View on the Formation of the Alliance for Freedom and Democracy (AFD)

Obang O. Metho
Anuak Justice Council

There is a new reason to celebrate. Something that was never expected to happen has happened. It has caused a cool, refreshing wind of change to start blowing over Ethiopia, from the west to the east, from the north to the south. As we enjoy the invigorating and gentle wind, we recognize that it comes from a new sense of unity and purpose that has been birthed with the formation of the Alliance for Freedom and Democracy, an organization made up of groups that have never before come together in such a way.

It is an unprecedented accomplishment; yet, many are asking whether such a promise for the future is to be trusted? Many wonder whether they will be included and whether it will last? Some point out its flaws and refuse to believe there are any real answers to the dilemma facing us Ethiopians, believing we are a people destined to suffering and victimhood at the hands of our leaders.

In response to the new Alliance for Freedom and Democracy (AFD), I, Obang Metho, have received lots of phone calls and emails asking what I think of the AFD. Some ask if I think this is a way to justice for the Anuak and how it affects our advocacy work? I decided I should respond more publicly instead of individually.

First of all, I want to thank all the Ethiopians who have called or emailed. You have shown your concern for your country. Secondly, I want to congratulate the leaders who formed the Alliance. You have done something truly significant.

For all of you, I hope that after you read this statement, you will find something in it, a word or an idea, that can be shared or used to empower other Ethiopians to contribute to a better Ethiopia. I am only talking as a simple guy, an individual with my own opinion. Some of you may disagree with me, but in the free society we all want, the right of open disagreement is an important one that can lead to better ideas as we are able to dialogue with each other, perfecting each other’s positions in a peaceable way.

On the day of the announcement of the formation of the Alliance, I was overjoyed as I considered it a new day for me, for the Anuak, for every individual Ethiopian and for Ethiopian communities and organizations—a new day of hope for prosperity, peace, justice and stability.

That formation is like the much-anticipated birth of a new child in a family where everyone is excited and sees the new life and the child’s potential for the future. We want the best for this child so that some day, the child will grow up and contribute to the family and to the world. Like the child who is born, who starts off as a stranger, but after we name, nurture, guide and protect this child, the child becomes known to us and develops into the kind of person that we would want as part of our family. So it is with the birth of this Alliance, whose foundation are the principles of freedom, liberty and democracy that most of us value and seek. We hope its birth and development leads us to know it better and to support it in becoming more capable of promoting sustainable peace, stability, justice and the upholding of fundamental freedoms and civil liberties for all of us as laid out in its Memorandum of Understanding. We cannot argue with these principles. Instead, the question I am hearing is can this organization be trusted to deliver?

First of all, do not be surprised if you are hopeful on one hand and suspicious on the other. We Ethiopians have been so betrayed by our leaders that our ability to trust, even the trustworthy, has been severely damaged. We have been repeatedly promised much and have been repeatedly lied to so that our trust has been exploited. Therefore, do not be surprised if your fragile hope is accompanied by fear and worry that history will repeat itself.

We have been profoundly traumatized as a people and a culture and need recovery from a deeply entrenched woundedness. This woundedness and its partner, fear, darkens our outlook on most everything. We have become people who are hypervigilant of danger, expecting that it will come from anywhere, from anyone, from any ethnic group and at any moment, even if it is an imaginary threat. This suspicious outlook on life has become a way to survive under repeated trauma. Yet, it also becomes a controlling factor that dysfunctionally enslaves us in our fear. Yet, who can blame us? It has been our experience, but if we generalize our fear to every attempt for positive change, we disable our ability as Ethiopians to find our way out of the mess we are in.

I am not saying that we should turn off our minds, because our minds are critical to us in evaluating truth from lie, but we must realize how much a legacy of betrayal and oppression has caused us to reject and undermine the best attempts to bring about freedom and democracy. We cannot afford to lose an important opportunity that could provide the road to unity and freedom on which everyone is invited to travel. Because of its multiple members and openness to all, the Alliance has an internal mechanism of checks and balances to which it will be held accountable. I am thrilled with its formation and believe the Alliance is an organization that deserves our support and encouragement.

However, we must recognize that like in raising a child, there will be obstacles to overcome along the way. Some of them will be minor, but others more life-threatening. Yet, to accomplish our goals for our child, we must be willing to work hard to correct any problems that our child might demonstrate until our child “grows up” to be the kind of person for which we had hoped. Just like the Alliance may not perfectly reflect your desires at this time, neither are our children born without some imperfections and a need for correction along the way. Our children and this Alliance must be helped through these times and obstacles. As with our child, we must be patient until that child becomes an adult who can responsibly raise the children of the next generation.

The reason I am saying this is because I have heard that some are saying that parts of the Alliance are good and some parts are not. I want to remind you that like an infant, if something is imperfect with your child, we do not reject and discard our child, but instead we devote ourselves to help him or her become the best person possible.

This point is meant to help Ethiopians who are thinking that this organization should be born perfect and complete, to understand that this is an impossible dream. This is because we human beings are imperfect—only God is perfect. Therefore, any human organization is made up of us imperfect people who can only attempt to do it “right.” Because of this, the Alliance needs time to develop, just like the infant who cannot feed itself, this organization is in the fragile state of formation and must be protected and nurtured like the newly planted crop that must be watered and cared for if it is going to yield an abundant harvest. Its harvest may be one of the best ever in the history of Ethiopia as it offers something that comes from the hearts and souls of people who are being transformed internally into people more willing to reach out to others.

The leaders of this Alliance appear to be committed and sincere to upholding the highest of principles. Their willingness to come together is exemplary, but of course, as the Alliance implements these values, their credibility will increase. Yet, we must support and help them as they will face many challenges, as it becomes the first organization of its kind at a very critical time in our history.

The Alliance is not a political organization in the usual sense of the word, but an organization that promotes the very right and freedom to have political organizations with differing agendas and representation. It is based on values that are life-giving rather than life-taking. It proposes a completely different mindset than the one of hatred based ethnic division that has been defeating us all.

Yet, we should not only unify against something, like the EPRDF, as it is only the basis for short-lived unity. Instead, long-lasting unity is found in joining together around principles that build up people, families and societies—principles built on God established truths of the way we individuals should behave in this world in relation to God and to others. As we live out these transformational truths in our own lives, others may join until our country may be one that goes through a national transformation starting in the individual hearts of its citizens.

I am saying to you that the formation of this Alliance is a sign that this transformation has started. It is a sign that Ethiopians are willing to work together to be in the same country and to be part of the same family. It is a sign that Ethiopians are willing to not separate from the country, but to come together. I am taking this day when the Alliance was signed, when these six groups joined together as one, as a momentous indication of the new fresh wind over Ethiopia. It is immensely significant that individual groups became willing to give up some of the things that were meaningful to each of them. They did this for the sake of Ethiopia and for the future generations of our country. The spirit of compromise was present, as the foundational principles of freedom and democracy were held supreme.

For example, no one ever thought that the OLF would join together with the CUD. Some never thought that those in the ONLF would join in with the rest, yet they and the others are showing that Ethiopians are Ethiopians whether from the north or south, the east or west. These groups are showing that Ethiopians are ready for tolerance, acceptance and the inclusion of all ethnic groups.

They have shown their willingness to compromise as an important means to do it. I am taking this as a victory and the first big step towards justice, freedom and a peaceful Ethiopia where everyone will be able to live their lives without the fear of oppression and terrorization by one’s own government.

Most of us know that the formation of the Alliance is a cause to celebrate; a shared celebration that we have heard was going on in the cities, towns and villages throughout Ethiopia when people danced in the streets after it was announced. It was recognized as the only way to bring this government to its knees and to offer hope for possible release for those leaders and others imprisoned for speaking up against injustice and oppression. This is a sign that the window of dialogue will be opened. It is a sign to the Western countries that did not help, claiming that Ethiopians were too hopelessly divided against each other to offer a better alternative to the current government.

More significantly, this formation is shaking the ground underneath the EPRDF and for the first time, we are hearing the words, “dialogue” and “negotiation” coming from them. Some are reporting that the government of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi has approached what they consider to be their more “sympathetic friends” in an attempt to demonstrate a new willingness to talk with the opposition groups. However, for those of us well-acquainted with the tactics of this government, it appears to be a strategy to find a last resort means to hang on to a disintegrating hold on power that has been largely perpetuated by sabotaging our unity. To such a government, the formation of the Alliance is a most ominous development; yet to most Ethiopians, it is a reason to dance in the streets.

Yet, like a shooting star that we love to watch in its quick display of power before its light goes out forever, let us support the Alliance in such a way that its light is sustained and burns brightly. We should pray for the leaders and others who will join that they be equipped with the vision, wisdom, talent, energy and spirit that leads to the accomplishment of the worthy goals and objectives as set out in its Memorandum of Understanding for Freedom and Democracy in Ethiopia.

Think of what Ethiopians have already done to bring this formation about. They have not done it alone. Since last year’s election, you might not realize how Ethiopians everywhere have contributed to this day. No other African country or group in the Diaspora have continued to demonstrate for these values and have raised up these issues in every Western capital more than Ethiopians have done.

To those back home, they have done what they could, even if it has meant losing their lives or freedom. I would like to extend my thanks to every Ethiopian who has contributed to this cause, some without knowing it. To name a few I include the people in civil, churches or community organizations who have written letters, phoned friends to join a rally or who have given others rides to the rally. Others of you have contributed money to the cause or have made others around you more aware. Some have raised support for the families of those in prison or have prayed for those who have lost loved ones or for God’s help to bring about justice.

Many of you do not realize what you have done and how you have contributed to this day. If you are one of these individuals, be grateful and proud that you have been able to help. Call or email someone else who has helped in some ways, regardless of how small the contribution, because together, it all adds up to this accomplishment.

More than anything, thank God that He hears the prayers of the humble and the suffering of this world. This world will not change unless we do our part and it must begin by a transformation that starts in our hearts. God makes us into His new creation when we turn to Him. He then asks us to trust Him as He empowers us to become different people. Ethiopia needs the transformation that only comes from many of us surrendering to God and His plan for our lives. This country will not change unless we do. That is why I am calling on you to do more.

Peace and justice cannot come by itself. Right now, the Alliance is the result of the winds of change that many of you contributed towards. Do what you can to pray for the Alliance, to encourage and support them as they stand for all Ethiopians working together to bring peace and stability to our land. No one ethnic group can bring the needed change—we need each other.

The Anuak in prison are convinced that justice will not come for them under this regime. The same is being said in other parts of Ethiopia. Four thousand Anuak refugees will not return to Ethiopia until safety is assured. Again, they are convinced it will not happen under this regime.

Two days ago, two Anuak men were shot dead by Ethiopian Defense troops in Gambella town and no one was arrested, even though there were witnesses present during the shooting. Such flagrant disregard for the law even in front of witnesses shows the atmosphere of impunity that the EPRDF is grounded on. We know that the justice the Anuak and others in Ethiopia are looking for will not come through the same people committing these injustices.

Ironically, the silver bullet against this regime is unity and empowering each other. It is giving acceptance and inclusion to minority groups with no voice. It is caring about others instead of robbing others of their legitimate rights. The regime’s ammunition of division has been like a life-threatening disease, infecting the bloodstream of the body of Ethiopians. But, God has given us a medication that not only cures the disease, but restores robust health. That medication is genuine unity, based on principles that values all human life, my own and that of others like or unlike me. As the medication reaches all our extremities, be thankful and encouraged that the dying have been brought back to life.

Do not be negative and critical, but be part of the solution. Expect that the 70 million people of Ethiopia may have different political agendas and needs, but yet human beings by nature, crave freedom. There will be a time to form political agendas only if real freedom and democracy exists. In the meantime, we need a watchdog, made up of all groups, to uphold these values. The Alliance may be that watchdog.

For example, there are people who say that the Alliance should not be chaired by an Oromo, but someone must lead it and most likely, it may be someone outside our own group. Also, some want their own language to be included, but in a country of over 80 dialects, we cannot include every language.

I am hearing rumors that some believe Eritrea has provided support for the formation of the Alliance and may have a hidden agenda. Regardless, this organization is not run by Eritreans, but by fellow Ethiopians. Even the CUD, who most of us believe received the majority of actual votes from Ethiopians during the last election, have joined the Alliance, believing that it is a valuable means to freedom and democracy for all. I do not think the CUD would join if such a hidden agenda that they previously opposed, was included in its formation.

Instead of letting rumors fuel our fears, let us actively hold the Alliance accountable to their goals and principles upon which they were formed while at the same time, we put aside our prejudices and any destructive suspiciousness that can destroy this first significant step to a freer Ethiopia. Unity is our most effective medication against our disease that ails us. This does not just mean including the top 3, 4 or 10 ethnic groups, but every ethnic group in Ethiopia must join together, as we all are part of the path to our liberation.

As long as some are not free and are victims of human rights abuses, we are not free. Do your part to change your world for the better. Remember, a slave is someone who is waiting for somebody else to free him, even while complaining about being a slave. We should understand that we have to do our best to free ourselves and that we cannot do it alone. We must join together.

The duty of the leaders of the Alliance right now is a great one and I call on you leaders to seek God’s help in guiding you to do your job well. Right now, you must reach out in every direction and engage the people of every different background. You must communicate in every way possible about who you are and what you are about. Demonstrate your principles by reaching out to those who may be suspicious—to those who may be in disagreement.

Come forward and show us Ethiopians what you have and listen closely to our responses. Be willing to listen to suggestions, criticism and even insults as you will be perfected and held accountable in a way that will lead to the betterment of the Alliance and ultimately to all of us Ethiopians if you do. Engage with the people, unlike someone like Meles who said he was for the people, yet never stepped foot in Gambella or other places throughout Ethiopia. Stand up for the great principles of truth, like Ana Gomez who spoke the truth, despite becoming attacked by the EPRDF for saying it.

I challenge the leaders of the Alliance to well represent and carefully protect the interests of the 77 million Ethiopian people for whom you say you have been formed. You may be the founding fathers and mothers that help bring about true democracy in Ethiopia that is reflected in real liberty, justice, equality, and freedom of expression. What you do must reflect the interests of the Ethiopian people.

Handle this responsibility with great humility, diligence and care. These 77 million people are watching you to make sure you become who you say you are—that you stand up for the well-being of all, including the most disenfranchised. Once a climate of freedom exists, it will open up the way for political parties to elect the people they want as their leaders. These leaders then can work towards the universal availability of education, health care, women’s rights, environmental protection and a free-market economy.

The leaders of the Alliance may be called upon to negotiate with the government. I am not opposed to this, but those of you leaders must consult with Ethiopians and be extremely careful because the government knows its position is precarious with the birth of the Alliance, making them more open to dialogue, but not necessarily more open to actually giving up power and becoming accountable for its crimes, corruption and atrocities.

Consider the advice found in Psalms 94: 20-22:

Can a corrupt throne be allied with you—one that brings on misery by its decrees?
They band together against the righteous and condemn the innocent to death.
But the LORD has become my fortress, and my God the rock in whom I take refuge.

Leaders of the Alliance, as you soberly view the task ahead, seek God’s help. As the Psalmist writes in an earlier verse (Psalms 94: 18-19):

When I said, “My foot is slipping, your love, O LORD, supported me.
When anxiety was great within me, your consolation brought joy to my soul.”

Know that there will be mountains and valleys to this journey. As you reach out to people on the way, learn from them and do not depart from your passion for upholding what is right and good. Know that your journey is not alone, but that the memory of the lives of many who have been sacrificed, including the Anuak and student protesters, are constantly at your side. Appreciate how many Ethiopians have contributed to this opportunity and know that it not only to your credit, but is the answer to the prayers and efforts of many that have prepared the road ahead. Do not misuse your positions or be diverted from your mission and task. Be reminded that the work ahead is not for your own benefit, but for the benefit of those you serve—the people of Ethiopia. You must be servant leaders.

As authentic examples of such servant leadership, you could lead not only Ethiopia, but all of Africa to by a truly “new breed of leadership!” Meles was called this kind of leader, but never lived it out in his actions, deceiving many outside the country. Instead, if you truly live out the actions of being a servant of the people, you may be remembered as a true African who de-colonized Africa from the vampire African leaders who live on the blood of fellow Africans. These are the old breed of leaders. Be a new kind of leader.

When the Day finally arrives when freedom and democracy come to Ethiopia, many will thank God while being able to share in joyful singing and dancing as true contributors to this accomplishment. You and each and every Ethiopian will be like the rays from the rising sun over our beloved land of Ethiopia that illuminate the land with a new brightness that allows every Ethiopian from every ethnic group and background to see their surroundings as never before and to find their way out of their darkness and silence.

At that time, the child will have been raised, not only by one or two parents, but also by 77 million Ethiopians who have had a share in nurturing, protecting, disciplining and then feeling the pride that comes from seeing that the adult child they invested in has become even more than the child of our hopes and dreams.

My honorable leaders of the Alliance and fellow Ethiopians, let us take this job ahead of us very seriously. The cool and refreshing wind of change is blowing. The momentum has begun. Do not lose the opportunity before us. If we fail to do all we can or if we tear down the efforts of others, we are giving more years to the EPRDF and we all know that it would mean more killing, more injustice and more suffering. We must do our best to join the effort—we may not have a second chance!

Dawud Ibsaa’s recent interview on Les Nouvelles d’Addis and Hassen Hussien’s presentation to the EU Parliament prompted me to write this peace. There is no denying that since the May 2005 elections Ethiopia is entering a new political landscape. Finding itself at a cross-road every few years and taking the wrong turn is not a new phenomenon for Ethiopia. In the last thirty years we had traversed from one crisis to another in search of a political arrangement that could accommodate the diverse national, ethnic and political constituent parts, and every time we had failed. This trajectory has taken us from aristocratic government via military junta and communist state and landed us in a curious state dominated by Tigrai communist clique and intriguingly supported by western powers. In this long political journey the Oromos state of affairs had somewhat incrementally improved, but there is no denying that the main Oromo question, the question of power remains unresolved.

Both gentlemen’s statement and the news on Ethiopian Review over the weekend clearly indicate that there is something cooking; a recipe is in the making to create a broad coalition of forces. This is a new view for the OLF, and the OLF leadership should be congratulated for thinking out of the box and for taking such a bold and creative action that will promote the Oromo question to a higher level. The Oromo people are the most numerous people in Ethiopia, and the OLF is one of the oldest political organizations in Ethiopia. Both factors demand that the OLF take wise and bold actions that are commensurate with the people it claims to represent. The OLF cannot any longer afford to function in isolations from other Ethiopian people and other organizations, its stature and critical time we live in does not allow it.

What Necessitated This Change and Why Now?

In the past the OLF’s struggle concentrated on implementing the right of self-determination of the Oromo people after defeating and dismantling the Ethiopian state. The current thought, as could be discerned from Obbo Dawud’s interview, if possible is to change the identity of the Ethiopian state through democratic ways. This is a revolutionary idea whose time has come; and I say it should be firmly supported by all those who have Oromo interest at heart. Of course questions will be raised, some serious, some childish, some incisive and some shallow. And along series of question that may be raised, one of the first one will be, “what necessitated this change and why now?”

The first answer is, “the 2005 May election”. As “9/11 changed everything in America,” (President Bush) the May 2005 election changed everything in Ethiopia. Its effect is fundamental; hopefully students of history, political science and other will carefully study its ramifications.

Here, I will show only few. First, it showed the possibility of changing the EPRDF government through election. It showed the extent of how much the EPRDF is rejected. The rejection is such that any contested election that is not near perfect could lead to the ousting of the

incumbent.

Second, it showed that even though the people have rejected the EPRDF rule and are ready to oust it if they could get any chance to vote, they are not ready sacrifice their lives to achieve this. Mind you, I am not talking about few brave individuals who have been doing this and are still doing this; I am talking about the people as a large group. Third, the election has shown not only the weakness of the government, but also exposed the weakness of the liberation fronts and opposition organizations. Even if they could win elections, when the EPRDF rejected the result of the election, there was nothing much the opposition parties with or without other liberation fronts were able to do. They were not able to mobilize the populace in order to impose the will of the people. It showed the government inability to rule as before, as well as the others inability to take power yet.

Fourth, the May election exposed the true nature of the EPRDF to the international community. Given that this government depended much on the life support of the international community, this is a huge point. No government in Africa had such a good will from the donor countries as much as the EPRDF government. From the very time it came to power the government relied on the international donor countries not only for developmental aid, but also received huge amount of fund for budgetary support. If we look at the political support, we even see a much cozy relation between the west and EPRDF. Meles Zenwai was one of the first to realize the importance of the war on terrorism and one of the first to jump on the bandwagon of antiterrorism forces. The support he received, both economic and political, since then is a matter of public knowledge. He was one of the few African leaders who received the distinction to be labeled one of the new breed of African leaders. He was also one of the few handpicked leader to be on Tony Blair’s Commission for Africa. The May election changed all this, and he had become an embarrassment to the powers and individuals in the international community that supported him. But, even though the international community has cooled its relation and kept its distance, it has not come out and denounce Meles Zenawi’s actions and did not cut diplomatic relation or taken other drastic majors.

More on the Two Tensions

The two tensions described above, i.e., (1) the tension between the peoples’ rejection of the EPRDF, but inability to oust it, and (2) the international community’s realization of the antidemocratic nature of EPRDF, but continuation of its support, could be explained by the fear of the unknown. The fear of what may follow EPRDF is sustaining the EPRDF in power. Although EPRDF speaks in the name of national equality, its policy is not different from the classical divide & rule policy of any oppressive government. Few governments in history have politicized “ethnicity” as much as the EPRDF. It has effectively disseminated a seed of discord between different nations and nationalities in Ethiopia and between different political organizations for targeted benefit. In particular, it has efficiently divided the Oromo and Amhara, the two nations it believes could challenge its rule. It is always difficult for divided people to rise against the common oppressive regime, and this is especially true, where the divided segments fear one another more than the incumbent oppressive rule. To some extent the EPRDF had diligently and subtly worked on this and had also achieved some success. In order to oust the EPRDF, in any way, this should be changed.

The importance of forming an alliance for the OLF with other forces in Ethiopia will mean a huge step in the resolution of those two tensions I mentioned above. The formation of this alliance will diffuse the artificial contradictions and tension that the EPRDF had created between different peoples and organizations. This will in turn embolden the people to rise in unison against a tyrannical regime that is controlling power and hindering free and fair election. Rather than fear each other more that the force controlling the state machinery, peoples could now concentrate on the real deal rather than on shadow boxing or the ghost of the past. The cooperation of the OLF and other organization will help to promote the peoples rejection of the EPRDF rule to more active action of ousting it through any necessary means if the government does not abide by the will of the people. The intentional rift that the EPRDF created and which is sustaining it on power could only be bridged by forming an alliance of all major organizations.

The international community clearly had understood the antidemocratic nature of EPRDF, but they keep on supporting it not because they have special love for it, but simply because they believe that only chaos, anarchy or civil war will follow the fall of EPRDF. When presented with choice between democracy and stability they always opt for stability. The formation of an alliance will also help allay the fear they have regarding what may follow the aftermath of EPRDF. Such a fear that the EPRDF had purposely created could be only be defeated by forming such an alliance. With the formation of this alliance the international community could no longer justify its support for the EPRDF on the premises of stability.

On the Oromo Cause

The changing political environment in Ethiopia and internationally favors the formation of alliance for the OLF. Friends and foes alike are recognizing the importance of the resolution of the Oromo issue. There is a tacit and explicit recognition of the Oromo question more than any other time by other organizations. It could be safely concluded that no force in the county can any longer avoid the Oromo issue or try to hide it under the rug. There is a universal recognition, albeit reluctant, that the Ethiopian political problems could not be solved without head-on tackling the

Oromo question. This is the result of the resilience of the OLF and the endurance of our people’s struggle. The international community is almost looking at the OLF as one of the major key players to the persistent problems of the country. They are waiting for a reply from the OLF. The ball is already in OLF’s court, and the OLF should deliver by devising mode of struggle that is palatable to the international community. This is an opportune moment that rarely happens in history, and the OLF should seize the moment and act quickly or else we may lose it, as has happened many times before.

There is a legitimate apprehension among many Oromos regarding some of the organizations that may join this alliance. The basic question is whether these organizations would recognize Oromia. As far as I know there is no party that had officially come out and stated that it would dismantle the existing federal structure. At worst, we find some saying that this issue should be presented to the decision of the people. I have no problem with this. It should be left to the Oromo people whether they want to have their own self-administration or whether they want Oromia to be divided into the old Teklai Gizat or some form of structure that would not include the whole of Oromia. I have no doubt that the Oromo people will choose to have Oromia. And if we are confident about our people’s choice then we should not be worried if this issue is presented to our people. It is only with powers that would not agree to bring this issue to the decision of the people that the OLF should not form any alliance. For me at this stage of our existence, the question regarding the Oromo issue is not whether to form a unitary state or federation in Ethiopia, but whether to form an independent Oromia state separate from Ethiopia or forming Oromia state within Ethiopia (real federation). The choice that the Oromo people would make would highly depend on how other organization and parties will handle our issue.

Conclusion

Formation of an alliance will nurture the spirit of cooperation, and will create a foundation on which to build a lasting and durable solution to the many debilitating political, social, and economic problems. The formation of an alliance will help promote democratic values and will help to overcome attitudinal and structural obstacles for democracy. We have political organizations to lead our struggles and to handle some secondary contradictions from developing into full fledged conflicts, to negotiate and chart new ways and tactics in accordance with changing times and situations. I believe the OLF’s leadership is discharging its responsibility to our people when it is taking such a bold move. Like any new idea, it sure will encounter resistance from some corners. OLF should not be daunted by such resistance, but should build on this creative initiative and continue the struggle. Dogmatic attitudes never achieve victory, particularly when situations are fluid. This is a challenging time, and we should be apt to the challenge. We owe it to our people who have suffered for long.

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Olaana Abboma can be reached at [email protected]

Sharing my Night Memories of the 1974 Ethiopian Revolution and the Purpose of my Departure

By Maru Gubena (Ph.D.)
May 20, 2006

Among the multiple sources of Africa’s chronic economic poverty, social and political instability, and the persistent backwardness of the educational and health sectors is the exodus and permanent settlement of Africans: the brain drain. Indeed, millions of highly educated and skilled Africans in the Diaspora today are maturing and living in a world in which they have not been born – in their countries of asylum or immigration. As my own profile clearly illustrates, a large number of the currently maturing African Diaspora left their countries of origin carrying in their minds not just a bag of goals conducive to improving their own personal lives and those of their families back home, but also with a solid aim of returning home within a brief period – a maximum of one or two years. In reality, however, that has not been the case.

Night Memories of the 1974 Ethiopian Revolution and the Purpose of my Departure

As is true for every child, I too had my own personal ambitions, ideas and visions about what I wanted to be and how to become an active and productive member of society – a contributing force to the growth and development of my country, where I had no doubt when I was a boy that I would remain as an inseparable part of Ethiopian society. Oh, yes, I was convinced that Ethiopia was the place where I would spend my entire life. I was not just ambitious but I was also a boy devoted to my studies – to what I wanted to be in the future – and well known for being assertive. As far as I can recall, during the nostalgic period of my childhood, I was often engaged with expansive plans about what I wanted to be, including becoming a famous international attorney and at the same time a moderator of TV and conference debates. Seriously considering and exploring the possibilities to one day become a well-known and highly respected advisor to the head or heads of the government of my country of that memorable period were my sleeping tablets.

The vivid visions and night dreams I had during my childhood related to future socio-political and economic roles and responsibilities were compounded with sweet and tender dreams. Although I never told any of my best friends or family members, I was madly in love with my little neighbour girl named Gonaye, whom I always call “my Goni,” which can roughly be translated as “a good part of me.” As Goni repeatedly told me that she too was in love with me and her future life would be meaningless without me, I wanted to belong to her forever and spend the rest of my life with Goni. To me, at least at that period, there were no any other beautiful girls on earth as beautiful as my little Goni girl. She was not only beautiful, but also soft, loving and most generous. And despite being so young, the words and statements of Gonai were always carefully and wisely crafted and expressed in the most affectionate fashion. Love letters exchanged through trusted family house-guards were our main source of communication.

Whenever there was an opportunity, we met each other in late afternoon or early evening in a shop that was located in our neighborhood. With the limited time Goni and I were allowed to be outside, we made all possible efforts to make our time together enjoyable. We shared our bottles of soft drinks, but never kissed each other in the shop or in public places. We kissed each other through the fence that divided Goni’s house from mine, but only in the evening, when it was getting darker. We never dared to even to talk about sex. And consequently, Goni and I never even saw each other’s bodies without clothes. But since we knew that we loved each other so deeply and belonged to one another, there was no hurry at all for sex. We knew that as soon as Goni and I had completed our studies and had found jobs, we were going to get married, to have a joyful life and have our lovely children. I always lovingly expressed my desire to Goni to have at least six children – four girls and two boys. Goni preferred to have fewer children, only four – two girls and two boys. When we quarreled heatedly and emotionally about the number of children each of us would like to have, the charming and powerful words of Goni, “stop it now my love! You know that time will tell,” had the power to immediately end the discussion.

Indeed, as a teenager, I thought my many plans and vivid visions would make me a productive and responsible member of Ethiopian society. I also I had sweet and loving dreams of becoming a proud husband of my Goni girl and the father of my dream children, living in my own country. Most unfortunately, however, all my plans and night dreams, including the immeasurable true love I had for my Goni were abruptly interrupted by the upheavals of the 1974 Ethiopian revolution.

The 1974 Ethiopian Revolution and the Purpose of my Departure

I left Ethiopia during the upheaval that overthrew the Emperior Haile Selassie of Ethiopia, who had ruled my country for some forty years. Immediately after coming to power, the Ethiopian Revolutionary Provisional Government suspended the longstanding Ethiopian constitution, and arrested all former Ethiopian ministers, army and police generals and those associated with Haile Selassie. Finally, Haile Selassie himself was arrested and killed. The highly accelerated changes that accompanied these events, including the course and direction of the Ethiopian revolution, were appalling – even in some cases most terrifying. Yet, despite witnessing many fearsome events, I initially never thought of leaving my country. Besides, at that time I had no idea how to leave Ethiopia even if I wanted to do so. It was the events of just one night that decided that my life would be spent outside my country – Ethiopia. It was, I think, the second of October 1974. I was not at home; I had gone to spend the night not with Goni but with my best male friend – Melku Bezugeza. As it was then very normal in Ethiopia to sleep in one bed with a male friend, I was sleeping together with my friend in his bed. Yes, Melku was a friend of my childhood and my best friend. We did everything together. When we were together we usually talked almost the whole night, and listened to the news from minute to minute. Because of this habit and our persistent curiosity to know about events and developments both at home and abroad, Melku and I were probably among the first Ethiopians to hear about the murder of about 60 Ethiopian assets of Haile Selassie’s government, including ministers and other officials, from the Ethiopian radio news transmission in the early morning of the 23rd of November 1974. The country was full of fear, tension and uncertainties. No one knew when the soldiers would come, knock on the door as forcefully as they could and snatch one or more family members from a household, including our loved ones or us. During this fearful and most memorable period, Melku and I also became more fearful and dependent upon each other, unwilling to spend a day without seeing one another. Due to the accelerated tempo of structural changes in all areas, the continuing and most indescribable upheaval and the increasing number of young people being taken away and never coming back, Melku and I would go to sleep holding each other as tightly as we could. In those dark and terrifying days, my best friend Melku and I also used to pretend that we were both courageous and determined to defend each other as relentlessly as we could. Yes, Melku and I were good friends, prepared to give everything we had and to die for each other. Especially during the darkest hours each of us used to do our best to give words of encouragement to the other – “don’t be afraid, my best friend. No one will touch you while I am with you, as long as I am alive. Don’t be scared, I am here to defend you,” I said to him. And Melku Bezugeza responded with almost the same words, coming from stammering lips. “Listen, Tilo, someone will dare to touch you only when they see my dead body – when they perceive that I am dead and you have no one to defend you. But as long as I am well, alive and with you, no one is going to do anything to you. I am here to defend you until the end of my life.” These were Melku’s unforgettable words. Someone listening to our talks at that time could have easily seen that the words and statements we made to each other were purely a sign of fear, of being totally terrified by the actions we were witnessing.

Our fears were not baseless. Much to our shock and panic, the soldiers, about seven to nine of them came, started screaming and breaking down doors and everything they found in front of them. Melku and I did not know what to do or where to go. The soldiers were everywhere. But when we began to listen quietly and more rationally, the soldiers were not at our door. They were breaking the doors and property and terrifying the family of Melku’s neighbour. We heard the soldiers asking the mother of the family to tell them the whereabouts of two of her sons – the ones they were looking for. This lady, who was the mother of seven children, insisted that she did not know where her two sons were. I was standing and looking through a small hole in the door of Melku’s bedroom. I saw one of the soldiers pulling out a pregnant daughter of the woman and dragging her outside along the ground with all his power, then standing with his big shoes on her stomach, though one could see clearly that she was carrying a baby. She and her five-month old baby died immediately.

It was that night I made up my mind to leave Ethiopia. Although I have never in my life heard of a more beautiful, a better country with kinder or lovelier people than Ethiopia, I just wanted to disappear. Besides, many of the children of my uncles and aunts who were in my age group, and many of my friends, had already left Ethiopia without saying a word to me, to their friends or family members. Yes, I also felt lonely and helpless without most of my friends.

At the time, as for almost all Africans now living in the Western world, when I finally decided to leave my country I thought it would be just for a few months, or a maximum of one or two years – until the dust of the upheaval that was the Ethiopian revolution had settled. Given the ambitious socio-political and economic plans I had in my mind, combined with the joyful and affectionate relationship I had with Goni – whom I actually had considered as uncontested part of my future life – I never thought, never dreamed of spending a quarter of a century of my life in another country without her and the family members I was fond of, and in a country where I will never be in a position to say “this my county.” But I left Ethiopia without delay and without saying goodbye to my Goni girl, whom I still miss today.

The Future of the Maturing African Diaspora

Almost all of the currently maturing African Diaspora living permanently in the West have stories that are more or less the same, with short-lived plans that were as simple as mine. They initially left their countries to study for a few years, or immigrated thinking it was just for one or two years; they planned to return, get married, and live a better life in their own country or countries. As in my case, the great majority of Africans were forced to leave their motherland by political repression at home. However, in general people who initially thought they would definitely go back home within a few years never did. The reality is that almost all Africans who are now effectively settled in the west are living the same way of life as westerners, with a proper income and proper housing – in some cases a luxuriously organized way of life. Their new habits, combined with the day-to-day personal freedom of the west, mean that reintegration in the culture back home on a limited salary, with uncertain political conditions and limitations on freedom of movement, would not be an easy process.

What is more tragic in recent times is that while almost all of us left our hometowns with the intention of returning as soon as possible to the place where we belong, the possibility of fulfilling the old dream seems now to be very remote, even untouchable, due to the changing political maps in our countries of origin – with the deterioration of political stability, the persistent repression of political opponents and massive human rights violations. Consequently, some Africans may not even want to think about either going back or investing in their countries of origin.

The worsening political trend in recent times in countries like Ethiopia is reaching its climax in an irreconcilable fashion. On top of the existing internal, deadly political instabilities in the countries of the Horn of Africa, we observe new and mounting political turmoil in Ethiopia, in particular due to the measures undertaken by the vicious and power-thirsty regime of Meles Zenawi, aimed at eliminating political opponents and eradicating the people’s political parties from the land of Ethiopia. The killings of over one hundred innocent Ethiopian citizens since the May 2005 national election; the incarceration of our elected leaders; the unlawful mass arrests and torture, the terrorization and beatings of the mothers, wives, sisters and children of those suspected of supporting opposition political parties, have been instrumental in sending a clear message to the maturing and highly educated Ethiopian Diaspora, discouraging any idea of returning to their country of origin and contributing to the alleviation of poverty and helping to improve and expand the much needed educational sector and other aspects that will support the economy of the country.

The forces of political turmoil currently lashing much of Ethiopian society, clouding the economic and political map of my country, and the unacceptable measures undertaken – including unusually cruel methods of arrest, torture and killing – by Meles’s cadres, which have already been denounced both by Ethiopians and the international community at large, are not only becoming a bottleneck to the incalculable potential contributions of the very resourceful Ethiopian Diaspora to the development of Ethiopia. Instead, these forces have created an inextinguishable energizing focus on crafting and shaping complex mechanisms and strategies to challenge the unlawful measures being employed by the ruling party and to wage a peace-oriented diplomatic war against Meles, intend to weaken the economic and military power of the EPRDF and to isolate Meles himself from the wider international community upon which he and his ruling party are exclusively dependent.

It is additionally true that for some of the maturing Ethiopian Diaspora, the prospects for returning home have been darkened by the ongoing massive, atrocious crimes being committed by the ruthless cadres of Meles, as demonstrated by the arrival of the newly produced exodus of compatriot refugees who are joining the maturing Ethiopian Diaspora in their countries of asylum. Indeed, by accelerating the spread of fear throughout the country, the ruling party and its cadres are currently forcing the indispensable economic forces of Ethiopia to leave their country and loved ones. Just as we have seen in other countries with repressive regimes, the ruling TPLF party has been and is still intensively preparing the ground for western governments and private firms, who are unashamedly going directly to Ethiopia and other Africa countries with the aim of bringing more Africans to the west, draining African of brains by bringing out African doctors, nurses and other professionals.

What is most shocking and has in fact become an energizing and harmonizing force for a good number Ethiopians of my generation, whether in Ethiopia or residing in the Western world, those who experienced the unforgettable and painful periods of Mengistu’s era, however, is the fact that in our wildest dreams we had never thought that the spirit of Mengistu’s terror would once again come back to our country to haunt our children – the generation of my daughter.
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Dr. Maru Gubena is a political economist, writer and publisher. Readers who wish to contact the author can reach him at [email protected]