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What happened in the past twelve months?

By Donald N. Levine (aka Liben Gebre Etyopiya)

1. The Ethiopian polity was transformed from a one-party state to a multi-party democracy. I am trying to think of one other polity where such a transformation took place with the same party leaders staying on in power. Of course there were severe bumps along the way, and injustices whose pain will linger for a long time.

2. Political elements competitive with the EPRDF regime transformed themselves from a vast number of splinter groups into a system of three major parties. In Adama (Nazret) in 1992 I found two political party offices side by side, both saying they stood for Ethiopian national unity. “Wow! That is great!” I thought. “But why aren’t you two together?” There was no difference at all in what they stood for, the staffers explained–only a clash between the personalities of the party heads. It seemed that those who favored genuine Ethiopian unity could never get united. But now most of them have.

3. Hapte-Selassie Tafesse was offered the site of the Jubilee Palace in which to create a national museum of Ethiopian paintings and other treasures. Same old jovial Haptos. We reconnected joyously after forty-five years. When I mentioned my visit to prisoners at Kaliti, he quipped: “Well, I was in prison for eight years and you didn’t even visit me once!”

4. Much new housing appears to have sprung up in and around Addis Ababa. It gives the impression of a burgeoning if not booming economy, a picture that contrasts with the image of dreary depressed Addis one sometimes gets from abroad. Critics note that the housing was constructed hastily and contains functional flaws.

5. Universities were expanded and plans to erect enlarge the system of higher education to twenty-two universities were announced. The expansions are coming at the expense both of quality of the universities and the health of the secondary school system, and with no resources in sight to move toward realization of the more ambitious plans.

6. In Gawls, Afar region, the skull of a small human ancestor, which could be a missing link between extinct Homo erectus and modern man, was discovered along with several stone tools and fossilized animals. Sileshi Semaw of Indiana University, director of the Gona Paleoanthropo-logical Research Project, reports that the hominid cranium “is very close to the appearance of the anatomically modern human.”

7. The world’s first multi-disciplinary peace center was established in Awassa, offering regular training in aikido, the martial art of peace; workshops in conflict resolution; training in nonviolent communication; and a library of literature in Amharic and English on peace studies. Story to come.

8. Two million Ethiopian infants were added to the population of the poorest country on the planet–thereby guaranteeing continued misery for vast numbers in a largely agricultural economy affected by massive deforestation, soil erosion, erratic rainfall, diminished land per person, and epidemic diseases. As Sahlu Haile, Packard Foundation senior program advisor, wrote in a prize-winning report, population growth will drive Ethiopia’s future: infrastructure and agricultural land cannot support its growing numbers, so huge numbers are trapped in vicious cycles of poverty, disease, and hunger. The government developed a policy to educate girls to avoid early marriage and early childbearing and to support family planning, but inaction, disinterest, and ambivalence of senior officials has stood in the way of implementing it. And United States agencies have been inhibited by rules against the promotion of family planning.

9. Following protracted antagonism, leaders of Government and opposition parties met on October 2, 2005 for a series of talks that could pave the way for elected members of the latter to enter Parliament. They met every day for some five days and were approaching agreement, then the talks broke down.

It’s amazing to think how close they were to a solution that could have averted the November killings and all the subsequent turmoil. Still, it shows the potential for reconciliation and Ethiopia’s resurrection.

An overview of the history, practice and philosophy of civil disobedience and nonviolence

Part I

By Alemayehu GebreMariam

There is rumor of mass civil disobedience in Ethiopia. Over the past month, the U.S. Embassy has been reminding and urging Americans in Ethiopia to “avoid demonstrations intended to be peaceful [which] can turn confrontational.” On April 22, Sudan Tribune online published a press release purportedly issued by Tegbar League Addis Ababa announcing the initiation of a “peaceful civil disobedience campaign against the Meles dictatorship.” The campaign is aimed at pressuring the “government to respect the people’s vote and to demand the release of all political prisoners.” According to the press release, the objective of the concerted nonviolent acts of civil disobedience is to “systematically make the country ungovernable and choke the Meles regime by drying up its sources of revenue.”

In a three-part series, we shall attempt to present an overview of the history, practice and philosophy of civil disobedience and nonviolence, and the unique contributions of Henry David Thoreau, Mahatama Ghandi and Martin Luther King to the global nonviolence movement.

Henry David Thoreau

Is there a moral duty for men and women to nonviolently resist oppressive and unjust laws, and the commands and demands of a despotic government? If there is such a duty, what is the best method of resistance? If civil disobedience and nonviolence are morally justified methods of resistance, what are the foreseeable consequences of such resistance for the individual and society?

Henry David Thoreau, the 19th Century American philosopher, was the first modern thinker to systematically consider the moral dimensions of disobeying unjust laws and oppressive civil government. He concluded that nonviolent civil disobedience was justified, because in a democracy government derives its just powers from the consent of the governed and by delegation from free individuals. If government abuses or perverts the will of the people, Thoreau argued, any individual has the moral right, indeed a higher moral duty, to stand apart from the laws of that government and actively and nonviolently resist it.

Thoreau, an ardent abolitionist and pacifist, condemned the practice of slavery in America, and railed against the federal fugitive laws which allowed slave masters to recapture and repossess slaves who had escaped to the free states. He also opposed the westward territorial expansion of the United States and annexation of what is now western United States by President James Polk in the Mexican-American War (1846-48 ) under a general doctrine known as “Manifest Destiny,” which was based on a belief that God had given America a mission to expand its borders from “sea to shining sea.”

In his book, On the Duty of Civil Disobedience(1), Thoreau explained his philosophical justifications for civil disobedience and the moral duty of individuals to engage in it to preserve their individual integrity and advance the common good.

Thoreau had little confidence in elected leaders or governmental institutions. He believed that “government is best which governs least,” but such government he did not find in his day. He acknowledged government was necessary, but only in so far as it is the “mode which the people have chosen to execute their will.” He believed the leaders of his day, entrusted with the people’s will, were “liable to abuse and pervert [that will] before the people can act through it.”

The inevitable “perversion and abuse” of the people’s will presented Thoreau two problematic issues in the functioning of democratic government: 1) the tendency for majority rule to degenerate into tyranny of the majority, and 2) the tendency for citizens in a democracy to abdicate their moral responsibilities in favor of blind obedience to the law. Thoreau questioned: “Can there not be a government in which majorities do not virtually decide right and wrong, but conscience? Must the citizen ever for a moment, or in the least degree, resign his conscience to the legislator? Why has every man a conscience, then?”

For Thoreau, men could be distinguished by their demonstrated abilities to act their conscience and convictions. He felt most citizens — out of ignorance, indifference, or cowardice– would rather show blind respect for the law than disobeying it even when they are convinced the law is oppressive and unjust. He believed government had reduced ordinary citizens to “serve not as men, but as machines, with their bodies. They are the standing army, and the militia, jailers, constables.” He felt these citizens had no “moral sense, but they put themselves on a level with wood and earth and stones. Such [men] command no more respect than men of straw or a lump of dirt. They have the same sort of worth only as horses and dogs.”

Thoreau had an equally dim view of the “esteemed good citizens” of society — legislators, politicians, lawyers, ministers, scholars, businessmen and office-holders — who have compromised their capacity to make moral distinctions and judgment to advance their self-interest and were “as likely to serve the devil, without intending it, as God.”

Thoreau saw social redemption in a third and much smaller group of citizens — heroes, patriots, martyrs and reformers — whose chief distinction is that they “serve the state with their consciences, and necessarily resist it for the most part; and they are commonly treated as enemies by it.”

In his day, Thoreau saw his civil disobedience as a proper response to the evil institution of slavery and the unjust expansionist war in Mexico. He thought the American government of his day was a “disgrace,” and declared: “I cannot for an instant recognize that political organization as my government which is the slave’s government also.” Thoreau refused to accept a government that kept a sixth of the American population in bondage, yet piously claimed to be the land of liberty. He found it necessary to oppose an unjust war against Mexico resulting in the destruction of indigenous populations in a shameless land grab.

Thoreau demonstrated his civil disobedience by becoming part of the antiwar movement of the day and refusing to pay poll tax which he felt was used to support an unjust war and extend slavery into the western territories, which proved true when Texas became a slave state upon joining the union in 1861.

The greatest source of frustration for Thoreau was the inertness of the thousands of his countrymen who were opposed to slavery and the Mexican War, yet did nothing to put an end to them. Thoreau complained that these citizens will “sit down with their hands in their pockets, and say that they know not what to do, and do nothing…. They hesitate, and they regret, and sometimes they petition; but they do nothing in earnest and with effect. They will wait, well disposed, for others to remedy the evil, that they may no longer have it to regret. There are nine hundred and ninety-nine patrons of virtue to one virtuous man; but it is easier to deal with the real possessor of a thing than with the temporary guardian of it.”

The impact of Thoreau’s advocacy of civil disobedience has been wide-ranging, inspiring notably Ghandi to mount a passive resistance independence movement in India and Martin Luther King to lead a nonviolent civil rights movement in the in the United States.

If there is a lesson to be drawn from Thoreau’s philosophical discourses, it is that civil disobedience is both an act of uncommon virtue and valor, and an extraordinary act of patriotism by an individual in a given society. As to the “ninety nine patrons,” they have a choice of not acting, and continuing to practice their well-worn virtues: ignorance in the face of manifest injustice, indifference in the face of suffering, deprivation and oppression, and cowardice in the reflective mirror of their own conscience.
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Al Mariam, Ph.D., J.D. (Esq.) is professor of political science and a defense attorney in California : [email protected]

Lessons for us from the downfall of US-supported dictators: An urgent need for mature mechanisms

By Dr. Maru Gubena

Given the image that major western leaders, financial institutions and NGO communities have had of Meles Zenawi as a progressive leader, and given the massive moral, financial and military support he has received from donor nations over the past fifteen years, the measures actively undertaken taken against him by the Ethiopian Diaspora-–staging demonstrations, writing letters and articles, organizing candlelight vigils, engaging in lobbying activities as well as waging this war on the diplomatic front – are indispensable tools and forces towards achieving the intended goals: public awareness, helping to show the ugly face of the repressive regime of Meles Zenawi to western governments and the international community at large. While completely believing that the progression of current engagements of the Ethiopian Diaspora are a crucial element of our broader resistance to help free our people from prolonged economic poverty, political repression by successive regimes and uninterrupted, multiple tragedies, it is also vitally important to realize that the challenges to our struggle are many and complex, and the path we must travel may be painfully long and hard. The disappointments and frustrations experienced and expressed by some compatriots in articles recently posted on various pro-democracy websites in connection with the persistent refusal of the US administration to stop supporting, financing and protecting the enemy of both Ethiopia and its people are therefore unfortunate and untimely. This is especially true given the historical record of the United States itself as the most violent nation on the globe, and given its historical record – which continues into the present – of supporting, financing and working hand in glove with unelected and undemocratic leaders, including both civil and military regimes and world dictators, as part of its own geo-political and military strategies and economic interests. This will be clearly shown in the following pages: [… read more]

COMMENTS

FREZER NEGASH UPDATE – Jailed since Jan 27, 2006

March 10
Frezer has been released today after languishing in jail for 41 days!

March 8
A judge ordered yesterday that Ethiopian Review correspondent in Addis Ababa Firezer Negash should be released as there is no evidence to keep her in jail, but the lawless regime, as expected, refused to let her go home.

Feb 23
Frezer continues to languish in jail without charges. When she appeared in court last Monday she appeared to be in good spirit. She is accused of terrorism, even though she is 4-month pregnant and has been sick for a few weeks prior to her arrest. We have learned that she was interrogated by Federal Police Commissioner Gebeyehu Workneh last week.

Feb 20
Frezer appeared in court today and sent back to jail without any charge filed against her. The judged asked her to come back next week.

Feb 9
A pregnant reporter has been jailed in Ethiopia for more than two weeks, and Ethiopia’s Information Ministry said on Thursday she had not been legally accredited … Reuters, Feb 9

The propaganda minister is not telling the truth. Frezer is an accredited reporter of Ethiopian Review since May 2005. Even if she is not, does that justify beating and detaining a 3-month pregnant woman in a disease infested jail? As an American -based company licensed to operate in the State of Virginia, Ethiopian Review is consulting with lawyers to file lawsuit in Virginia against Meles Zenawi, Federal Police Commissioner Workneh Gebeyehu and others for violating the civil rights of its employee, Frezer Negash. Frezer has been illegally detained for the past 14 days.

Feb 7
The International Women’s Media Foundation has expressed alarm regarding the detainment without charge of an Ethiopian journalist Frezer Negash … IWMF Feb 7

Frezer went to court today, but was told to return to her prison cell after the police told the judge that they don’t have enough evidence to charge her yet.

Feb 2
Frezer had to be hospitalized after being beaten up by the Federal Police when she was arrested last Friday. She is in good spirit today, but bitter about the way she is being treated.

Jan 31
Ethiopian reporter Frezer Negash had become the latest journalist in that country to be arrested… AP/CNN Jan 31

Jan 30
The Committee to Protect Journaliss writes on behalf of Frezer
CPJ Jan 30

Jan 30
Firezer Negash appeared in court today and was told to come back in 14 days so that the investigators gather more information. Federal Police investigators ransacked her home, searching every where including under beds. They confiscated a computer, camera, recorder, all documents, and photos. A lawyer who tried to see her in prison was denied access today.

Jan 29
Ethiopian Review reporter in Addis Ababa Frezer (also spelled Firezer) Negash is being detained in Maikelawi police station. She is detained in inhumane condition as tens of thousands of other journalists, students, and opposition partymembers. Frezer is three-month pregnant and have been sick for the past few weeks. We are deeply worried for her safety knowing the brutal treatment she may be facing in the hands of the Federal Police.

some of Frezer’s recent audio reports

The moral high ground

At the moment, the exemplary work for the respect of the peoples vote in Ethiopia is being carried out by the European Union representatives, while US foreign policy is being driven by a single issue, “war on terrorism”, in the African context

By Kebede D Gashaw

Long before the May elections in Ethiopia, the European Union (EU) has been at the forefront in giving financial support as well as training and preparing candidates for the election. In some cases, the EU had allocated funds in the past to train and educate parliamentarians by granting them visits to Brussels and to member countries legislatures and educating them in the roles that parliamentarians play in democratic societies, the role of government and the governing process.

The EU also pledged to send the largest contingent of observers during the campaign and the election process. The observers more than any other group, (there were two other groups including the Carter Center and the observers from the African Union (AU), were able to diligently execute their duties in a very professional and efficient manner. After the election, they have been the only consistent group that had maintained a fair and balanced effort to address the issues of irregularities, fairness and called for dialog between the opposition and the ruling party. Now, after all the atrocities committed by the Meles Zenawi government over the last eight months, the EU has carried out its moral, political, and economic obligations by not funding the direct aid it has been providing to the Meles Zenawi government, and by this action, the EU has effectively declared that the ruling party is undemocratic, inconsistent, unfair and has committed atrocities on its own people. The EU has been proactive prior to the elections and had given glowing reports about the process prior to the elections and how the process was conducted and the open, un-encumbered political debates held between the parties during the campaign process. After the elections, the EU has been equally critical of the actions of the government and has been calling for a negotiated process to resolve all issues between the opposition and the ruling party.

On the other hand, the other major player in the world seen and in particular in the case of Ethiopia has been the United Kingdom. Prime minister Blair had given an unqualified support to the prime minister Meles Zenawi. Even in the face of criticism from the EU, Britain and Mr. Blair together with the United States continued to give aid, support and comfort to Mr. Zenawi . In an interview with a BBC reporter, he openly declared that his development partners were still with him, even after the massacre of thirty-six innocent students and civilians last June. The demonstrators went out to voice their displeasure of the election aftermath and the rigging of votes and election irregularities. In late November, the British government declared that it will no longer fund direct aid through the government of Ethiopia and was going to with hold over 30 million Euros

Early in November, Mr. Zenawi rounded up opposition leaders from one of the main political parties, the Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) and thrown them in jail. He also rounded up members of the fledgling free press, journalists and reporters of independent newspapers, all in all, more than one hundred and twenty individuals ranging in age from 14 to 75 were jailed and are being accused of treason which is punishable by death.

Mr. Zenawi, once again in November as he did in June, unleashed his special forces against demonstrators that were demanding the release of opposition leaders and the journalists that have been rounded up and thrown in jail, and shot down over eighty people in Addis Abeba, the capital and in other cities around the country. All in all, Mr. Zenawi’s government rounded up and jailed over forty thousand students, civilians, opposition party members and supporters. The intimidation, arrests and killings continue to this day. The government owned radio and TV stations only broadcast government propaganda. What little press freedom that existed prior to the election is no longer in existence.

Ethiopians for the first time in the history of the country felt that what was being preached both in Washington and in Addis Abeba was true and they showed their thirst for democracy by lining up to vote on May 8th, the day of the election. Some were out forming a cue at four-o’clock in the morning standing and waiting in line to vote. Vote they did, an unprecedented turnout of over 90 percent of the eligible voters braved the elements of early morning and the piercing sun of the afternoon and rain in some locations. Vote they did, in spite of all the adversities. They voted out the ruling party in the capital, not even one seat was won by the ruling party. The purge continued in other major cities of the country as well. Once the results of the capital was known, the next day after election day, the prime minister went on the air and declared victory. He sated the obvious, that the capital city has been won by CUD but he declared that his party the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) had won the majority of the rest of the country. This, before his own hand picked National Election Board (NEB) had even had a chance to gather the election results from remote locations and above all, after all political parties had agreed to abide by the rule of not declaring them selves a winner until the NEB gathers all the results and declares and certifies a winner. Against the wishes of his own hand picked national election board. To add insult to injury, prime minister Meles Zenawi declared a state of emergency and banned all political gatherings or demonstrations for one month and put the police, the army and security apparatus under his direct command and control.

As an Ethiopian American, I have been appalled and dismayed by the actions and inactions of the Bush administration. The administration provides lip service to democracy and democratic movements in Africa and in particular in Ethiopia. It seems that foreign policy when it comes to Africa and especially the Horn of Africa is being carried out by the Department of Defense (DOD) rather than the State Department. It has become obvious that US foreign policy is being driven by a single issue, “war on terrorism”, in the African context. Democratic movements and the aspirations of the masses in Africa and in particular in Ethiopia are secondary. The killings of innocent Ethiopians, that were only exercising their constitutional rights to voice their objections to atrocities, vote ragging and irregularities of the election process, is meaningless, immaterial and inconsequential. As long as the election process appears to be fair by African standards. Then the results however the ruling party extracts them are acceptable. These assertions by both Washington and London are not acceptable to the Ethiopian people. They do not see themselves as second class citizens of the world. What is good for Ukraine and Georgia is also good for Ethiopia. Anything less than that is un-acceptable. That is why we see young people defying the killing machines of the ruling party and sacrificing themselves for the betterment of their people and their nation.

The situation in Ethiopia continues to be volatile. If the frustrations of the young and the concerns of the old are not addressed by the ruling party and/or the international community, there is great concern and of an imminent danger. The danger that the peaceful struggle that has been the hallmark of the major opposition parties, will be forced to resort to violence and that will in turn lead to the destabilization of the country. The EU is has been carrying the mantel of a negotiated settlement between the ruling party and the opposition CUD leaders that are still in prison. Here lies the absurdities, the US government fully understands the trumped-up charges that has been filled against these gallant democrats. The US government also is fully aware of the atrocities and the undemocratic actions that continue to be committed by the ruling party. It appears that the US government has sided with the ruling party and the handful individuals that are holding economic power in the country. Much to the dismay of and to the detriment of the promising democratic movement and the aspirations of the 77 million Ethiopians.

Unfortunately, the US is making an effort to expedite the trial of the opposition leaders, while at the same time it is calling for the release of what it calls individuals that have not committed any crime or offense. The US through its ambassador is pressuring opposition party members that have not taken their seats in the parliament to do so even before the release of their leaders that are languishing in the ruling party’s jails. At the moment, the exemplary work for the respect of the peoples vote is being carried out by the EU representatives and without any strings attached in the effort to get a negotiated settlement for the crisis. For that effort, the EU holds the moral high ground.
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Kebede Gashaw resides in California

Why Meles CAN NOT Weather the Political Storms

By T. Mesfin

On February 15, 2005 C. Bryson Hull of Reuters wrote a curious piece under the heading, “Ethiopia’s Meles can weather political storms.” The “analysis” is very likely a well-timed plant.

Hull may not have done it deliberately, but it is a clever piece of disinformation being pushed by regime propagandists. The disinformers have dual objectives: to demoralize the opposition and to shore up the regime’s base.

Why an article about regime survival now? Someone obviously thought it was important. The story comes at a time when the hardheadedness of Zenawi has created a siege mentality and a sense of international isolation.

Reports from Addis Ababa indicate a sense of desperation and frustration even among the intelligence services of Meles Zenawi, leading them to wonder about regime survival.

Beyond public relations maneuvering, there are substantial domestic and international reasons that indicate that the regime of the Tigrai Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF) may not survive for long.

Internal Factors

Domestically, support for the ruling group is at an all time low. The harsh crackdown against opposition forces has further exacerbated an already tense situation. It has also effectively closed the route to any negotiations.

The TPLF has little legitimacy outside of its narrow base. All indications are that even if the Prime Minister’s Tigrian ethnic base, which numbers less than 10 percent, is not solidly behind him. Party cadres whose survival and livelihood depend on the government and a few direct beneficiaries of the patronage system make up the regime’s base of support.

Economic activity in Addis Ababa, the preeminent per capital, has been at a standstill for almost year owing to election-related uncertainties. The service sector has been performing poorly. There is very little long term investment.

The price of everyday commodities has increased dramatically, making life difficult even for the middle class. The price of teff, the staple grain, cooking oil, sugar, etc. have skyrocketed.

Oil prices too have gone up as well. A liter of petrol now costs birr 5.50. The government just decided to increase the local price to birr 6.88 per liter. The country now spends close to $1 billion, a 250 percent increase over two years ago, soaking up almost 40 percent of all imports.

Foreign exchange reserves are at an all time low. There is a booming underground market in foreign currency. One US dollar ($1) now fetches almost 10 birr on the black market, instead of the official birr 8.63.

Add to these political and economic woes 2.6 million Ethiopians that the World Food Program says need emergency food assistance.

External Factors

Mr. Zenawi has carefully and methodically cultivated in the last 15 years the image of a progressive African leader. This carefully orchestrated picture came to unravel back in June once the security forces began spraying unarmed civilians with machine gun bullets.

The Prime Minister’s fabled charm appears to have gone out the window as well. Donors don’t look kindly on regimes that have an aversion to using tear gas or water cannons.

Mr. Zenaw’s government has been rewarded with very generous foreign assistance since coming to power almost 15 years ago. It received $1.5 billion a year, $500 of which was in direct budgetary support with little accounting.

Awash with foreign largesse meant for Ethiopia’s poor, the regime continues to spend lavishly on an elaborate spy network to suppress dissent and to buy off people both at home and abroad.

Money meant for the poor is being spent on lobbyists and public relations firms. McGuire Woods is one of the firms siphoning money from Ethiopia’s poor. Another expensive lobbyist and public relations firm is Scribe Strategies and Advisors.

Add to this the hiring of Annette Scheckler, former head of the Voice of America Horn of Africa service as a special advisor to Prime Minister Zenawi.

The propaganda and disinformation machine is in full throttle.

Fortunately, no amount of public relations prettying can hide the ugly deeds of a nasty regime. Foreign donors too appear to be waking up to the true nature of this violent, kleptocratic group. Witness the cold shoulder Tony Blair gave to his old pal Zenawi at the recent “progressives” summit in South Africa.

Zenawi understands the language of money well. Thus when the European Union threatened to withhold some $500 million in annual budgetary support, he arranged for a secret emergency trip to Brussels to plead with EU authorities.

The bottom line: the pressure by the Diaspora and the financial squeeze is working.

We may never know the details of how Bryson Hull’s story was assembled. But there are interesting facts both about the writer and the so-called experts.

C. Bryson Hull is an American journalist who has in-depth expertise on issues related to Texas, including the Enron Scandal. His expertise in Africa consists of reporting from Nairobi for less than a year. He had an expertise of exactly two weeks in Ethiopia when he filed his analysis of why Meles will survive the political storm.

Another expert who predicts “little brushfire rebellions” and not a national uprising is Matt Bryden of the International Crisis Group. What, you may wonder, is Mr. Bryden’s expertise on Ethiopia? Mr. Bryden had a two-year stint (1994-1996) as a UN field officer in what appears to be the distribution of emergency food. It does not take much to read tealeaves in Africa.

Seasoned experts such as Christopher Clapham of Cambridge University with decades of experience were not consulted. Clapham wrote back in November, 2005:

“It now seems to me beyond any plausible likelihood that the EPRDF government can re-establish its position as an acceptable public authority …It has now reached the point, reached by the imperial and Derg regimes before it, at which its authority has withered away, and cannot be recovered. It has lost ‘the mandate of heaven.”. He concludes:

“The transition in Ethiopia is already under way, and the concern both of Ethiopians and of the international community should be to do whatever they can to make it as quick and as peaceful as possible.”

Turmoil at home and the tightening of screws by donors abroad clearly do not bode well for Zenawi and company. The genie of democracy is clearly out of the bottle. The TPLF Houdini who pulled so many tricks in his long, violent career won’t be able to put this one back in the bottle.

The writer can be reached at [email protected]