As a result of the political unrest in our country, following the May 2005 election, lives have been lost, human and democratic rights of numerous citizens have been violated and valuable property has been destroyed. Furthermore, our society has sustained a psychological wound that is not likely to heal easily. The problem that our country is facing at present will not be solved easily. However, it is our ardent hope that we as a nation will recuperate gradually and strive forward in the fulfillment of our objectives.
We the leaders of CUD are among the victims of the national and widespread unrest. We have now been released on July 20, 2007 after 20 months of imprisonment. Numerous domestic and foreign forces have made strong efforts to secure our release. Many Ethiopians at home and abroad have held prayer and fasting vigils in their places of worship. Others have shown their solidarity with us through public demonstrations, undetained by hostile weather.
National elders have strived to resolve the problem through peace and reconciliation. We wish to thank our Ethiopian and non-Ethiopian advocates of human rights and democracy for the support and the peace of mind they gave us when we were in detention.
We wish to express our deep respect to our compatriots who lost their lives during this time of difficulty. They shall be remembered by us, former detainees, and by Ethiopians as a whole as martyrs for democracy. We shall also remember their families that God may give them consolation.
It is to be recalled that national elders have been making concerted efforts to have us released from prison and to extricate the Ethiopian peaceful political process from the aggressive and intransigent state in which it finds itself. Their effort was focused not only on having us released from detention but also on restoring the derailed democratic process to its proper course. Based on this understanding, we have agreed to resolve the conflict through a reconciliation process as initiated by the elders. We have further agreed to forgive all those who have done wrong, to seek ways by which those who have been harmed could be healed, but above all to look to the future and concentrate on the positive conditions that would be created after the reconciliation.
Our common effort is aimed at protecting our country from plunging into a quagmire of problems. Because of this aim, we have endeavored from the start not to be guided by hatred and to bear with patience the wrongs inflicted upon us.
We have discussed, with the elders, various issues considered necessary for creating a spirit of reconciliation and we have reached agreement on many points. We have also been made to understand by the elders that the agreements reached between us and them are also agreed upon by other concerned parties. Even though the statement released by the government is different from the agreement reached between the elders and us, it is
our belief that the elders will make public the true content of the agreement at a time and in a manner that is convenient to them. It is also our belief that the people understand the true nature of the intensive propaganda campaign that the government is waging through the mass media after the conclusion of the agreement. We are also fully confident that the propaganda barrage will not, in any way, reduce the strong support that the people have for CUD. This support has been clearly affirmed by the respect and love the people have shown us after our release from detention.
We have chosen to overlook the government propaganda and not to respond in kind because it would serve no purpose other than poisoning the spirit of reconciliation that we, the elders and the Ethiopian people in general would like to see prevailing. Rather, as political leaders, we have chosen to look forward to a bright future, because we believe that this approach will provide us a sound foundation for the success of our struggle for democracy. We the leaders of CUD wish to reaffirm our firm commitment to this struggle.
Currently, the first measure that the Ethiopian people would like to see taken according to the reached agreement is the release of all our members accused in connection with the unrest following the May 2005 election and who are still in detention. It is our ardent hope that the elders will pursue the release of these prisoners as a matter of urgency.
Finally, we the leaders of CUD, reaffirm our commitment to seeing democracy prevail in our country, and our readiness to work with other national forces that go along with the principles that we hold. After discussing the current situation prevailing in our country, CUD will make public the activities that it will subsequently pursue for the fulfillment of its peaceful objectives.
ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia—Five opposition members imprisoned since 2005 pleaded guilty Wednesday to attempting to overthrow Ethiopia’s government, but asked the judge for a pardon.
The Meles regime pardoned and freed 38 other opposition members in the same case last week after international condemnation and strong pressure from the United States. The detainees were all arrested in connection with deadly election protests.
The five defendants Wednesday submitted a letter saying, “I plead guilty and I don’t want to defend the case. I request the court give a judgment on me,” High Court Judge Adil Ahmed said, adding that they immediately asked for a pardon.
The defendants are accused of inciting violence in an attempt to overthrow the government. Prosecutors have been pushing for the death penalty.
The opposition won an unprecedented number of parliamentary seats in the 2005 vote, but not enough to topple Prime Minister Meles Zenawi. The opposition claimed the voting was rigged, and European Union observers said it was marred by irregularities.
Last year, the Meles regime acknowledged its security forces killed 193 civilians protesting alleged election fraud but insisted they did not use excessive force. A senior judge appointed to investigate the violence disagreed, saying there was excessive force.
Initially, the opposition leaders, journalists and others were charged with treason, inciting violence and attempted genocide. Judges dropped the treason and attempted genocide charges in April and later that month freed 25 prisoners, among them eight journalists.
In Washington last week, a House subcommittee completed work on legislation that condemns Ethiopia’s recent human rights record and opens the door for sanctions. The bill would have to be passed by both houses and signed by President Bush.
There have been a series of accounts out of Ethiopia recently that describe a nasty situation there, including a Human Rights Watch report earlier this month that said the Ethiopian military had “forcibly displaced thousands of civilians in the country’s eastern Somali . . . while escalating its campaign against a separatist insurgency movement.” Government troops were “destroying villages and property, confiscating livestock, and forcing civilians to relocate,” according to Peter Takirambudde, Africa director of Human Rights Watch. “Whatever the military strategy behind them, these abuses violate the laws of war.” Eyewitness accounts offered to Human Rights Watch said Ethiopian troops had been “burning homes and property, including the recent harvest and other food stocks intended for the civilian population, confiscating livestock and, in a few cases, firing upon and killing fleeing civilians.”
Despite that record, the Bush Administration views Ethiopia as an important counterterrorism ally, especially given Ethiopia’s recent involvement in Somalia, and annually provides the regime of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi with hundreds of millions of dollars in aid. But some in Congress have grown weary of abuses committed by Zenawi’s government. Earlier this month a House subcommittee passed a bill that would limit American aid to Ethiopia and ban government officials linked to human rights abuses from coming to the United States. In the Senate, Patrick Leahy of Vermont is seeking passage of a measure that would review some of the military assistance that is being provided.
But two congressmen-turned-lobbyists — former House Majority Leaders Richard Armey, the Republican from Texas, and Missouri Democrat Richard Gephardt — are working hard to block full congressional action against the Zenawi regime. The duo work with the firm of DLA Piper, which federal disclosure records show is being paid at least $50,000 per month by the Ethiopian government for “strategic advice and counsel.”
In 2006, the House International Relations Committee approved the Ethiopia Freedom, Democracy, and Human Rights Advancement Act, which criticized the government for its human rights record, called for it to free jailed opposition leaders and restricted security assistance. But the full House never voted on the bill. Two sources that follow the issue — one a former Hill staffer and the other a lobbyist on African affairs–tell me that Armey twisted the arm of then — House Speaker Denny Hastert to ensure that it didn’t come up for a vote. “Armey has a lot of influence over there,” the former Hill staffer said. “A lot of people in the GOP leadership owe their positions to him.”
Armey has no pull with the new Democratic leadership so now Gephardt has apparently been called on to block full passage of this year’s version of the bill. Gephardt, incidentally, also lobbies for the government of Turkey (another Piper client to the tune of $100,000 per month), as was recently detailed in a terrific New Republic piece in which author Michael Crowley wrote about Gephardt’s efforts to stop Congress from declaring as genocide the Turkish massacre of Armenians during the early twentieth century:
A few years ago, [Gephardt] was a working-class populist who cast himself as a tribune of the underdog–including the Armenians. Back in 1998, Gephardt attended a memorial event hosted by the Armenian National Committee of America at which, according to a spokeswoman for the group, “he spoke about the importance of recognizing the genocide.” Two years later, Gephardt was one of three House Democrats who co-signed a letter to then House Speaker Dennis Hastert urging Hastert to schedule an immediate vote on a genocide resolution. “We implore you,” the letter read, arguing that Armenian-Americans “have waited long enough for Congress to recognize the horrible genocide.” Today, few people are doing more than Gephardt to ensure that the genocide bill goes nowhere. It’s one thing to flip-flop on, say, tax cuts or asbestos reform. But, when it comes to genocide, you would hope for high principle to carry the day.
Piper’s lobbyists have been working the “war on terrorism” angle hard, arguing that even a hand-slap of Ethiopia for human rights abuses will jeopardize its support in Somalia and the Horn of Africa. (And we all know what a smashingly successful collaboration that’s been.)
I called Armey and Gephardt but never heard back from them. Piper did, however, send me a statement which said:
The U.S. first established diplomatic relations with Ethiopia more than a century ago and Ethiopia remains a close ally today, particularly in the global war against terrorism. It is crucial for the United States to have friends and allies in the strategically important Horn of Africa region who are committed to democracy, stability and moderation. The firm is assisting Ethiopia in strengthening bilateral relations with the U.S., including increasing humanitarian, economic and development assistance, expanding trade and investment opportunities, and enhancing relationships with financial, academic and public policy institutions.
I had heard that former Senate Majority Leader George Mitchell of Maine, Chairman of the Global Board of Piper and Co-Chair of its Government Controversies Practice Group, was also working on the account. The firm’s statement said that Mitchell “has never lobbied or done legal work on behalf of Ethiopia in connection with DLA Piper’s representation.” However, Piper declined to say whether Mitchell had played a role in winning the Ethiopia deal or whether he was offering strategic advice or playing some other role in the contract.
Despite the Ethiopian government’s decision last week to release 38 leaders of an opposition party from prison, Congress must still pass a bill that ties that country’s human-rights record to U.S. aid, say Ethiopian-Americans who have lobbied for the measure.
The community, which has worked in recent years to add its voice to the list of influential ethnic lobbying groups, backs H.R. 2003, a measure authored by Rep. Donald Payne (D-N.J.) that directs the State Department to support democracy in Ethiopia and restricts assistance for security efforts until the country releases political prisoners and meets a series of other benchmarks.
The House Foreign Affairs Africa and Global Health subcommittee, which Payne chairs, passed the bill last week. The full committee is expected to mark up the bill on Tuesday.
Prime Minister Meles Zenawi said the decision to pardon the prisoners was unrelated to efforts in Congress to pressure his government.
“The Ethiopian government isn’t willing and is unable to be run like a banana republic from Capitol Hill,” he said. His government has worked closely with the Bush administration on counter-terrorism efforts in the region.
Human-rights activists and congressional backers of the Payne bill welcomed the news that the government had pardoned 38 of the country’s top political opposition leaders. But Tom Lantos, the chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, indicated the bill would still move forward.
“At least 36 more activists remain in detention because they either refused to sign a required letter of remorse or because they signed the letter but their cases remain undecided,” Lantos said.
UNITED NATIONS, July 23 — Does the UN system have humanitarian access to the Ogaden region of Ethiopia or not? In the July 22 New York Times, the director of the UN World Food Program in Ethiopia, Mohammed Diab, was quoted that ”Food cannot get in.”
Further inquiry by Inner City Press yields responses that imply either that the New York Times misquoted the UN official or the UN system is backing away from the statement — or both. Two separate UN explanations are quoted extensively below.
The after-the-fact spinning may be explained by the fact that the UN, whose Security Council declined to criticize Ethiopia’s ongoing incursion into Somalia which began last December, and whose humanitarian coordinator in Somalia urged uncritical support of the Ethiopia-backed Transitional Federal Government, is in a conflicted position with regard to human rights violations by the government of prime minister Meles Zenawi in Ethiopia.
The Times article had another, seemingly non-UN quote: “‘It’s a starve-out-the-population strategy,’ said one Western humanitarian official, who did not want to be quoted by name because he feared reprisals against aid workers. ‘If something isn’t done on the diplomatic front soon, we’re going to have a government-caused famine on our hands.'”
Perhaps the UN now wishes that WFP’s director of Ethiopia had also demanded anonymity — some say that his candor, meant to highlight the impending starvation of civilians, is not kindly looked upon by others in the UN system who have a more go-along to get-along attitude.
Or was the tough talk, and then stepping-away, a sort of high-stakes diplomatic game in which bad press is threatened if food is not released? Already in the U.S. Congress there are moves to condemn or de-fund Ethiopia. Will a retraction or amplification not be sought from the New York Times because the story, from the UN’s point of view, fulfilled its purpose? Is this the function of journalism, or more specifically of humanitarian journalism?
At Ban Ki-moon’s spokesperson’s noon briefing on July 23, Inner City Press asked:
Inner City Press: The people in that region called for some kind of UN inquiry. So one, are you aware of that call for an inquiry? And two, what is the UN going to do if its humanitarian agencies are denied access to regions they are supposed to be serving?
Deputy Spokesperson: To be completely truthful, I have received many pages of reaction from the humanitarian agencies on this report. So, I think I’d rather share with you this report afterwards. OCHA — the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs — the World Food Program and the World Health Organization, all of which have programs in this region which they consider to be the poorest area of Ethiopia, have reactions to this. And rather than go through the whole Q&A here, I think I would rather share the whole thing with you afterwards… (Video here, from Minute 10:06).
But the “whole thing” wasn’t shared. When Inner City Press afterwards asked for the three sub-agencies’ reactions, at first the (mis) direction was to contact WFP. While Inner City Press sent WFP’s New York spokesperson an e-mail, the response at the noon briefing was that three agencies’ reactions — “the whole thing” — would be shared afterward the briefing. It was never explained why, as to a fourth agency, UNICEF, involved in the polio program described in the Times article, no reaction was provided, or even apparently sought.
Ten hours later, no World Health Organization reaction had been provided. As to OCHA, the deputy spokesperson said that, “as I mentioned earlier, John Holmes, the Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs will be here tomorrow. So, I think maybe he will in a better position to also brief you on that.”
The WFP written statement provided tried to back away from the agency’s Ethiopia director’s quote, and stated that the New York Times presented it out of context:
Subj: response on your ethiopia question from WFP
From: unspokesperson-donotreply [at] un.org
To: Inner City Press
Date: 7/23/2007 1:34:26 PM Eastern Standard Time
Following from: Bettina Luescher, WFP Chief Spokesperson, North America
The New York Times quoted WFP Country Director Mohamed Diab as saying this was the first time he had heard of such diversions, but in fact Mr. Diab said it was the first time he had heard of allegations of a government blockade on the region… The New York Times quotes Western humanitarian officials as estimating that up to 30 percent of food aid to the Somali region is diverted and that to cover their tracks soldiers and government administrators tell aid agencies that the food assistance has been spoiled or been stolen or hijacked by the rebels.
WFP is surprised by such a statement – we take seriously this allegation of major food diversion, and will quickly investigate together with the government and other agencies. In Ethiopia, a number of agencies as well the government provide food assistance – we will ensure this allegation is raised with all relevant parties…
Contrary to what is implied by the WFP quote in the New York Times, WFP does not consider there is a government ‘blockade’ on the Somali region as multi-agency and government assessment teams are currently working on the ground in three zones, and WFP food distributions are underway in three other zones. WFP, however, like FEWS holds that restrictions on commercial trade and movement of humanitarian aid because of military operations as well seasonal floods, rising prices, and other factors could lead to a humanitarian crisis among pastoral and agro-pastoral communities in some areas unless the restrictions are lifted soon.
The dispatch of emergency food assistance was delayed in some areas because of restrictions on movements of commercial traffic and humanitarian assistance since a security operation began in parts of the region in May.
The government has allowed WFP food assistance into three zones — Shinile, Afder and Liben – in the Somali region and the food is moving now and being distributed. We have monitors on the ground to check it is distributed to the people in need.
In addition, the authorities this month allowed multi-agency and government assessment teams into the most restricted zones: Fik, Degehabur and part of Gode zone. The government has also assured us that if those assessments find there is a need for emergency assistance then food can be distributed. The assessment teams will move onto other zones once they complete the assessments in those three zones. Assessments are continuous in the region.
The Disaster Preparedness and Prevention Agency allocated a total of 9,600 tons of relief food, a one-month ration, for 530,000 beneficiaries in the Somali region in May before the assessments. Part of that 9,600 tons is what is being distributed in the three regions where assessments were completed.
That is certainly a more upbeat picture of the situation in Ogaden than was painted by the New York Times. Inner City Press asked WFP, early Monday afternoon, if it is saying that Mr. Diab was misquoted by the Times. In the ten hours since, this direct questions was not answered.
The OCHA response, received later, is set forth below, as it mentions WHO:
The United Nations today welcomed efforts by the Government of Ethiopia to provide much needed humanitarian assistance to the people of Somali Regional State. On Saturday, 21 July, the President of Somali Regional state ordered the release of food to five zones in the region that have been the subject of security operations since May of this year.
The United Nations, like other humanitarian actors, holds that restrictions on commercial trade, including the delivery of food to rural areas as well as seasonal floods, rising prices and other factors could lead to a humanitarian crisis in the region unless restrictions are eased soon.
Roughly 4.6 million people reside in Somali Region – the poorest area of Ethiopia. The region is overwhelmingly rural and consists almost exclusively of pastoralists / agro-pastoralists, who depend on a delicate lattice of local and international trade with Somalia for their survival. There are ongoing concerns about such health issues as Acute Watery Diarrhoea, polio, malaria, measles and other infectious diseases. Approximately 530,000 vulnerable people currently receive Emergency Food Assistance. Approximately 1.1. million people are chronically food insecure. Malnutrition accounts for 8 percent of all deaths. Last year, a series of floods disrupted the lives of more than 361,000 people, more than half of the total flood-affected population of Ethiopia. These events took place after severe drought affected the lives of 1.4 million.
Recent press reports have stated that UN assistance to Somali Region has been diverted by Ethiopian military and militias. The United Nations takes these reports seriously and investigates all information regarding misappropriation of resources. However, since Ethiopia-based food distributions have not taken place during the period of military operations due to new modalities in performing assessments, it is hard to imagine that such diversions existed.
Reports have also indicated that some diversion may have occurred from the World Health Organization’s Polio Eradication Program in Somali Region. The WHO program in the country is unaware of any funds being diverted from the our polio vaccination program to members of the Ethiopian Defense.”
For the record, we understand that the Polio Eradication Program is a partnership between WHO and UNICEF. More generally, one wonders how much the differences between these UN statements and the reporting and (UN) quotes in Sunday’s is attributable to the fact that the UN needs to maintain good relations with the Ethiopian government of Meles Zenawi in order to maximize (remaining) access.
The impact such backing-away will have in Addis Ababa, and more importantly in and for the people of Ogaden, remains to be seen.
Feedback: innercitypress.com UN Office: S-453A, UN, NY 10017 USA Tel: 212-963-1439 Reporter’s mobile (and weekends): 718-716-3540
We spent the weekend at the Sheraton in Addis Ababa the capital of Ethiopia. I was glad to get out of the countryside as most of Ethiopia is so sad and full of begging. I knew from stopping at the Sheraton that it was much nicer than the Hilton and actually cheaper. This is where the NGO’s and government agencies send their people to stay in luxury and waste your contributions. From reading Lords of Poverty, I now know that so much of aid money goes to keeping people traveling or living in style.
We had tried to stay at the Sheraton when we got back from the Omo river valley but that night involved all sorts of soldiers, police, and militia running around like something was going on on the road in front of the hotel. Our driver said that sometimes the president (prime minister) stays there as he moves around a lot to keep from being assassinated. He had rescinded the election results and then killed a lot of protesters. What a guy, i hadn’t known about this before i came.
Here’s my wrap-up of Ethiopia. The people are as bad as Indians at hassling you and stare at you in much weirder ways. They want to rip you off as much as they can and no one is friendly without an agenda. They lie to you less than the Indians but beg a lot more, which is saying a lot as India has professional beggars. It’s just that it’s more prevalent.
We, meaning the West, have turned Ethiopia into a nation of beggars. Or, they have turned themselves into beggars as they have suffered through various man-made and natural disasters. The UN, Save the Children and other agencies have a big presence in the country. It’s their industry and they need more and more money to get things done. The problem is there are often little results or the aid is misappropriated through corruption.
This is a nation with little charm, and even less pride. That’s ironic since Ethiopia is supposed to be so proud of their ancient adherence to Christianity and the fact that they were never colonized. But children, many teenagers, and even some adults are totally willing to beg from you. All the children shout at your car, dance to get your attention, and run after it with their hands open expecting some handout. We’ve never seen anything like it anywhere else in the world.
People will randomly come up to you and think that you will give them money since you are white and therefore rich. Children will walk beside you and harass you to give them something. One time when when were camping i was walking by a hillside looking at a little river when two dirty shoeless children approached me to talk about what they were studying in school. Then, it turned into a begging session with them insisting ‘you give me pen’ saying this over and over again, chasing me and getting in my face until i just started walking up the hill vertically and they couldn’t keep up.
Other annoying things are the complete insistence that you answer them if they see you no matter where you go. People will shout ‘hello’ at you and keep raising their voice and pitch as if to force you to acknowledge them, since that is obviously why you are there, to recognize and validate their existence.
_________________________ Before Kevin and Kirst reach the above conclusion they had travelled through Ethiopia and posted the following blogs:
