By Adugnaw Worku

Ethiopians have been confused and puzzled by America’s indifference to the on-going political crisis in their homeland. During the 2005 Ethiopian election and after, conventional wisdom among Ethiopians assumed that The United States would stand with them in their fight for democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. They underestimated the power of national economic interest and national security issues on the part of the United States. While America’s rhetorical support for democracy, human rights, and rule of law around the world is eloquent and impressive, its foreign policy practice falls far short of its rhetorical ideals. And this in turn has angered and disappointed those who took America’s promised support seriously and literally.

The United States of America has the distinction of being the longest enduring democracy in the world, which is still strong, vibrant, and inspiring. Americans believe in their democracy and freedom and they also believe that the world would greatly benefit from it. Many Americans further believe that “the American nation has been chosen by god or by history to promote democracy”. President George W. Bush put it this way. “Our democratic faith is more than the creed of our country, it is the inborn hope of our humanity, an ideal we carry but do not own, a trust we bear and pass on”. And he goes on to say that “Americans are a free people who know that freedom is the right of every person and the future of every nation. The liberty we prize is not America’s gift to the world; it is God’s gift to humanity.” According to Robert Jervis, “The hope of spreading democracy and liberalism throughout the world has been an American goal.” It is a fact that Americans see themselves as champions of human rights and they have inspired billions of oppressed people around the world.

But the problem comes when American political leaders try to integrate democratic values into foreign policy practices. Unfortunately, the devil is always in the detail. There has been an ongoing debate between two American foreign policy camps on this issue and it still goes on. There are those who argue that American foreign policy should be ethical, moral, and universal and that what is good for America is also good for the world. Americans who represent this view further believe that the United States should be consistent with her values at home and abroad. This camp strongly believes that American foreign policy should be as good as the American people. Besides, promoting democracy and freedom and banishing tyranny will be good for America’s long term security and economic interests.

It is an observed fact that “democracies rarely attack other democracies”. In addition, democracies ensure better stability and that in turn promotes economic growth at home and trading partnerships abroad. This camp claims that capitalism and democracy have been good for America and they will also be good for the world. Spreading democracy can also relieve the United States of the constant worry about the spread and use of weapons of mass destruction by terrorists and rouge states. For example, America is more worried about “nuclear weapon in the hands of autocracies like China, Iran, North Korea” and others like them. But “no American loses sleep that the UK or France has deadly missiles”. It is a documented fact that 70% of terrorists come from authoritarian societies because such societies both breed and shelter them. And that may explain “why those who blow up Americans are rarely Indian or Turkish Muslims, (but are) more likely (to be) Saudis or Egyptians”.

Terrorists will be exposed in open and free societies sooner than later because there is transparency. People in democratic countries are national stake holders and would not protect or shelter those that disturb the peace and destroy their way of life. Liberal foreign policy proponents further argue that the promotion of democracy abroad would bring consistency and coherence between what America says at home and what she does abroad. Charles Pena says that “People love what we are; but they often hate what we do”. The one question asked by many Americans after September 11 was, “Why do they hate us?” Liberals say it is because of the inconsistency of America’s foreign policy and her support of those regimes that abuse their citizens with impunity.

The realist camp of American foreign policy on the other hand believes that the world is a complex and dangerous place. And moralistic and universal approaches are impractical, ineffective, misguided, and unwise. And they insist that “No responsible U.S. decision maker can allow our foreign policy to be driven by a single imperative, no matter how important”. Realists seem to agree with the great British statesman, Lord Salisbury, who once said “It has generally been acknowledged to be madness to go to war for an idea”. Unfortunately, democracy, freedom, and human rights are often considered good ideas but are rarely acted on when it comes to foreign policy decisions. The realist camp further argues that “different circumstances require different methods and sound foreign policy must be calculating and particular by necessity, because success depends on decisions other nations make and that their cooperation is necessary to achieve foreign policy goals”.

These foreign policy hardliners believe that in the world of realpolitik the essence of foreign policy is deciding between two or more difficult choices when dealing with nations whose values and practices are different and undemocratic. This is further complicated by internal political pressures coming from lobbyists and campaign contributors who have their agendas and self-interests in some foreign policy decisions. Furthermore, national security and economic interests overshadow democratic ideals. These factors in turn create a serious disconnect between deeply held American democratic ideals and foreign policy practices. Consequently, what America says at home and what she does abroad create serious confusion and disappointment and anger.

More often than not, deals are made with the devil to achieve short term goals at the expense of deeply held ideals and long term interests. In reality, American foreign policy as practiced creates hypocrisy and vulnerability instead of security and stability. Without minimizing or oversimplifying foreign policy challenges, one can conclude that consistency between democratic ideals and foreign policy practices is far than undemocratic shortcuts. That is the way to win friends and influence people around the world with lasting effect. As the old saying goes, “action speaks louder than words” and the world sees, hears, and remembers what America says and what America does.

Unfortunately, Ian Williams is correct in saying that “A constant element in American foreign policy for decades has been that it is reactive to perceived threats rather than agenda-setting in support of any positive value such as humanitarianism or democracy”.
He goes on to say that “In practice, American governments have found it difficult to separate words and actions”. And Robert Jurvis adds to this by saying, “No American government has been willing to sacrifice stability and support of U.S. policy to honor democracy”. The truth is that the “United States has had close, even intimate, relationships with many undemocratic regimes for the sake of American security and economic interests”. Through the years, America has had many unsavory and fair weather friends around the world who make the United States look bad and vulnerable.

In the past, the United States supported and continues to support “tyrannical governments prone to disregard agreements and coerce their neighbors just as they mistreat their own citizens”. There is a long list of unsavory and tyrannical friends around the globe stretching from Latin America to Africa and Asia that successive American governments supported. . Trojillo of the Dominical Republic, Marcos of the Philippines, Mobuto of Zaire, the Batistas of Cuba, the Somozas of Nicaragua, Salazar of Portugal, Franco of Spain, and Pinochet of Chile are just a few examples of a very long list of tyrants supported by the United States. These tyrants and others like them got away with murder until their people got fed up and threw them out of power.

Cold War politics and foreign policy interests made it possible for tyrants of the past to enjoy the support of the United States and Western Europe. And now, the War on Terrorism has spawned support for new tyrants around the world. The latest addition to this foreign policy laundry list is Prime Minister Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia. Shortly after Meles Zenawi’s EPRDF shot itself to the presidential palace and took power in Ethiopia, Mr. Herman Cohen, who was Assistant Secretary of State for East Africa, came to California to address Ethiopians about the situation in their homeland. In a speech he gave to an Ethiopian audience in the city of Oakland in California, Mr. Cohen made it clear that His Administration had informed the new Ethiopian leaders that the United States would only cooperate with them and assist them if they committed themselves to democratic governance. And the catch phrase he used over and over was during his speech was, “No democracy no cooperation”.

But in an interview with Voice of America soon after Ethiopia’s first democratic election in 2005 and its bloody aftermath, the same Herman Cohen said that democracy in Ethiopia is not as mission critical for the United States as the war on terrorism is. He admitted that Meles Zenawi is as dictatorial and as ruthless as Mengistu Hailemariam, and then added in the same breath that Meles Zenawi is an important ally of the United States in the war against terrorism. And once again, Ethiopia has become a pawn in the chase game of geopolitical expediency. Meles Zenawi got away with murder and the United States got a loyal partner in the troubled region of the Horn of Africa. Meles Zenawi’s current involvement is Somalia has further endeared him to the American government.

Meles Zenawi is a smart man and a survivor and he read the international political chase board correctly relative to the likely positions of Europe and North America. He knew that the war on terrorism has overshadowed all other foreign policy considerations in Europe and North America and he carefully calculated their likely response to his cruel and undemocratic actions against innocent and unarmed Ethiopian demonstrators and duly and fairly elected opponents. First, he stole the election. Next, he banned demonstrations. Then, he managed to stall the momentum of the opposition and confuse the diplomatic community in Addis Ababa. He took actions step by step and measured the diplomatic rhetoric of Europe and North America accurately. He stripped elected members of parliament of their constitutional immunity and eventually struck hard at the core of the opposition by jailing the entire leadership on trumped up charges of genocide and treason.

The democratic world simply shook its head with mild and diplomatically sugar coded concerns for the situation in Ethiopia. There was no outrage like there was on behalf the Ukraine and Georgia under similar circumstances. And financial aid was not withheld significantly from the Ethiopian government. The rational was and still is that withholding aid would end up hurting poor Ethiopians and therefore must continue. The truth of the matter is that Ethiopians have become poorer despite the large donations and financial aids to the tune of billions in the last sixteen years. Where did it all go? The aid does not reach the people and that is a documented fact. For the record, Great Britain and the European Union have withheld some financial aid from Ethiopia but not enough to pressure Meles Zenawi to change his ways. Besides, what Europe withheld has been made up by generous handouts from the World Bank and the United States.

What happened to President George Bush’s promise? Didn’t he say to a national and international audience that “All who live in tyranny and hopelessness can know—the United States will not ignore your oppression, or excuse your oppressors”? Didn’t he also say that “When you stand for your liberty, we will stand with you”? These eloquent promises were conveniently side stepped in the Ethiopian situation. And once again, American foreign policy hardliners have carried the day arguing apparently convincingly that stability in a troubled region and the war on terrorism are more critical than democracy in Ethiopia. But in so doing, they have undermined the long term stability of the region that a democratic Ethiopia would have contributed to.

This is not to say that all is lost. No, all is not lost. The struggle for democracy in Ethiopia will continue until both the oppressed and the oppressors are free to live peacefully. And Ethiopians are not alone in their struggle. There are influential allies on both sides of the Atlantic represented by Chrstopher Smith, Donald Payne, Tom Lantos, and Mike Honda in the United States and the indefatigable Ana Gomez and company in Europe. For now, North America and Western Europe have chosen stability over democracy and human rights when it comes to Ethiopia, and they consider Meles Zenawi the winner of the political fight in Ethiopia. As the saying goes, “Success has many fathers but failure is an orphan”. American and European foreign policy makers and diplomats know the intimate details of Meles Zenawi’s actions and intentions against his real and imagined political opponents. Election observers sent to Ethiopia from both sides of the Atlantic have fully documented the events prior to and during and after the 2005 Ethiopian election and its aftermath. The diplomatic core in Addis Ababa has also watched the goings-on from very close range. And there is a general consensus that Meles Zenawi’s government committed gross violations after an otherwise peaceful and profoundly historic election and continues to do so to this day. Meles Zenawi got away with murder for the same reason others like him past and present have gotten away with. Ethiopians must realize that the United States and Western Europe are not going to liberate them from the tyranny they are suffering under. Ethiopians must liberate themselves once and for all. Ethiopians must also remember that the international community will inevitably side with the winner for its own national security and economic interests.

Eventually, the truth will prevail; the dictators will fail; the prisoners of conscience will be freed; and a new day of freedom, peace, and prosperity will dawn in Ethiopia. The Ethiopian political genie is out of the bottle and the day is soon coming when democracy, human rights, and the rule law shall prevail for all Ethiopians. And to paraphrase Martin Luther King Jr., the children of political oppressors and the children of the oppressed will be able to live as brothers and sisters bound together by a common destiny in a beautiful land called Ethiopia. That is a dream worth fighting for. So, cheer up and continue the democratic struggle until victory is won!

Prof. Adugnaw Worku resides in California.

By Tedla Asfaw

I read yesterday a report by BBC about the night vigil in Addis Ababa, Anglican church for the release of Ethiopian hostages in Eritrea. In front of Downing Street in London, Ethiopian Diaspora have been holding vigil for the last month or two for the “hostages” or political prisoners held by Melese Zenawi and I have not seen that reported by BBC.

Were the vigil in Addis were bright enough not to be ignored than the one in London, other Europe and American cities? or was the vigil in Addis had abundant Oxygen in the form of Propaganda that BBC participated knowingly or unknowingly?

It is indeed sad when reporters have to ignore major things unfolding and choose what they like and if I am
right such reporting is what is coming from police states like Ethiopia and unfortunately BBC has participated in this made for television propaganda by the Ethiopian regime for the world to forget hundreds of political prisoners held hostages in their own country.

By Neda Ulaby, NPR’s Morning Edition

A generation of Ethiopian Americans is making its mark on the arts. They are part of a wave of young people whose families fled Ethiopia in the 1970s and who came of age in the United States. Their writing, music and art are adding a new chapter to the epic of American immigration.

Author Dinaw Mengestu teaches
at Georgetown University in
Washington, DC, and lives in
New York City.
[Photo: Blair Fethers]

Author Dinaw Mengestu’s first novel, The Beautiful Things That Heaven Bears (Read an Excerpt), came out this month to warm reviews. At an Ethiopian restaurant near downtown Washington, D.C., Mengestu, 29, is thinking back on the journey that brought him here. Born in Addis Ababa, he left Ethiopia at the age of 2, then spent the next seven years in Peoria, Ill. Now Mengestu teaches at Georgetown University and lives in New York City.

Incongruous as this path may seem, Mengestu says it began with the bloody revolutions that followed the overthrow of Ethiopia’s Emperor Haile Selassie in 1974. Tens of thousands of Ethiopians were imprisoned and executed.

Mengestu’s novel follows a character who, after his father is killed, makes his way to the District of Columbia. Mengestu drew on family history to imagine the past of his main character. Sepha Stephanos eventually opens a grocery in a gentrifying D.C. neighborhood and begins a relationship with a white academic and her biracial child.

At least 22,000 Ethiopians call the District of Columbia home. About half a million live in the United States. Some survived the horrors of the 1970s and 1980, and now their children are trying to make sense both of that period, which they never experienced first hand, and being young and black and African and American here.

Hip-hop musician Gabriel Teodros
lives in Seattle.

Gabriel Teodros, a hip-hop musician who lives in Seattle, is part of a rising movement of young writers, artists, and musicians who are figuring out how to explain the various worlds they traverse and the sometimes odd cultural interconnections they find.

Take, Teodros says, Jamaica’s Rastafarian culture, the trappings of which are popular in the United States. It literally venerates Ethiopia’s former emperor.

“What do Ethiopians think when they come to this country and they see all these people who really don’t have too much knowledge about what’s going on in Ethiopia, like [sporting] Haile Selassie on a shirt or wearing red, yellow and green [the Ethiopian flag colors]? I think for the most part, like when Ethiopians see that, they’re either like flattered, like ‘Wow, these people think Ethiopia’s really cool…’ Or they feel that it’s cultural appropriation. Like, ‘Why do you have the emperor’s face on your shirt?'”

Teodros complains that most Americans just associate Ethiopia with famine. But this generation has the pride of being from a place that remained largely independent while other African countries endured decades of European colonization.

Born in Addis Ababa, artist Julie
Mehretu was brought up in
Kalamazoo, Mich. She has
lived in New York and Senegal.
[Courtesy The Project, New York]

Born in Addis Ababa, painter Julie Mehretu is an art-world star. Her work is coveted by collectors and fetches hundreds of thousands of dollars. Mehretu, 36, was brought up in Kalamazoo, Mich., and has lived in New York and Senegal.

In her huge paintings, Mehretu layers together fragments of maps and architectural drawings into a shattered whole with shapes and markings that seem to have a meaning of their own, says Mik Awake, who covers arts and letters for an Ethiopian-American magazine called Tadias.

“There’s a whole language she’s invented that draws not just from one tradition or another, Ethiopian or American, but it’s just this completely new and ambitious take on the world and the world as a kind of gathering place where all these different symbols divorced of any kind of direct direction meet, converge and separate,” Awake says.

Julie Mehretu’s Stadia II, 2004,
acrylic on canvas, is part of an
exhibit by the artist in Hannover,
Germany. [Kunstverein Hannover]

He says that like every first generation in America that’s preceded them, this one has new answers to the question of who Americans are.

By Ethiopians and Ethiopian-Americans for a Democratic Ethiopia

On March 5, 2007, Prime Minister Meles Zenawi is set to hand down his kangaroo court ruling on one group of his political victims, the leaders of CUD – Kinijit. It is likely that he will once again ignore the pleas of the Ethiopian people and the international community to release these “Prisoners of Conscience” from his prison. If that is what he is determined to do, then Ethiopians, Ethiopian-Americans and their friends have to gird themselves for a long hot summer of an all out and intensive lobbying and political campaign across the world. If the prime minister once again refuses to release the prisoners and resolve the political impasse he himself has created in a round table negotiation, then all bets on our part should be off for a final assault on one of the worst dictatorships on the African continent.

The campaign will primarily focus on exposing the tyranny, corruption, and inhumanity of the regime, as well as isolating its key leaders from the world community. We will, as never before, show the entire world the lies, cunning and malfeasance of the TPLF leadership who have become the “lords of poverty” in an impoverished land. The campaign will target the leaders of the regime along with their families to be made international pariahs unwelcome anywhere in the world. Their bank accounts shall be frozen and their travels restricted, and be held accountable for their crimes against humanity.

The above actions will be taken not out of revenge to punish the corrupt dictatorship but out of respect for our heroes who are fighting for democracy, unity and economic wellbeing on behalf of the millions in our fellow citizens. Our fight will not be against individuals, but against a system that has bondaged our people to unspeakable poverty, disease, civil strife, division and unremitting subjugation. We have to stop the 15-year old and still continuing killings, tortures, imprisonments, beatings and muzzling of the people by tyrants whose systematic lies and cunning have never been seen before in Ethiopian history.

Each one of us should make a solemn pledge to do our part to contribute to the struggle for democracy, unity and freedom in our homeland. Every one of us who believe in the sufferings of the oppressed people and prisoners should pledge that we will support the struggle in any capacity we can. To wage our struggle for democracy, unity and freedom, we shall utilize tried and true tactics used by such successful movements as that of South Africa’s.

Apartheid South Africa and Present-day Ethiopia

The fight against tyranny, division and corruption in Ethiopia should be modeled after the struggle that abolished apartheid in South Africa, because both present-day Ethiopia and apartheid South Africa have a lot in common. Consider the following:

1. Ethiopia is divided into tribal homelands as racist South Africa was during the days of apartheid.

2. Both regimes used age-old divide and rule tactics to rule over their subjects indefinitely by recruiting local stooges like Buthelezi who cow-tow to their whims. In return the cohorts enjoyed the regime’s largesse and lived in comfort and corruption while holding down the masses under them.

3. Just like apartheid South Africa, the Ethiopian dictators use the bulk of their budgets and foreign donations to finance their extensive network of informants, security and military apparatus.

4. Both regimes made adventurous military forays into their neighboring states presumably to fight against insurgents. In South Africa – Angola, Lesotho, Zimbabwe and Zambia, the so-called frontline states, were the targets, while in Ethiopia, it is Somalia now, and who knows where it would be next.

5. The South African government squandered millions of tax dollars on lobbying Washington and Europe just as the despotic regime in Ethiopia does now.

6. Both regimes had the United States government behind their backs to give them diplomatic, military and financial support. You may recall President Reagan’s shameful support of apartheid South Africa in the 1980’s ostensibly to counter Soviet expansionism. He even had a name for his South African policy called “constructive engagement.” Today, the Bush Administration uses a similar policy in Ethiopia with a different name called “counter terrorism.” Once again the administration is on the wrong side of history. The Reagan administration made a mockery of justice and democracy by supporting a ruthless and corrupt apartheid system. Consequently the administration’s misguided policy helped galvanize the collective conscience of the American people for justice. Universities and churches played a key role in helping the American people to stand up against the South African tyranny. Congress, state houses and cities passed laws to help freedom fighters and human rights advocates incarcerated in South Africa prisons. We can do the same to raise the consciousness of the American people and the international community to take the side of democracy in Ethiopia.

This is just an example of what Ethiopians in the Diaspora can do to help fellow countrymen and women overcome the dictatorship that is suffocating our people. All we need are organization, know-how and determination which we have in abundance. We don’t even need to match the all-out South African campaign for freedom because the European Union is already on record condemning the Ethiopian dictatorship and the support of the American administration for the incompetent and half-baked former Marxists in Addis Ababa is lukewarm at best. Most of all, the regime is rejected and despised by every sector of the Ethiopian community including by its own tribal community of origin.

Today the parasitic regime lives off international handouts and donations. Early in 2006, it was widely reported that the regime’s military and security apparatus were in disarray or crumbling because the European Union and the World Bank had suspended their financial assistance in protest of the regime’s abuse of the human and civil rights of its citizens. What is still needed now to bring the regime in Addis Ababa to its knees is to once again turn off the tap of its international financial and diplomatic support. In short, our action plans include:

1. Organizing campaign and lobbying groups in cities states, universities and churches.

2. Work to get the World Bank and the international community to refrain from propping up the regime with their financial assistance.

3. Identifying the key leaders of the regime and expose their crimes.

4. Persuading the United States and European countries to restrict travel privileges of the key leaders and their families.

5. Seeking the assistance of the international community to find the bank accounts of the leaders and persuade them to freeze their assets.

6. Campaigning for the boycott of the businesses of the leaders and their associates.

It is important to know that history is on our side. The world is sick and tired of dictatorships and the poverty, strife, dislocation and human misery they cause. Today, the international community is well aware of the human rights abuse, political turmoil and the attendant misery in Ethiopia. We have lots of conscientious, determined and capable fellow citizens prepared to lead this campaign to free our people from one of the worst dictatorial regimes in the world. It is sad we have to resort to such extreme measures that may also impact the reputation of our country in the long run. However, we hope against hope that the Meles regime will see the potential damage such a wide range and worldwide protest would engender and come to its senses. If not, then fellow Ethiopians, we have our work cut out for us. Let us get on with it and pledge ourselves to do our part and contribute whatever we can to bring democracy to our long-suffering fellow citizens and gain the release of the elected representatives of the people.
______
Ethiopians and Ethiopian-Americans for a Democratic Ethiopia (EEDE)
[email protected]

By Afura Burtukana

When I was a student in Ethiopia, some years back, I had a History teacher whom I respect to this date. He had just graduated and it was his first year as a teacher. Yet, unlike many others who has PHD’s and decades of experience; he was a master of the subject. Besides being alluring and friendly, he was sharp, bold and imaginative. That’s why he always used to have a pack of students in his class room. From this kind of teachers, you always take something, not only for the purpose of the class but for far beyond that, even for life. I remember, in almost each class, he used to say ‘It is Hard to Deal with the IF’s of History’.

Among those who like to debate, there have been intensive and extensive debates on the importance of History for the modern/post-modern society. Politicians almost always want to spin history and use it in a way they think would benefit them. The ‘100 years 3000 years and beyond history of Ethiopia’ debate is a case in point. Some politicians, like Isayas Afeworki, would prefer to totally deny the importance of history by saying “History is a High School Boy Non-Sense”.

But history does matter. If you are able to control your past, you are more likely to be able to control your future much better than those who are utterly confused. Simply put, understanding the past allows persons to learn from their mistakes. Without knowledge of the past, we would be forced to constantly relearn scientific discoveries, warfare tactics, etc. in a continuing recycle. David Crabtree from the institute of Gutenberg on his Essay: The Importance of History said; “History is a combination of thesis, antithesis and synthesis in constant motion connecting the past, present and future. It can also be understood as a widespread, intricate web that is interlocked through cause and effect as well as accident. …Society itself is constantly changing in a manner similar to Hegel’s thesis, antithesis and synthesis. History, the thesis, is combined with the modern day antithesis and produces the future, synthesis”.

Ethiopia, historically, was at the apex of the development pyramid at the era of the Empire of Axum in the 5th century BC. Thereof, for a combination of reasons, the Business Cycle of the country’s development has been fluctuating but constantly declining.

Politically, we have been struggling, may be not successfully, to bring about peace and stability, democracy and the rule of law, and respect for humanity in Ethiopia. More recently, The Emperor introduced the First Constitution and amended it in his political life time. For whatever its worse, it was an attempt.
Would the country be in a different course now, had the King actually practiced what was written in the constitution? Would the country be in a different course now, hadn’t Italy decided / for the second time/ to invade and colonize Ethiopia? Would the country be in a different course now, hadn’t the emperor decided to flee and seek the assistance of the British Empire? Would the country be in a different course now, had there not been a quo attempt, by the Neway Brothers, on his government? Would the country be in a different course now, had the quo of the Neway Brothers been successful? Would the country be in a different course now, had there been no Popular Revolution in the early 70’s? Would the country be in a different course now, hadn’t the Military Junta taken power? Would the country be in a different course now, hadn’t the Dergue chosen to side with the Eastern Block? Would the country be in a different course now, hadn’t there been the White, Red or Terror of any color? Would the country be in a different course now, hadn’t the handful of peeved friends decided to engage in a guerilla fight against the Dergue? Would the country be in a different course now, had Mengistu not been at odds with his own generals? Would the country be in a different course now, hadn’t the quo attempted by the generals failed? Would the country be in a different course now, hadn’t the Dergue lost for Shabia and Woyane? Throw in any historical event that you deem to be important.
Would we have been talking differently now, IF Woyane/Meles didn’t allow the May 2005 election to be a bit free and fair compared to all the other ‘elections’ the country ever held; for whatever reasons he thought would help him but obviously miscalculated? Would we have been talking differently now, IF the four parties didn’t form the Coalition /CUDP/? Would we have been talking differently now, IF the oppositions had decided not to take part in the election? Would we have been talking differently now, IF the opposition had firmly demanded to have an independent Election Board as a minimum pre-condition to be part of the election? Would we have been talking differently now, IF there were enough election observers to cover not just the urban areas but also the rural areas? Would we have been talking differently now, IF Meles hadn’t taken the infamous pronouncement of putting Addis Ababa under military siege and the military under his command on the same night he learnt /surprising/ that he /his party/ lost? Would we have been talking differently now, IF Woyane/Meles hadn’t rigged the election? Would we have been talking differently now, IF the opposition /the majority of them/ have decided to join the Parliament? Would we have been talking differently now, IF there had not been any civic disobedience by the public at large? Would we have been talking differently now, IF the Agazi hadn’t been put in to action? Would we have been talking differently now, IF Meles hadn’t decided to incarcerate the leaders of Kinijit /many of whom were elected by the people to be Law Makers/, journalists and members of the free press, and human right activists? Again throw in any other important IFs.
Here is yet another Big IF. Would Ethiopian politicking, both in and out of Ethiopia, be different now, IF the second and other layers of leadership which the ranks and files of Kinijit were talking about before they were kept under lock was put in order, up and running?

Like my History teacher used to say repeatedly, it is hard to deal with the IFs of History. The country has experienced many IFs. Depending on who you talk to, some were opportunities and some missed opportunities.

Currently, we are in a time where history is in the making. Since all the back door peaceful negotiations failed, Meles/Woyane and the opposition have, once again come out face to face in public and every eyes and ears are on the ruling of the court come February 19. Meles has the military / from which he is loosing ground slowly as the support is fading and high ranking officials and foot soldiers are defecting/, the government machinery / from which a growing number of judges, diplomats and government officials are defecting/, the whole budget of the country, some foreign countries including the US and Britain / for all the wrong reasons/ and the support of some opportunists here and there, on his side. The opposition have only / but the most important one/ the support of the people of Ethiopia. The turn out will depend on how well both sides play their cards. So far, I dare say, Meles is playing it ‘smarter’ and the opposition has yet to organize, re-organize, stand united and be able to rally the public behind their cause at least to the level it was before the leaders of kinijit were arrested and put out of active action.

My yearning is for the country to come out of this as a winner. My desire is to see all the political and non-political concerned bodies, including Woyane, to come back to there senses, put the interest of the people before and after their own, and come to the round table of discussion. My wish is to see a united country irrespective of ethnic, religious, identity, ideology or any other kind of differences. My prayer is to see a prosperous and developed Ethiopia which has her rightful place in the socio-economic and political happenings of, mostly, Africa and the Middle East but even the world.

February 19, like all the other mile stone dates in the History of Ethiopia will come and go. It may happen that Meles/Woyane decide to postpone the ruling, for any silly reason as one of the judges felt ‘sick’ on that day. That will set another important date to wait for. It also may happen that the court rules for the incarcerated to defend themselves. That also sets another date to wait for. Another possibility is that, some of them, if not all could be set free.

In conclusion, will February 19, or any other date set for us by Meles/Woyane pass as one of the IFs in history? Will it be possible, this time around, for Ethiopia to emerge as a winner? Every people will have a government it deserves.
God Bless Ethiopia!!!

A translation from Amharic

By Dr. Yacob Haile-Mariam
Kaliti Prison, Addis Ababa

Under the Case File “Engineer Hailu Shawel and Others,” we have been charged with serious and heinous crimes by the prosecutor of the Ethiopian government. We could have used our own legal expertise and experiences, or could have appointed the best lawyers available in the country. But we chose instead not to defend ourselves against the fabricated and baseless allegations. On the first day when the allegations were presented to the court, Professor Mesfin Wolde-Mariam, speaking on behalf of all the accused, had explained that the positions taken by the government and by the accused were political, and needed to be resolved through dialogue and mutual understanding, and not through court litigation. Similarly, national and international human rights advocates and many democratic governments had expressed the view that the case was a political matter, which should be resolved through negotiations. They had also appealed, and continue to appeal, for the unconditional release of the prisoners. Many prominent Ethiopians and civic organizations have also tried to convince the government to settle the matter amicably in the spirit of reconciliation. The response of the EPRDF government to all these appeals from Ethiopians and the international community has been a complete disregard.

Cognizant of the political nature of the situation and convinced about the absence of any legal basis for the allegations, we have decided not to defend ourselves in order to avoid any opening for our accusers to mislead the people of Ethiopia about the truth and our fundamental rights. I am writing this open letter, just a few weeks before the court is expected to give its verdict, not because I want to give credence to the so-called arguments presented by the government prosecutor. Nor is it to plead with the court or with anybody else. The court is fully aware that in any criminal case, the closing arguments of the accused are not limited to final legal statements, analyses of legal articles and materials presented by the prosecutor. They go far beyond, and can cover a much wider territory.

In our country, cases were established at different times against many patriots who wanted to change the prevailing system; and sad verdicts were given. The arbitrary accusations and judgments against Belay Zeleke, Mengistu Neway, Tadesse Biru and Alemu Kitessa can illustrate this point. The forthcoming verdict against us will be different and of a much bigger magnitude than all past political trials. It can have an unprecedented positive or negative impact on the judicial system, the economy, peace, development and democracy in the country. Hence, I have no doubt that the people of Ethiopia and the whole world will be watching attentively the verdict that will be given by the court in Ethiopia in a few weeks.

Dear fellow Ethiopians:

Who are the accused under the Case File “Engineer Hailu Shawel and Others?” Is it really a case against Engineer Hailu Shawel? Or the renowned human rights advocate Professor Mesfin Wolde Mariam? Or Dr. Berhanu Nega? Or Judge Birtukan Mideksa? Or the rest of us? No, it is justice itself which is on trial under this File. It is democracy itself which is on trial. If the court passes a guilty verdict on us, and we are sentenced to prison or sent to death row, then it will be the peace and the faith that the people of Ethiopia have in the justice system that will be the real casualties. The court is in a serious dilemma, as it is on trial itself. Through its verdict either justice will prevail or tyranny can continue unabated. Hate or love will reign. Reconciliation and peace will be established or endless conflicts will continue.

The people of Ethiopia know very well our vision and commitments. Our aspiration has been to do our share in helping bring a genuine democratic system, lasting peace, and freedom from crushing poverty and underdevelopment to the well-deserving but hitherto deprived people of Ethiopia. We have no other purpose. If standing for justice, peace and democracy is considered a crime, we are prepared to accept the court’s verdict whether it is imprisonment or death penalty. Our resolve to bring justice, peace, unity and democracy to our country will have no bounds. We will be guilty only when we betray our fellow citizens and give priority to our selfish interests against the interests of the country, or when we break our oath of commitment to the people of Ethiopia about justice, peace, democracy and development. We, the accused members of the Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party (CUDP), particularly those of us who are older, did not join the Party to seek power and to acquire personal wealth as it is the case in some places. Most of us are accomplished professionals and have sufficient income for our livelihood. The younger members of the Party including the civic leaders who are imprisoned with us are also fully committed individuals ready to sacrifice the privileges of youth and pay a heavy price for the wellbeing and development of their country. The young journalists also imprisoned with us are the real democracy heroes who have advanced the people’s fundamental rights to free speech.

Here it is worthwhile to recall a statement made by General Mengistu Neway, (who attempted to overthrow the Haile Selassie government) during his court trial 46 years ago. When the General was asked to explain the reasons for his attempted coup d’êtat he replied: “If I wanted, I could have changed cars on a daily basis. I could drink selected French Champagne everyday. When thousands of people would queue-up to enter the grounds of the Imperial Palace I had unfettered access to the Emperor. I chose to forfeit these privileges and opportunities and decided to free my people and country from darkness, poverty and underdevelopment. I had no other ambition.” Today we the imprisoned members of Kinijit (CUDP) are proud to echo the General’s words in the courtroom. However, there is a fundamental difference between the General and us. He wanted to change the government by force. We want to bring change legally through the ballot box, in a free, fair, transparent and peaceful democratic process. Those of us who are falsely accused of genocide and treason, envisioned to liberate our country from its grinding underdevelopment and pave the way for lasting peace, security, democracy and prosperity, by working hand-in-hand with the people of Ethiopia, including our jailers.

Life is always short, and is even shorter for those of us who are older. It is our burning desire to contribute to saving our peace-thirsty country from the man-made and natural disasters, and pave the way to peace, justice and democracy. We want to leave behind a peaceful, just, democratic and harmonious Ethiopia so that our children and the future generations can lead a better and more peaceful life. This is our commitment and only ambition.

Dear fellow Ethiopians and Honorable Judges:
We recall vividly the bloody political history of our country and the sacrifices paid by thousands of Ethiopians in the past. We know also that leaders like Emperor Yohannes, Emperor Tewodros, Lij Eyassu, Emperor Haile Selassie, Princess Zeweditu, Prime Minister Aklilu Habtewold, Prime Minister Endalkachew Mekonnen, Generals Aman Andom, and Teferi Benti, were not lucky enough to die a natural death. Their loved ones were denied the right to even grieve and honor them with proper burial. Emperor Menelik’s death still remains a mystery. Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam’s fate is yet unknown. We are aware of the volatile and dangerous nature of Ethiopian politics. Nevertheless, we chose not to remain bystanders when the country was descending rapidly towards unprecedented and multifaceted dangers. Our objectives are straightforward and clear. They include the following:

• To reinforce the culture of respect for the authority of the people, and work towards national reconciliation and inclusiveness through popular participation.

• To break the vicious cycle of transfer of power through brute force, and to institute genuine culture of democracy and good governance.

• To change the ugly image of Ethiopia painted worldwide as a beggar nation; and to advance the country forward as a self-reliant and vibrant society by capitalizing on its rich potential.

• To create educational and employment opportunities for young Ethiopians so that they will not be victims of the prevailing sufferings and humiliations as migrant workers, in foreign countries, in intolerable conditions. In this regard, an African observer once wrote that Ethiopia has become Africa’s shame. We want to change this disgraceful situation, and make Ethiopia, once again, the pride of Africa and the world.

• To ensure that the atrocities committed in the past will never happen again in our country. We have seen too many state-sponsored crimes and arbitrary imprisonments and humiliations in the past. For example, during the “Red Terror” in the district of Cheha, Gurage Zone of Ethiopia, a desperate mother saw a crowd of helpless people stampeding on her son’s headless body under the watch of government militias. We owe it to all Ethiopian mothers that their sons and daughters will never again become victims of tyranny and state crimes.

• To build a strong and peaceful Ethiopia that is capable of defending its sovereignty, national interests and territorial integrity while at the same time contributing significantly to regional and world peace, security and development.

Dear fellow Ethiopians and Honorable Judges:
In Third World countries, particularly in Africa, it is common practice for ruling parties to accuse opposition party leaders of treason on fabricated charges just to stay in power without any regard to justice and human rights. The pitiful and trumped up charges against us are no exception. What shocks and saddens me most is the totally baseless genocide charge labeled against us. I have no word to describe my anger and sorrow about this cruel and shameful charge. In my professional life, especially as prosecutor at the United Nations International Tribunal in Rwanda, I have witnessed what genocide really signifies. My recollections from that trial are too gruesome to narrate. I will simply mention a few of the evidences to illustrate the gravity of the genocide charges against us by the government prosecutor:

• In a certain locality in Rwanda, Tutsi mothers were asked to bring their children to a public gathering and ordered to dig graves. Then they were forced to throw their children into the graves one by one and burry them alive. As the mothers were covering the live bodies, the children were screaming frantically and asking their mothers to rescue them. But the mothers continued to fill the graves with soil until there was dead silence. It was at this time that many of the mothers fainted. The poor mothers obeyed the orders of the criminals in the hope of saving the lives of their remaining children.

• Over twenty-five thousand Tutsis were told that they were Ethiopians and needed to go back to their country of origin. To start the “journey” they were thrown with their hands tied down into a river flowing northwards. Ironically, for some time the river was called Ethiopian Airlines. As a prosecutor, I had to present the video of the testimonies about this most horrible act to the Tribunal. In a locality called Murabi over three thousand Tutsi men, women and children were massacred with machetes. Their bodies were kept in a school as documentary evidence of history.

• In a matter of 90 days close to one million Tutsi elders and children were exterminated with machetes. A few lucky ones were able to pay the murderers to kill them with bullets, possibly with less pain.

• In Asia two million Cambodians were exterminated for their ethnic identity and political affiliation.

• Hitler exterminated six million Jews because of their ethnic identity and religious belief.
• Similarly the Turks are reported to have exterminated no less than one million Armenians.

The above are a few examples which illustrate the gravity of genocide charges. We, the accused in Ethiopia are charged of committing genocide as defined by the prosecutor of the Ethiopian government – a charge that has absolutely nothing to do with genocide. When Ethiopians demonstrated to demand respect for their democratic rights and against vote rigging, incidents may have occurred including the partial burning of a resident’s house. To my understanding this happened not because of the person’s ethnic identity. Throughout their long history, Ethiopians have lived harmoniously together without any regard to ethnic, racial and religious differences.

We, the accused decided not to defend ourselves at the court hearings because we knew that we did not commit the fabricated and baseless crimes labeled against us by the government. Yet, the prosecutor pressed with the charges of treason and genocide. When we requested to be released on bail, he warned us to know that committing treason was the highest crime – worse than genocide. For us the motive was clear.

Genocide is the worst crime that can be committed anywhere and anytime. When six million Jews were exterminated there was no vocabulary to describe Hitler’s crime. The then Prime Minster of England, Winston Churchill, called it the Nameless Crime. It was at this time that a researcher named Lumpkin, a Jew who emigrated from Austria to USA, coined the Greek term ‘Geno’ which means race/ethnicity, and the Latin term ‘Cide’ which means mass killing. By combining the two words he created the word “Genocide.” In Amharic (Ethiopian language), it means “Zer Matifat.”

Since the meaning of genocide was not well understood at the time, even the Nazis were not accused of this crime. To date only three accusations of genocide have been established globally, two of which are in Ethiopia. The first one is on Mengistu Haile Mariam’s regime; the second is on us under the Case File “Hailu Shawel and Others.” The third is in Rwanda. Even Saddam Hussein who killed thousands of his citizens was not accused of genocide. A genocide crime is, by its very nature, a crime against humanity because when a group of people are exterminated on account of their ethnic identity or religious belief, their demise is a loss to humanity. As such, the criminals of such a heinous crime can be legally prosecuted in any country.

Dear fellow Ethiopians:
Yes, the democratic process we started with you has been obstructed and delayed. It is also true that the illegal imprisonment imposed on us troubles us immensely. What is most disturbing and painful, however, is the engraving of our names by the government in a genocide file. The government prosecutor has attempted to portray us as enemies of our beloved people who are from the northern part of Ethiopia. How can Ms Serkalem Fasil who was six months pregnant at the time of her arrest (and later delivered her baby while in prison), or the shy Ms Seble Tadesse, or Dawit Kebede (a Tigrian) would dare to exterminate his own Tigrian brothers and sisters? Did the prosecutor really see any merit in the case or was he ordered to file the charges? It is impossible to imagine the incalculable damage inflicted by the government prosecutor upon the
name and long history of Ethiopia.

Those of us who are in the legal profession have the ethical obligation to uphold justice and to stand for the fundamental rights of Ethiopians and humanity at large. We have a professional responsibility to stand for the rights of our people. Maintaining the highest ethical standards for the legal profession cannot and must not be compromised. Legal professionals who are ethical would never sell their conscience to the highest bidder for money or power. Trying to establish a genocide case against “Hailu Shawel and Others” is a mockery of the massacres of the millions of Jews, Tutsis, Cambodians, and Armenians.

Throughout the court proceedings, the prosecutor has not been able to present an iota of tangible evidence against us, the accused. Although we are innocent until proven guilty, from day one we were labeled criminals by our accusers not only in the court but also in the media. The prosecutor tried to use the same so-called material evidence presented against one defendant, and wanted it to apply equally to the rest of the accused. It seems that this strategy is based on the Nuremberg Charter which decreed that an accusation made against a Nazi Party member de facto made all party members criminals by association. During World War II the Nazi Party and other Nazi organizations were made illegal and criminal organizations. Members of these organizations were declared illegal just because of their membership. This nullifies the established legal doctrine which asserts that crime is individual and that no crime works retroactively. Precisely for these reasons the Nuremberg Charter has been totally rejected by international legal experts. Referring to our case, if Yacob Haile Mariam, a member of CUDP is criminal, then the evidence presented against him can be used to implicate other CUD members and supporters. As the majority of voting-age Ethiopians are members or supporters of CUD, the prosecutor may be accusing millions of Ethiopians of treason and genocide, by association. From the legal and common sense perspective this is totally incomprehensible.

The honorable judges are faced with an enormous responsibility. When a private army officer makes a mistake he is accountable to his commanding officer; and a civil servant is answerable to his supervisor. To whom is a judge accountable? First, he/she is accountable to his/her conscience and must accept full responsibility for the actions. Then, he or she is answerable to his/her own conscience, children, the people of Ethiopia, the civilized world, and to history.

With the on-going trial for treason and genocide the peace-loving and law-abiding people of Ethiopia are also being tried. Would they be expected to feel unaffected if there is a miscarriage of justice? With the verdict the people will prove whether today there is justice in the country that they can respect and abide by. Throughout their history Ethiopians have attached the highest respect for law and order. They also understand fully the consequences of any miscarriage of justice, and arbitrary verdicts on innocent citizens for crimes they did not commit. In commenting about the Nuremberg Trial, the famous prosecutor, Robert Jackson, was known to have said that the world yields no respect to courts that are merely organized to convict. This would also be the feeling of people in Ethiopia towards the legal system if courts are merely organized to convict.

Dear fellow Ethiopians and Honorable Judges:
As you very well know, our country is facing a myriad of unprecedented political, social and economic problems. The solution to these complex problems lies in our ability to negotiate and resolve our differences through dialogue and mutual understanding. There will be no winner when divisiveness prevails over unity and harmony. Without peaceful and amicable negotiations of existing major differences the biggest loser will be our Ethiopia. Therefore, it is of paramount importance that we all start afresh to work together as brothers and sisters under the protection of the law, and with justice for all. If the differences between us the prisoners and EPRDF are in the ways we stand for the wellbeing and interests of our country, then such differences can be resolved easily. Failing to address our differences wisely and urgently can only intensify and prolong our collective suffering. Make no mistake about it. We, the accused are not worried about the type of sentencing that we will be receiving in the coming weeks. Our deepest concern is about the possible irreparable harm that can be inflicted on the justice system of our country, and the consequences on peace, security, democracy and development in Ethiopia and beyond. We know very well that at least history will absolve us from the fabricated and baseless charges. When the future generations study this pending case against us they will either be proud or ashamed of it. The choice rests with the honorable judges.

As leaders of the Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party, and as responsible citizens, we have tried our best to reach a negotiated settlement with EPRDF in order to resolve the unprecedented political crisis facing our country. None of us has attempted to take the life of a single person leave alone exterminating an entire ethnic population in Ethiopia. The honorable judges, the prosecutor, EPRDF, the people of Ethiopia and the international community all know our innocence. If the government prosecutor still believes the contrary, then let him present his material evidence to an independent and impartial court of law. No one is above the law, neither the accused nor EPRDF.

Long live Ethiopia with flourishing justice, peace and democracy.

This is an unauthorized translation of the letter which was orginially written in Amharic.

Dr. Yacob Haile-Mariam
Kaliti Prison, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
January 2007