the overall purpose of the undercover agents in collecting names of actively involved individual members of the Ethiopian Diaspora community is to charge those listed of treason and see them convicted, with charges as harsh as possible, by new judges who are yet to be appointed and by new courts that are to be established when the Kinijit Diaspora leadership (Ato Andargachew Tsigie) and the OLF, together with other small rebel groups such as EPPF, ONLF and SLF, succeed in intensifying the war under the leadership of AFD, defeats the unelected regime of Meles Zenawi, and establishes a new government in Adds Ababa and throughout the rest of Ethiopia. When that would take place, no one knows.
Ideas and measures like those broadly discussed above have been undertaken by the Kinijit Diaspora leadership, the AFD and certain Ethiopian Diaspora media outlets, including their militant paltalk rooms, with the aim of intimidating and silencing a good number of innocent hard working Ethiopians who are themselves an indispensable part and parcel of the Ethiopian Diaspora community, and who could be an important contributing force to activities beneficial to the well-being of our community. These actions are not only divisive and dangerous to Ethiopians–who are generally peaceful and peace loving–and to the activities of the Ethiopian resistance against our common enemy, but are also horrifying. Such ideas and measures should immediately be denounced and condemned by all Ethiopians and friends of Ethiopia.
It is probably healthy and even wise to convey to you–to my readers–a positive reverse side of the coin that could be very comforting to those targeted victims: the two political organizations and their militant paltalk rooms will not be able to hurt any of us, since their power bases have continuously been and continue to become weaker and weaker, and all of the individuals involved have empty hands–no guns and no bombs, nor any other tools to harm any of us directly. And, even though the radical militants may not like to hear it and will possibly not accept it, it is also true that the leaders of the two organizations, their members and supporters will soon be disappointed, because these organizations will soon cease even holding their usual empty, arrogant talks with one another. This is especially likely given the limited or non-existent common ground and common agenda, to say nothing of the lack of political power and capacity within the two organizations. They lack not only military power but also organizational structures, including leadership, feasible policies and viable strategies.
It is on the other hand true, that despite their limitations with respect to political and organizational structures, the socio-political and psychological damage the two organizations and their militant supporters have inflicted, including the divisions, fears and anxieties they have caused among the Ethiopian Diaspora, in particular for politically active Ethiopians, cannot and should not be underestimated; it will have an enormous impact on the community for at least some years, and will not be easy to reconcile and redress. The damages and divisions inflicted by these two organizations is already having an effect. For example, the enormous difficulties being experienced today by the community and the Ethiopian opposition parties in attempting to successfully move H.R. 5680 (the Ethiopian Freedom, Democracy and Human Rights Advancement Act) from the hands of certain powerful individual(s) to the floor of the U.S. Congress for a final vote is a clear sign of the problem; it is a direct repercussion from the antagonisms and animosities that permanently smolder in our minds and hearts, increased by the tensions, anxieties divisions among us that have recently emerged and are growing day by day.
As has often been observed, millions of Ethiopians–those who torment themselves with the heaviest questions, such as why do we Ethiopians seem to be incapable of working and living in relative peace with each other? Why is it that we behave so disrespectfully, so destructively–as we have been doing and still do–towards one another, as if we have been born to be detrimental, not just to others but to ourselves as well? Remember that if one conspires to eliminate others, they will definitely do everything possible to conspire in turn and strike back. Further, what might be the sources of our deep-rooted animosities and hostilities?
Also, as we have often been told, a good number of Ethiopians appear to be well aware of the historical reasons behind our most tragic enemy: divisions and lack of confidence between and among ourselves. Unfortunately, however, many of us persist in arguing that the causes–especially the sources of our resentments and animosities, which have been created and expanded by the propaganda machines and the well crafted traditional mechanisms such the institution of the family, the media and, since the 1974 Ethiopian revolution, our educational system–are too sensitive and difficult to discuss. The big, unavoidable question then becomes: when the effects of such enemies are comparable to a huge foreign force coming towards us, armed with complex and highly advanced weapons, how long can we simply keep them inside our hearts and minds, without attacking them as aggressively and progressively as we can, without debating them or going in search of possible solutions? How long can we do this? Further, apart from asking about the causes, whether historical or recent, of our current sickness and deep-seated animosities, we need to think about whether there may be the logical reasons behind what has happened to some of my compatriots, who have become disinterested, unwilling and even allergic to the idea of joining in intellectual discussion on ways to tackle the most damaging repercussions of the Ethiopian revolution, the effects it has inflicted upon Ethiopians and inculcated deep in the minds and hearts of the ” Dergue Generation”–a generation born some five years before and after the ousting of the aging Emperor Haile Selassie on 12 September 1974. What can these reasons be? And what were the roles and contributions of the then military regime and its propaganda machine in moulding its “newly born” generation, which I will call the “War Born Generation,” so that it became so resentful and hateful – a persistent enemy of the previous generation, to which I will refer as the “Golden Period Generation?” More explanation regarding these two generations will be provided in the subsequent pages.
Finally, why is it that we Ethiopians continue to be, and even seem addicted to, establishing associations, organizations and political parties, while knowing how good we are in making them ineffective; while knowing perfectly well that we are people who live side by side, but without a sense of confidence or trust in each other; and while we clearly know that the organizations we quite often want to establish never become functional and operational, due also to our confrontational and suspicious behaviour towards one another, as well as our habits and cultural orientations–orientations that are predominantly centred on ourselves, our families and our groups?
While I will make every possible effort to examine and assess the questions raised above, I may not be able to cover the extremely complex and indeed sensitive factors involved in the clash between the two generations, including the historical sources, as effectively as many of my readers would like and expect. Therefore I sincerely hope some of you will help me in responding to them, since in recent times these questions have become a source of persistent concern and anxiety not only to me and a few of my generation, but to a large number of other Ethiopians as well.
Reviewing historical causes behind Ethiopia’s Painful Memories: The clash of generations
Even though it is difficult, if not impossible, to speak with confidence, and even though the 1950s, 1960s and the first few years of the 1970s could be characterized as “golden periods”–relatively stable and peaceful, compared to the periods Ethiopians were later forced to experience–I would boldly argue, and I believe that Ethiopians and friends of Ethiopia of my generation, including a good portion of the generation of my parents, will not hesitate to agree, that in the early years of the 1970s there were growing needs and fervent desires among the majority of Ethiopians for new socio economic and political changes, including a change of leadership. Again, this was despite the fact that the territorial integrity of Ethiopia was intact and respected by all of Ethiopia’s neighbours and the international community at large. It is also true that the international community and world leaders respected and loved Ethiopia and Ethiopians. Entry or travel visas were not required for Ethiopians to Israel and to certain European countries. The periods were also marked with a sense of Ethiopianess and Ethiopian nationalism among Ethiopians and indeed, with relative respect and love among Ethiopians.
Further, it would not be wrong to insist that as in many African countries the need for political and leadership changes in Ethiopia were concentrated in Ethiopia’s major cities, particularly in Addis Ababa. As far as my recollections go, from the stories and jokes told in family get-togethers and around coffee tables, from educational institutions and from the Ethiopian media outlets of the period, the needs and demands of the Ethiopian urban population for a change of leadership began in the 1950s. The December 1960 military coup d’etat launched by the Officers of the Imperial Guard, led by their Commander, Lt. General Mengistu Newaye, and his brother, Girmame Newaye, was a result. Regrettably, however, due to three or more critically important mistakes in the planning of the coup, which is nostalgically remembered and referred to as the “December 1960 coup d’etat,” was soon put down by the forces loyal to Emperor Haile Selassie.
Although there is little or no recorded, verifiable evidence in our hands or on our bookshelves, a good number of my compatriots argue that the 1974 Ethiopian revolution should be seen as an extension of the failed December 1960 attempted coup d’etat. Even though the resignation of Aklilu Habte-Wold’s cabinet was sudden and unexpected, the ousting of Emperor Haile Selassie was a relatively gradual process. The 1974 Ethiopian revolution was began as a people’s revolution, despite that it was forcefully snatched by the Ethiopian armed forces. There were increasingly intense and growing opposition from the Ethiopian left, especially students and youth in general, who were in the forefront in challenging the uninvited, unexpected emergence of the fascistic enemy of the military regime known as the Dergue or Committee, which came to be known as the Provisional Military Administrative Council and became the uncontested and most ruthless ruler of my country and the oppressor of my people. Therefore there was soon not only, for the first time in the history of Ethiopia, the most appalling urban bloodshed, with indiscriminate executions of hundreds of thousands, mostly of my generation, in their own houses, in offices and in the streets, day and night, without any charge or trial; accompanied by a forced mass exodus of Ethiopians into neighbouring countries in all directions, using all available means of transportation, whether cars, horses, donkeys or of course, on foot; but also the regime was fully engaged in fashioning a new propaganda machine, with mechanisms intended to create and expand hostilities and animosities among Ethiopians. This propaganda machine included the “Zemecha” programme, a programme purposefully constructed to disperse all politically conscious Ethiopians, including the entire body of Ethiopian students, throughout the rural Ethiopia, to avoid the continuous direct challenges faced by the Dergue from the politically conscious urban student population. The Zemecha programme was intended to teach the Dergue philosophy, inculcating it into the minds and hearts of the rural people of Ethiopia as well as those forced into the countryside or remaining in urban areas. The Dergue’s cruel propaganda mechanisms rapidly and forcefully imposed its programme on every household, family, school, college, university and on the Dergue controlled media, to help remodel the minds and thinking of the “Golden Period Generation”–those who resented and hated the rule of the Dergue, who were challenging it and demanding immediate resignation. Extremely hostile political propaganda and all available channels were used to carry out the process of implementing the political ideologies of the Dergue in an accelerated fashion. These who appeared to be reluctant or unwilling to be oriented, reoriented and remolded to accommodate the fascistic ideas and ideologies of the Dergue regime were automatically and mercilessly executed by the cadres of the Dergue–cadres who are living with us today as members of the Ethiopian Diaspora community and who are active leaders and members of Kinijit Diaspora leadership and the AFD. Others among the Golden Period Generation were forced to leave their country and go into exile, leaving their loved ones behind.
Then came the “War Born Generation,” born from families who either were an inseparable part of the Dergue regime, worked with or were indoctrinated by it. They are the main victims of the dramatic campaign, the imposition of the ideologies and hateful propaganda of the cruel and hated Ethiopian enemy–the Dergue. Apart from being directly responsible for making our country a battlefield among various rebel groups and for the disintegration of Ethiopia’s territorial integrity, this is the worst remnant that the Dergue regime left behind: this generation–the War Born Generation–which was molded to think and envision the world in exactly the same way as the former members of the Dergue regime and its cadres, and who are therefore convinced that the regime of Mengistu Hailemariam did nothing wrong to Ethiopia and Ethiopians. Consequently, the ever-growing clashes and tensions between the two generations–the Golden Period Generation and the War Born Generation–continue to be not only a source of daily conflict, but more worryingly are a potential obstacle to the resistance against the tyrannical regime of Meles Zenewi. As will be clear in part two of this article, it is the War Born Generation, together with those who served the regime of Mengistu Hailemarim, who have skillfully and successfully managed to paralyze all of the engagement planned by the Kinijit Diaspora and Kinijit itself.
Dr. Maru Gubena, from Ethiopia, is a political economist, writer and publisher. Readers who wish to contact the author can reach me at [email protected]
