By Obang O. Metho

One month from today, March 8, 2007, will mark the 26th anniversary of the International Women’s Day. This commemorative day was established by the United Nations in 1977 as a special day to celebrate the progress made to advance gender equality and to assess the challenges that remain in bringing about such equality for women from diverse groups all over the world. Let us consider how we have done in achieving better equality for the women of Ethiopian during these twenty-six years.

Unfortunately, if we are honest, we may need to admit we could have done better—not only for the sake of women, but also for the sake of all of us in Ethiopia who could benefit from their involvement. In fact, in our struggle for peace, justice, democracy, prosperity and the overall well-being of our society we may have forgotten about one of our greatest untapped resources—our women! Let us then assess what we must do to give women a more central place in Ethiopia.

The respect of women and their inclusion in all aspects of society is a task for both men and women. We must do this together, empowering our mothers, sisters, wives, daughters and granddaughters to enter into to the mainstream of all aspects of life to take their positions next to men. Women make up half our population and within this group is huge potential for cultural, spiritual, social and economic good. Without their participation, we will limit our future hope of becoming a vibrant, robust, productive and flourishing society.

I, for one, would not be fighting for human rights without the influence of my blind, but very wise and caring grandmother. She once told me that God wanted human beings to care for and to protect other human beings. She cared for me, demonstrating this personally to me—so did my mother by nurturing me as a child and teaching me how to care for my siblings. My mother gave me some of my best lessons in how to reconcile with my brothers if we fought. She also taught me that losing was okay as none of us can always be winners. Together, my mother and grandmother promoted my education.

My grandmother though was the one who bought me my first pencil and notebook so I could go to school. Perhaps you have women like these in your life. Let us take a second look at how the women of Ethiopia as well as the women of Africa and around the world might help us through the crises that are breaking apart our beloved country, continent of Africa and the world.

For a long time, when we, the Anuak Justice Council, have talked about Ethiopia, we have not specifically addressed women and the issues affecting them as some of the most vulnerable and marginalized in our society, frequently suffering more and carrying larger burdens for the sake of our children and families than the men. Wherever there are human rights abuses, it is the women who frequently suffer the most from being raped and abused by soldiers to being solely responsible for protecting the children and the elders when the men are killed, detained or disappear. We are now calling on women to become engaged as key partners in bringing about our hope for success as a society and nation.

The purpose of this article is to call on all women of every age, ethnic group, religion, educational and socio-economic background to come out of the backrooms of our society—we value you and need you! We need your ideas, influence, expertise, compassion, strength, faith, wisdom and prayers to give birth to a new society of Ethiopia that values each human being as being precious and equal in God’s eyes. Once that great foundational principle is accepted, greater freedom, justice and peace will follow!

With this in mind, we need all men to welcome women as equal partners in solving our crisis. We both bring complementary skills and gifts that are necessary or God would not have created both men and women. God gave more of a role to women than men in not only bringing life into this world, but also in nurturing, caring, loving, guiding, empowering and sustaining the lives of those in their families. They often are the first to sacrifice for the needs of the children in their families and are the ones to bring about reconciliation between family members. Many women more easily recognize the human limitations affecting both men and women, making them more ready to call on God for help for all their needs.

Our history proves that more war has been instigated and more killings have been committed by men than by women. Look at genocide. Who are the perpetrators and masterminds behind it? Again, it is usually not the women. Yet, when it comes to running our society we may have failed because we have not used all available resources—our women. We have put our women in the kitchen while the men are in the living rooms of our society making all the decisions about where we should go and what we should do. We may need to call our women out to the living room, to share with us in opening up the door to a new Ethiopia, one that revisits all life—including our own and the lives of our children and grandchildren.

Our past record is not so good. God may have something to say to us men who are stronger, more privileged and “in charge.” He may disagree with how we have used our strength and power; at times we have failed to protect the more vulnerable and instead have used our position as a means to declare war against life—even the lives of our “loved ones.” In doing so, we Ethiopians have earned the unfortunate record of being more physically abusive to the women in our society than most any others studied, according to an October 11, 2006 United Nations report indicating that nearly 60% of Ethiopian women were subjected to sexual violence, including marital rape.

In the same report from a year earlier, October 12, 2005, it is indicated that domestic abuse is so rampant in Ethiopia that nine out of ten women have accepted it and think their husbands are justified in beating them for such things as “going out without telling their spouse,” or in the opinion of their spouses, “neglecting the children or preparing food badly.”

According to the same report, women are shown to be more vulnerable than men in our society in many ways, such as the lack of adequate female health care, leading to thousands of women dying from childbirth. “Women had higher levels of HIV than did men and were less likely to enroll in schools with only 16% making it into a secondary education. Women bore the brunt of poverty, disease and inequality in Ethiopia, yet they made up 30 percent of the workforce, often carrying out backbreaking tasks for up to 15 hours a day.”

Right now, many women are suffering greatly in Ethiopia. For instance, among the Anuak, a large percentage of them are now widowed or alone because their husbands have been killed or imprisoned. If they stayed in Gambella, they became the sole providers for their families in an agricultural society, attempting to care for their children while also tending to the fields. They and their children live a difficult life, still grieving over the loss of their husbands, fathers, brothers and uncles.

Some women took their children and escaped to a refugee camp in Pochalla, Southern, Sudan, walking seven days, frequently carrying their young children and sometimes being raped by military men along the way as they sought safety for their children. There are many other cases of women suffering throughout our country because of the human rights abuses rampant in Ethiopia. The impact of these crimes has been especially great on the women who have been left to bear the responsibility of their families after their husbands have been killed, detained or disappeared. Others face deep grief over the loss of a son or daughter.

As leaders in Ethiopia, many of us men have led the way in creating an environment of hatred, violence, division and the devaluation of women, children and of life in general. Perhaps we all would benefit by better re-evaluating our actions towards women and adjusting our attitudes to better include them in the discussion of how to create a more peaceful, loving, caring, just, democratic and God-fearing society. Think about it! We all have women to thank for bringing us into this world. It has often been our mothers and grandmothers who have shaped us, helping us to become the people we are today! Now we need them to help shape the family of Ethiopia.

We often hear about the men in prison, but not about the hundreds of women who are political prisoners of conscience such as opposition party leaders, journalists, human rights defenders, scholars and others who have spoken out against the current government. Let us look at four of these remarkable Ethiopian women who have paid the debt for their country—one even giving birth to a premature child in prison.

In standing up for their moral convictions, they are suffering as much or more than the men, but we have been overlooking them. Bertukan Mideksa, Nigist Gebrehiwot, Seblework Tadesse, and Serkalem Fasil are facing serious fabricated charges of treason and genocide in a trial that is coming up on Februrary 19, 2007. They need our prayers and support. Harsh action against them by the EPRDF is meant to intimidate us Ethiopians into silence, but let their example inspire us on in our journey towards democracy. They and their families have sacrificed much in their struggle for a better life for our people.

Let us hear more about them through a summary a friend provided to the AJC. This and other stories make them real people like us men:

“Judge Bertukan Mideska, 32, is a former federal judge and the Vice-Chair of CUDP (Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party). She was black listed by the ruling party in Ethiopia after courageously refusing to buckle to Prime Minster Meles’s pressure to deny bail to a defendant during a politically charged trial. She left the court and became an accomplished criminal lawyer taking on more pro-bono cases than many of her colleagues. Today this honorable lady is locked in Kaliti prison with dozens of violent criminals in a single, crowded cell. She is the sole provider for her family comprising of her elderly mother, sister and young daughter, leaving them to survive on the little savings she had prior to her imprisonment and the generous support of others.

Nigist Gebrehiwot, 48, is a high school teacher, human rights activist and member of the Central Council of CUDP. Nigist was among the founders of the first national human right organization in Ethiopia known as EHRCO (Ethiopian Human Right Council).

Nigist later joined Kestedemena Party, a member of the Coalition, and worked as a party organizer for CUDP played a key role in the run up to the May 2005 election designing the election campaign with Dr. Berhanu Nega, Mayor-elect of Addis Ababa (also incarcerated and charged with treason and attempted genocide). A mother of three and sole provider of her family, she remains imprisoned for thirteen months confined to a cell occupied by 70 other women leaving her family to bear the emotional and financial burden of her absence.

Serkalem Fasil is a 32-year-old journalist, along with her fellow journalist husband Eskinder Nega and owner of prominent independent newspapers. Serkalem and Eskinder were targeted for their courageous exposure of the ruling party’s campaign to steal the election results and the crackdown on pro democratic forces and the public at large.

Serkalem was 4 months pregnant when she was arrested and spent several months of difficult pregnancy in the notorious Kaliti Prison. She gave birth to her son who was removed from her shortly after she gave birth. She has been suffering from severe depression as a result of her separation from her child and husband who is also languishing in prison.

Seblework Tadesse also incarcerated and charged with treason and attempted genocide worked as the CUDP (Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party) youth coordinator prior to the May 2005 elections. This young lady also faces the death penalty if convicted by the Courts, which are proven to be an extension of the ruling party”.

These and many other like-minded women have stood up for lasting change in Ethiopia and it has not been without high cost. They have been willing to contribute something from their own lives for the sake of others, planting the seeds of change. The seeds they and others have planted, must be cared for, watered and nurtured as they are planting the seeds of tomorrow. These women in prison are like beautiful flowers coming from a lush plant that have now pollinated, spreading the seeds that will produce more flowering plants across Ethiopia—from the east to the west and from the north to the south. As Ethiopian women and men from differing ethnic and religious backgrounds water these seeds, the future blooms of these plants that you help to grow may be your grandmothers, mothers, sisters, daughters, your granddaughters, the mothers of your grandchildren, the wives of your grandsons, your nieces, your neighbors, the women in your tribe or even the women of the world.

These values are not exclusively owned by the West or by feminists, but are values deeply rooted in this world by our Creator who created both women and men as equals in His image, calling us to respect, honor, love and protect women and each other as we would our own bodies. After all, this applies to the woman you married and with whom you may have produced children that will carry on your name. Keep in mind, every Ethiopian woman is someone else’s child, mother, sister, wife, aunt, niece or grandmother—so consider them part of our Ethiopian family. We must look at these women as people of God-given worth and because of this, it is the duty of every Ethiopian man—old or young, rich or poor, educated or uneducated, from your family or tribe or from another family or tribe—to protect, respect and honor each Ethiopian woman. It is your God-given duty as a citizen of this world to value both men and women, as equally precious in God’s sight.

In the Bible, the Apostle Paul talks in I Corinthians 12: 14-20 about the body as being made up of many parts, where all are needed for the whole body to function well. He writes:

Now the body is not made up of one part, but of many. If the foot should say, “Because I am not a hand, I do not belong to the body,” it would not for that reason cease to be part of the body. And if the ear should say, ”Because I am not an eye, I do not belong to the body,” it would not for that reason cease to be part of the body. If the whole body were an eye, where would the sense of hearing be? If the whole body were an ear, where would the sense of smell be? But in fact God has arranged the parts in the body, every one of them, just as he wanted them to be. If they were all one part, where would the body be?” As it is, there are many parts, but one body. The eye cannot say to the hand, “I don’t need you!” And the head cannot say to the feet, “I don’t need you!” On the contrary, those parts of the body that seem to be weaker are indispensable, and the part that we think are less honorable we treat with special honor…. so, there should be no division in the body, but that its parts should have equal concern for each other. If one part suffers, every part suffers with it; if one part is honored, every part rejoices with it.”

Think of this advice in terms of the body of Ethiopia—we need all the parts to be complete. Our Constitution gives equal rights and opportunities to women, but in practice, these laws are violated in our actions by the way women are abused, disrespected or blocked from participation in many areas of our society. I am not exaggerating.

As a young man still living in Africa, I saw many women being hit with a stick or slapped in the face by their husbands or others while other people sat nearby, doing and saying nothing to stop it. As recently as 2003, I saw women being beaten up by their spouses or loved ones in Ethiopia and again, no one sitting near by did anything about it like it was a normal, everyday occurrence!

As someone who has come from a marginalized group, I refuse to speak up for my own ethnic group without speaking up for other marginalized ethnic groups as well as for the women, the children and the vulnerable. If all of us really mean what we say when we talk about creating a new Ethiopia where there is freedom, peace, justice and democracy, we must understand that equality, respect and the protection of the women, children and the disabled of our country should be a top priority. There will be some brothers among us who will say, “Let us deal with issues of changing this government first—the issues affecting women will come later.” But, in my opinion, if we are going to be honest about wanting change, we must include women and other marginalized people in the public discussion. If we are talking about the transformation of Ethiopia, we must start with ourselves and as we do, we may see some transformation in our own families.

There are some things about our culture that we know are not good. We should reform or abandon these things and adopt what we know to be right. For example, in most of our cultures, it is the women who are doing all the cooking, laundering and childcare. They are obtaining the water and gathering of firewood. This does not have to be the case now. We as men can show we care and love our families by helping with the daily tasks of life. Even little gestures can make a difference. Start seeing your wife not as someone who always is supposed to serve you, but as a valued partner in your life, in the life of your family and in the life of your community, church, mosque, synagogue and nation. You may bring new peace to your homes and marriages applying these principles of kindness and unity.

Yet, know that it is oftentimes a challenge to balance family, work and contributing to our struggle for freedom in Ethiopia, especially if there is a lack of communication and openness to considering the perspective of your spouses. I have been told about such a problem existing in 87 different couples that someone had counted as having separated from their spouses in the last year because one was working on issues of justice, while the other one was working on the family. Sometimes one of them had given the other the ultimatum of choosing between work with their political party, or their family. Some have been threatened with divorce if the spouse attends one more meeting. These problems are very real and difficult as both parties probably have justifiable goals and complaints, but how can we listen to each other better and try to share responsibilities more, perhaps encouraging involvement by both in a balanced way. Some of our spouses will not understand, but we should try, as these are some of the issues we must talk about.
Some of my brothers may disagree with me, which is okay, because conflicting ideas can frequently bring about better solutions as our ideas are challenged and tested. The most important point being—that we are talking about a transformed Ethiopia where we can agree to disagree and not be killed, imprisoned or charged with genocide for speaking out!

I appeal to all Ethiopian women to become engaged in bringing about this kind of transformation. You are needed to be part of this quilt of Ethiopia—without the colors, shapes and stitching that mark your presence—the quilt will be incomplete. This is not about competition between men and women. It is not about who should be more in charge and who should be subordinate. It is about nurturing and supporting both sides of the plant so one side is not wilted while the other flourishes. It is about sharing, respecting, valuing and loving one another as part of a greater family, made up of many individuals, both men and women.

This goes for your own family members as well as for the beggars or prostitute you see in the street—they are the children from someone’s family—they are not outsiders to the family of Ethiopia. They may need help and encouragement to break the cycle of poverty and self-destruction. God wants us to treasure other human beings and to not ignore the suffering of others. Even if they are strangers to us, they are not strangers to God. If we want to flourish as a society, we must help our people flourish and that includes our women, by closing in the gap between men and women in the simple matters of daily life.

As an African, I yearned for the fruits of social stability, peace and good governance that would give me a chance to follow my dreams, but did not find them until I got to a western country. This is wrong. Should we not work for such a climate in Ethiopia so that we do not have to leave our country for another to find it? The same is true for the women of Ethiopia. Do they have to leave Ethiopia to find opportunity and sometimes to escape from abuse, disrespect and marginalization committed by none other than their own husbands, brothers, fathers, grandfathers, community members and countrymen? Unfortunately, even many women sometimes accept and promote this kind of devaluation of women. Other women have become passive thinking that men have been running most aspects of society for years and that there is no room for women. However, if you women fail to speak up, you will never have the opportunity to fully contribute—something that keeps one of the greatest lost treasures of Ethiopia, of Africa and even the world from being discovered—our much needed women!

Within more marginalized ethnic groups and regions, women have even less of a window of opportunity. For example, few Anuak women have been given the chance to become educated, yet those who found their way to do so, have proven to be highly capable, motivated, intelligent and committed women who have contributed to the lives of those around them. For example, Ariet Peter Deng, was in Gambella when the massacre of the Anuak of December 13, 2003 began. Her father Mr. Peter Deng was one of the first men to be killed. Because of her leadership skills and education, she was seen as a threat and was arrested at the same time. She has since been released, but she is a real leader and capable of much more in the future.

My sister-in-law’s father, a devout pastor, was one of the first men as well to be killed in the massacre, yet she is an outstanding example of being a woman of faith who is trusting God through her losses without holding on to a revengeful, hate-filled spirit. Instead, she is attending a Christian seminary with her husband and they, along with their children, plan to go back home to carry on the work that her father had started in Gambella.

Another woman, Abang Lero Kwut, heads up the Anuak Women’s Association in North American, an organization with many other very capable women of whom I cannot mention all their names. However, it was this women’s organization that paid the way for one of their founding leaders, Akuthi Okoth, to attend as a female representative of the Anuak Justice Council at the United Nations in New York where she gave testimony at the Commission on Indigenous People’s Rights in May of 2004. Most people may not realize that Anuak Justice Council (AJC’s) Boards is being chaired by this outstanding woman, Ms. Akuthi Okoth. Yes, my Compatriots, Obang O. Metho’s boss is a woman. She is very bright, educated and passionate about her people and country. She has demonstrated her leadership ability to many and the AJC would not be where it is today without the help of such a great woman. Other non-Anuak women have also contributed to this work. These are the few I can mention, but there are many more around me and around you.

Women with a heart for Ethiopia, are not only capable of participating in politics, but some of them are also capable of running this government and other positions of great responsibility. For instance, in Liberia, a woman, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, the mother of four boys and the grandmother of six children, is Liberia’s first elected female president, as well as the first elected female leader on the continent of Africa. She was needed to pull together a war torn, divided and conflict-ridden country.

We in Ethiopia also need someone who can help us move past our hate-filled, greedy, revengeful, divisive ethnic politics that has reached its zenith with Meles Zenawi. Women have an important role to play. There are many examples in history.

Rosa Parks began the Civil Rights movement in the United States, fueled by her faith and moral convictions. Eleanor Roosevelt, the wife of President Franklin D. Roosevelt helped promote Universal Declaration of Human Rights for the United Nations that has given us the foundation of our international human rights laws.

There were women surrounding Jesus in the Bible that provided for his support and who gave him rest from his weariness when he needed it. It may be the women who give birth to life that most despise a culture that destroys such life. Even our own Ethiopian women in history, opened clinics and schools across the country, established women rights organizations, served right along us men at times of war to protect the sovereignty of Ethiopian and even led battalions to combat foreign invaders such as Queen Taitu during the battle of Adwa. There are many who do similar needed work but we need more of you to step up and be heard. You may be the first to call Ethiopia to end the senseless killing, division, hate and oppression that has marked us with a curse we men continue to choose for ourselves due to pride, anger (from our hurt) and stubbornness.

We have come up against major obstacles to our future and we call for women to step out into the open—we need you. Your voices must be heard. Please contribute your wisdom, strength, perseverance, compassion, experience and courage. To start with, reach out to other Ethiopian women, especially those of you who have had the opportunity of an education, should do this. However, even if you are not educated, do your part in empowering our nation to come out from our self-destructive ways and help us to find a way to peace, forgiveness, reconciliation and restoration.

I hope that Ethiopian women will start organizing a national women’s conference and movement where Ethiopians from all around the world, from different ethnic groups, from different regions of Ethiopia, from different religious backgrounds, different ages, young and old, educated and uneducated, could come together to talk about the issues that are affecting them that could lead to empowering women—especially as it is women and their children who are suffering so greatly in our country.

Wherever you are, you are called to join together. Call your friends, organize a meeting in your community and brainstorm how you can accomplish goals for bringing greater justice, equality, peace, stability and prosperity to Ethiopia. Such a conference could be a great starting point!

Already some women, the Ethiopian Women for Peace and Democracy (EWPD) have organized a prayer campaign, “World Wide Prayer for Ethiopia’s Prisoners of Conscience, for Peace, Justice and Compassion in Ethiopia,” that is calling on everyone to prayer for God’s deliverance for the Ethiopian people. As many of you know, we need God’s help to accomplish real and sustainable change that only comes when we change our lives to reflect God’s principles.

See their article at: www.ethiomedia.com/addfile/ewpd_prayers.pdf. They call on all sisters, brothers and friends all over the world and in Ethiopia to pray for peace, love and forgiveness. They exhort us to relinquish all animosity. They say, “Often we believe we are powerless to make a difference or do not know how to change things for the better. Prayer in unity is simple and yet a very powerful way to peace. Let’s take this journey together and make a difference.”

Women of Ethiopia, we need you in our struggle for justice, peace, equality, freedom and democracy. We need you to help us reconcile with God and with each other! You are often the ones who tell your families to resolve their conflicts, to forgive each other and to pray to God for help. We Ethiopians are asking for you to help us do the same now.

May God help women to rise up to help in Ethiopia in our continued struggle. Your ideas may spark the flames that ignite the fires of peace, love and freedom. As these fires bring new light to our way, may we choose the light rather than the darkness under which we have lived for so many years. May God guide Ethiopian women and men to work together to find the peace and joy found in valuing, respecting and appreciating one another as God intended!

If you have ideas for what you see could help us in this effort, please email those thoughts and suggestions to: Mr. Obang O. Metho, E-mail: [email protected]

__________________________________________
For additional information, please contact:
Mr. Obang O. Metho,
Director of International Advocacy:
Phone (306) 933-4346
E-mail: [email protected]

By Berhanu G. Balcha

The minority rule in Ethiopia has been greatly benefited from the paralyses to create effective and sustainable rapprochement between the Amharic speaking and Oromiffa speaking elites. Oromiffa and Amharic speaking people in Ethiopia account about 70 percent of the total population of the country, occupy about 50 percent of the landmass, with relatively better-educated manpower and resource availability. Neither the Amharic speaking, nor the Oromiffa speaking people lose in a genuine democratic transition, effective ethnic groups right or genuine federal arrangement in Ethiopia. These two language groups can constitute a Statsvolk or a core national people, as they are demographically and electorally dominant groups in Ethiopia to guarantee stability, rights and democracy in the country.

Recently, there are some encouraging initiatives. However, the initiatives have been compounded with confusions and difficulties. To start with, the minority regime in Ethiopia, which has worked very hard to exacerbate mistrusts and confusions between these dominant groups, is again restless in using various tactics to destroy the initiatives. Internally, the minority rule has advantages in commanding the national economy, national army and deceptive media, and externally, its opportunistic foreign policy has been pegged to the interest of a ‘neo-conservative’ interests of the super power that can guarantee material, moral and political support in order to countervail its weak internal legitimacy. These are the obvious behaviours of a minority rule: a total control of an economy, rely on a brutal army, utilising a deceptive media and act as a surrogate to external interest. It is logical and consistent that the minority regime in Ethiopia should do these in order to survive in power.

However, to emasculate the opportunistic and brutal tactics of the minority rule, the majority groups in Ethiopia must effectively do their homework with an effective, sustained and powerful popular resistance inside Ethiopia. The power of the ‘Statsvolk’, or the core and majoritarian national people would be the best way that could guarantee stability and democracy in Ethiopia. But not to install themselves as oppressive bi-ethnic hegemony over other groups, rather they can be protectors of rights of other minority groups. The people of the two language groups would certainly benefit more from a democratic political arrangement and respect of the rights of other groups in Ethiopia.

The Oromiffa speaking elite have to understand that firstly, the Amharic speaking people in Ethiopia have a considerable political power that cannot be easily undermined or disregarded. The unjustly and brutally imprisoned CUD’s leadership, for their considerable and crushing victory over the TPLF in May 2005 election, is a living and powerful example to get an important lesson. Secondly, there have been generational interconnections between these two larger groups; it has been both conflictual and harmonious, as it is the case of human interactions. The history of any human society, even a small homogeneous kin group, is full of past brutalities, killings and enmities. Self-readings of the past should not become an obstacle for current and future progresses. Thirdly, it is very difficult to find a peaceful way for the Oromiffa speaking people to get out of Ethiopia. It could be easier and possible to live together in peace, respect and democracy rather than to suffer or perish together simply to wish for break up. Political communities or human societies not necessarily need a peaceful past to live together; rather they need more peaceful present and common future: cultural identities and political identities can be reconciled or co-exist.

The Amharic speaking elite also have to understand that the struggle for ethnic rights or secession is not inherently undemocratic. In many democratic countries such as Belgium, Canada, France, Great Britain, India, Spain, USA the demands for ethnic rights or secession have been treated democratically. ‘Secessionists are on TV and in newspaper, and compete freely for elected office’. And secessionist political parties often get substantial support in elections- 40 percent in Quebec; 30 percent in Scotland; 15 percent in Flanders, the Basque country or Catalonia; and 5 percent in Puerto Rico’ (Will Kymlicka, ‘Emerging Western Models of Multinational Federalism: Are they Relevant for Africa?’, 2006:45). As, a distinguished scholar in the field of ethnonationalism, Walker Connor, indicates, that minority nationalism is a global phenomenon, it is:

“to be found in Africa (for example, Ethiopia), Asia (Sri Lanka), Eastern Europe (Romania), Western Europe (France), North America (Guatemala), South America (Guyana), and Oceania (New Zealand). The list includes countries that are old (United Kingdom), as well as new (Bangladesh), large (Indonesia), as well as small (Fiji), rich (Canada), as well as poor (Pakistan), authoritarian (Sudan) as well as democratic (Belgium), Marxist-Leninist (China) as well as militantly anti-Marxist (Turkey). The list also includes countries which are Buddhist (Burma), Christian (Spain), Moslem (Iran), Hindu (India) and Judaic (Israel)”. (Walker Connor, ‘National Self-Determination and Tomorrow’s Political Map’ 1999: 163-4)

Thus, democracy may induce or reduce a demand for secession. If it creates an opportunity for fair representation and accommodation of politically significant groups, it may discourage a demand for secession, but there is no good evidence to claim that it would completely reduce or destroy ethnonational movements. Democracy would create an opportunity for all political groupings to compete for votes of the people. As a result, the ethnonational movements can also have a right to advance their political agenda in a democratic manner to attract the votes of their assumed constituency. Thus, democracy can create an opportunity or danger in multiethnic society in which separatist ethnonational movements are politically visible.

In connection to the situation in Ethiopia, it is obvious that ethnonational movements have been visible in country’s political arena since 1960s. No matter what we have labelled them, such as ‘narrow movements’ or ‘liberation movements’; ‘enemies of Ethiopia’ or ‘assets of Ethiopia’, ‘mercenaries’ or ‘genuine fighters’, the ethnonational movements have been a great irritation to the desire and project of a unified and melting-pot Ethiopia.

Nonetheless, separatist and regional movements are not unique phenomena that have happened only in Ethiopia; they are common political problems in state structuring processes everywhere in our planet. As we Ethiopians are part of this planet, ethnonational movements can also occur in our country. Therefore, it is important to consider the challenges rationally rather than to hide into some kind of a sacred or spiritual destiny that advocates the immunity of Ethiopia from ethnonationalist movements.

Ethnonationalist or liberation movements are part and parcel of the problems of politics in Ethiopia, as it has been the case in some other places; therefore they require a political solution. We may desire them to vanish or we may want them to be destroyed by force or by whatever metaphysical power, but the empirical evidences are trivial for success of such desires.

Consequently, if we assume that democracy will be a best option to tackle the major political problems in Ethiopia, thus the demands of the ethnonational or liberation movements would also be addressed in a democratic principle, in which the judge and jury would be the voices and votes of the Ethiopian people. Democracy is a system in which rival groups and hostile political philosophies and position would compete for the vote of the people in a peaceful manner. As a result, the ethnonational organisations such as ONC, OFDM, TAND, as well as the liberation or secession movements such as OLF, ONLF in Ethiopia can have a right to advocate their political programmes and compete for votes. In a democracy, any individual or political organisation has a right to advocate secession in a peaceful manner and to get elected, as it has been the case in many democratic countries such as Canada, Great Britain (Scotland), Spain, USA (Puerto Rico).

A democratic political system could bring an opportunity or danger for the unity of Ethiopia. If the ethnonational and liberation movements able to secure vast support and votes in a democratic election based on their appeal for separatism and exclusive group rights, we may be forced to accept the verdict of the people, as it is always very difficult to determine in advance the outcome of a democratic election. Are we envisioning such kind of democracy in Ethiopia? Or, are we envisioning a different model of democracy in Ethiopia that will put pre-conditions or restrictions on ethnonational and liberation movements? Although there may be different variants of democratic political systems, is there a consensus in Ethiopia among the major political groupings, civil society groups, ethnic communities and ordinary people regarding a democratic model that would be appropriate and acceptable to the Ethiopian people. The answer to this question has not been still determined and will not be also resolved so easily; it is an awesome political challenge that has been confronting the Ethiopian people.

The May 2005 election, however, signalled an important political direction in Ethiopia. Although many prominent political organisations like EPRP and OLF were excluded, the election reflected that a pan-Ethiopia and non-ethnonational political organization, CUD gained victory in major urban centers, including 100 percent victory in Addis Ababa, and overwhelming majority votes in the Amhara region and Gurage zone. Whereas, the ethnonational organizations within UEDF (such as ONC, HNDO and SEPDC), gained victory in Hadiya and western Shoa, and OFDM in Western Wellega area that reflect the ethnic background of the organizations. To be more specific regarding CUD, firstly, from the total of 140 national parliament seats of CUD’s ‘confirmed’ victory, 68 seats were in Amhara region (in towns and rural areas), 1 seat in Benishangul (urban area), 2 in Dire Dawa city, 1 in Harar city, 20 in Oromia (mainly in towns), and 25 seats in the SNNP (mainly in Gurage zone and in other towns) and 23 in Addis Ababa. Secondly, from the total of 139 electoral districts seats in which, CUD filed for irregularities, 53 are in Amhara region (in towns and rural areas), 33 in Oromia (mainly in towns), 43 in the SNNP (mainly in towns), 8 in Afar and 2 in Harar.

Thus, from the total of 279 electoral seats in which CUD would have won (which could have made him a winning party at the federal government level, but not necessarily in most of the regional states’ governments level) 121 seats would be from Amhara region (which was 87 percent of the regional state’s seats for the national parliament), 53 in Oromia (which was only 19 percent of the region’s seats for the national parliament), and 78 seats in the SNNP (which was 60 percent of the region’s seat in the national parliament). This could have made CUD a ruling party in the federal government, Addis Ababa administration, Amhara regional states and Gurage zone in the SNNP region, but very tiny minority party in the Oromia region and other regional states as well. Thus, it would have been indispensable to seek an effective participation of the larger regional state like Oromia to create a stable and effective governance system in Ethiopia following the May 2005 Election.

An effective alliance between the Oromiffa speaking and Amharic speaking people is a crucial condition, either to establish a democratic governance arrangement in Ethiopia or to accelerate the struggle against the tyranny of the minority TPLF rule. It is an essential task to aim in producing a just and viable political order that will protect individual and group rights, which are anchored on principles of human rights and democracy within the context of an integrated Ethiopia. It is essential to nurture a united Ethiopia that aims to suppress hubris and uphold humility, promote respect and trust while dissuading vengeances and pomposity, to produce a more accurate, sensitive and all-encompassing national history. Neither a tiny minority rule, a return to the past, secession, nor closed ethnic homelands would be alternative arrangements for Ethiopia.

Berhanu G. Balcha is the Vice-Chairman of the Network of Ethiopian Scholars (NES)-Scandinavian Chapter.

This writing does not necessarily reflect the views of NES-Scandinavian Chapter.

The author may be contacted at: [email protected]

By Obang O. Metho
The Anuak Justice Council

In a recent meeting with an United States government elected representative, I was advised to call for urgent action from those in positions of influence to bring attention to the impending trial of the imprisoned leaders of the main opposition party—The Coalition for Unity and Democracy Party (CUDP), scholars, independent journalists, and human rights advocates who will soon be facing the fabricated charges of treason and attempting to incite genocide A conviction of such charges (a likely sentencing on February 19), carries the death penalty in Ethiopian penal system. In the last year, the press, government decision makers and others in the international community have given little attention to the crisis unfolding in Ethiopia, exemplified by widespread human rights abuses and the overall corruption of justice, freedom and democracy in the country. At times, political agendas between non-Ethiopians in free countries and Ethiopians have collided and conflicted; yet, with more information and your assistance at this critical time, some or even many—may decide it is time to do much more! No one can exert more influence on those around you than YOU! With millions of Ethiopians living outside of Ethiopia, in many different countries and regions, together, we could have a huge sphere of influence where we could exert tremendous positive pressure for reform!

Many Ethiopians have discovered how to better use the political process of our countries and are better connected to many outside the Ethiopian community than ever before. We are now calling on you to make good use of this knowledge and of your connections in the next days and weeks. We need everyone’s help.

For instance, we heard about one taxi cab driver in Washington D.C. who gave a ride to a newly elected congressional representative from one of the states in the US. We have been told that the congressional representative is now giving credit to that cabdriver for becoming an advocate for the people of Ethiopia and their fight for democracy. Apparently, that cabdriver well utilized that opportunity to educate this government decision maker about the lack of freedom and justice in Ethiopia! We ask you to do the same wherever you can.

However, to help you, we are making available for your use, in part or in whole, an appeal Press Release that the Anuak Justice Council has sent to those we know or with whom we have worked in the media, to elected and appointed officials within the government of the United States, Canada and the European Union, Austral, South Africa and to leaders of other non-governmental organizations. In it we are asking individuals, organizations and the media to speak out on behalf of justice as the date of the trial of the CUD leaders, journalists and human rights activists draws closer.

On that date, February 19, 2007, and following, we are calling for those who value real freedom, democracy and justice, to publicly stand up for these prisoners of the current tyrannical regime in Ethiopia as well as speaking out for other prisoners of conscience in Ethiopia and against the widespread human rights abuses.

We ask you to pass on this call to those you know who could contribute to the effort. This could include your federal and state senators and representatives to Congress, your city and county officials, schools— from elementary level to university level, churches—from the local church or mosque to the headquarters of that church or mosque, community groups, the media—including TV news anchors, local newspaper editors, radio announcers, journalists, webmasters, human rights leaders and leaders within businesses and corporations in your area. Even your family, friends and acquaintances should be made more aware of this crisis of justice so they can get the word out and become engaged. It is now up to you to get the story out!

If you use the document below, you could copy it on two sheets of paper, using both sides, and give it out to people, who show an interest or you could mail it wherever you think it might educate others, leading them to take action. If you are contacting some elected official, it may help to send it by mail, with or without an attached letter from you, but with your address on it so it is known that you are a constituent because of your go fast code. You also might decide to make a phone call to someone or to arrange a meeting with those you think could help.

None of us knows how many letters, documents, meetings or phone calls it will take to make an impact. No one knows which contact might make the connection that brings it all together. It might be yours that tips the balance towards freedom and democracy so please join the effort! As we come together in unity of purpose for freedom and democracy, may God help us succeed!

____________________________________________________
For additional information, please contact:
Mr. Obang O. Metho, Director of International Advocacy:
Phone (306) 933-4346; E-mail: advocacy@anuakjustice
____________________________________________________

Appeal to the Media and Policymakers to Break the Silence about the Gross Human Rights Violations in Ethiopia and the Ethiopian Struggle for Peace, Justice, Freedom and Democracy

February 5, 2007

Ethiopians are struggling for freedom and democracy in their country and either no one is listening or worse, could we in the United States, United Kingdoms, UN, European Union, Australia, Canada, South Africa and especially the African Union have adopted a “no talk” rule about it in an attempt to advance our own interests? How will history and the Ethiopian people judge us if this indeed is the case? Are we creating enemies needlessly or must their movement for true democracy be sacrificed for a greater good? Is the greater good only ours? Is it necessary that our interests be in competition with the needs of the Ethiopian people? We invite you to consider the situation from the perspective of Ethiopians.

On February 19, 2007 a trial of the leaders of the Opposition Party who ran against the current ruling party of the Ethiopian Peoples’ Republic Democratic Front (EPRDF) in the Ethiopian National Election of May 2005 will be taking place in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. The Federal Special Court in Ethiopia is set to make a final ruling against CUD leaders, journalists and anti-poverty activists. Most Ethiopians believe that these leaders would have actually won the election had it not been rigged. Independent observers, such as the Chief Observer of the Election Process from the European Union, Ana Gomes, reported that the election did not meet international standards and has challenged the outcome of that election.

When the EPRDF self-proclaimed themselves as the winners, protest broke out that was met with excessive violence from security forces under the authority of PM Meles leading to the killing of 193 of the protestors. In November of 2005, these leaders were imprisoned on fabricated charges of genocide and treason. They now face a probable serious outcome at this trial where most do not expect true justice to be executed. Such an outcome would further undermine the struggle for democracy in Ethiopia.

Many Ethiopians are asking—will there be any international media coverage of this trial and if so, will it be biased or will it accurately represent the reality of the situation in Ethiopia? Will elected officials in the United States and other democratic countries speak out for a fair trial, as emissaries of the principals of free elections that gave them their own offices? Will pressure be put on the ruling government of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi to release these leaders and thousands of others who are considered prisoners of conscience, languishing in prisons across Ethiopia whose only crime was speaking out against the current government?

In addition, they ask—as Ethiopia and its prime minister have been in the news for invading Somalia as a partner in the War on Terror, will there continue to be silence in the public media about the gross human rights abuses which are widespread across Ethiopia, including the ethnic cleansing of the Anuak people of the Gambella region of southwestern Ethiopia by Ethiopian National Defense Forces that began in December of 2003—their main offense—their indigenous land sits on significant oil reserves? Such human rights abuses have been documented by many groups like Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International and others, but little action as resulted and abuses, repression and suffering continues.

When our organization, the Anuak Justice Council, presented the case of the Anuak before the United Nations Commission on Human Rights in 2004, the Ethiopian Human Rights Council present at the time told us that it was the United States that was primarily responsible for holding up the Ethiopian government of Prime Minister Meles—the same government that was killing the Anuak. At the same time, we met representatives from Darfur regarding the genocide occurring there. Since that time, Darfur and the Northern Sudanese government of Omar al-Bashir has received much attention but no action, and the story of the Anuak and other victims of the widespread human rights abuses perpetrated by the current military under the government of Meles Zenawi, has been largely ignored or even repressed by the media and those elected officials and other policy makers in free countries. There is increasing reason to believe that some in these groups view the Ethiopian struggle for democracy to be in competition with our own interests in the US, the UK, the European Union, Canada, Australia, and African Union.

In the US, we suspect this is because Meles and his EPRDF government is considered to be a strategic partner in the War on Terror and that it is in the interest of the United States to advance this relationship for such reasons as have now become apparent in Somalia. In fact, some believe it may be related to gaining access to oil, gas and other natural resources in Somalia. Yet, as the Bush administration calls for an end to tyranny and for the support of democracy movements, they and others are enabling the repression of the democracy movement in Ethiopia by following such policy positions. As a result, Ethiopians are experiencing increasing disillusionment with one of the primary countries they are attempting to emulate in the struggle for democracy—the United States. The current US administration and many in other branches of government are not alone in ignoring the plight of the Ethiopian people. The media, in their silence on the situation, also appears to have colluded. When there has been coverage, most frequently it has been highly slanted in favor of the EPRDF government.

We should be concerned, as members of the free world, with what happens in Ethiopia and in the rest of the Horn of Africa. For instance, much of our oil for many free countries comes through the Red Sea and if we destabilize the Horn of Africa, we stand to endanger our source of oil. In other words, if our integrity on this whole issue fails us, let us look at it from a point of self-interest with the future in mind. By holding up this regime that is alienating and terrorizing their own people, are we standing in the way of democracy building by the people of Ethiopia and if we do, what are the potential consequences to us of doing that?

Keep in mind, the US has provided millions of dollars in training to the same military that is turning Ethiopia into a police state. In addition, Ethiopia receives a large proportion of the total financial aid sent to Africa. Reportedly, the US has given 21 billion dollars to the EPRDF government since they have come to power in 1991. Yet, most of the money is not reaching the people, most of whom remain in poverty and underdevelopment. At the same time, recent reports indicate that the money coming from Ethiopia to banks in the UK has increased by 103% in the last year.

We in the US do not need to sell our souls, denying Ethiopians their right to freedom and to the legitimate process of exercising their rights, just because Meles is giving us what we think we want in the War on Terror! It will create justifiable anger towards us if we betray the people in this way. Once this government is gone, they may seek new alliances and many others are ready and waiting, hoping to gain the vast resources in Ethiopia and in other African countries as natural resources are diminishing elsewhere.

We are seeing abundant early warning signs already to what soon may become irreparable damage to the relationship between Ethiopians and the United States. Many Ethiopians, many who live here in the US, are greatly disappointed in what they see as an obvious bias in favor of the repressive and brutal current government. They see this as being at the expense of peace, justice, freedom and the democratization of Ethiopia. But we should ask—what happens when Meles’ time is over? Meles is so unpopular right now with the Ethiopian people that his rule may be very short-lived, but peoples’ memories live on! Are we willing to sacrifice the future relationship with Ethiopians who have previously considered us as amongst their closest friends?

In fact, there may be a more urgent matter evolving than is commonly known. We are hearing that if things go worse in Somalia, with insurgency groups killing increasingly more Ethiopian troops, the Ethiopian military may defect and take it into their own hands for several reasons: (1) they are fighting for an unpopular government that is not paying them very well, (2) their families are being suppressed at home by that same government, and (3) they believe they have been pulled into this war by a government that is a puppet of foreigners who have their own interests in mind. As a result, some are concerned that the makings of a coup de tat may be evolving, which could result in greater chaos, violence and repression than what Ethiopians have at present with Meles. On a worse note, there are no guarantees that those with the guns, might not be “for sale” to the highest bidders and those bidders may, in all probability, not be free, democratic countries, like China or Russia. We could all lose in such a situation and if it occurred, the failure of the West would have heavily contributed to it.

Many Ethiopians believe the United States and others are now actively standing in the way of their own freedom, peace, justice and democracy. Do the interests of those in free-societies have to conflict with those who are working for freedom, justice and the rule of law in Ethiopia? Is there a way to stand up for what we in the US believe and need, not only for ourselves, but for others as well?

It is important to consider our own situation in a free country. Many of us in the United States, Canada, Europe and in the free countries of the world take for granted the preciousness of our freedom and democratic government under which we live, work, raise our families and in most every aspect of life, flourish as people and as a nation. We are beneficiaries of the work and sacrifice of many honorable men and women who have struggled for the life, liberty and pursuit of happiness that we now enjoy. We take enormous pride in what we have achieved and believe we have become entitled to enjoy the great economic success, privilege and power in this world that such a society of opportunity has brought to us due to what we believe is our own hard work. As we continue to benefit from our position in the world, we frequently have become severe critics of those countries and people groups who do not enjoy the same. Although it is seldom openly spoken, we believe that the difficulties and struggles of those in corrupt, totalitarian, violent and impoverished countries are the result of their own bad choices, backwardness, passivity or that of their leaders.

Instead, we believe that to get what we have, they must struggle like we did to free their societies and to develop robust economies from within that would enable them to join others in the larger global economy. Therefore, when they do not succeed, we tend to ignore or blame them for their plight.

When we feel guilty about all we have, usually because of some international attention, we provide humanitarian or developmental aid, but then, when this frequently does not succeed in creating durable change, we tend to accept superficial excuses for the failure rather than looking more deeply into how we might be contributors to the problem. This is not to say that these developing countries do not bear a major responsibility for creating and sustaining change for themselves, but oftentimes, such as in the case of Ethiopia, we in the free world may be sabotaging their efforts from the outside.

We invite you to consider how you might re-examine what you could do to give life, not death to the struggle for justice, peace, freedom, democracy and the rule of law in Ethiopia. On Feb, 19 The Federal Special Court in Ethiopia is set to make a final ruling against opposition party leaders, journalists, human rights activists and anti-poverty activists.

On that day we ask you to do your best to speak out the truth for the people of Ethiopia in whatever capacity you can for peace, freedom, the fair execution of justice and democracy building in Ethiopia and then, act on it. Amnesty International has declared these “prisoners of conscience….imprisoned solely on account of their non-violent opinions and activities” and has condemned the trial for its ‘failure to observe internationally recognized standards of fair trial before impartial and independent judges.’

Refuse to compromise the truth and what is right! Too many of our “political” decisions are based on reasons that we might be embarrassed to admit to even ourselves should they be brought into the light of our individual or group consciences.

We hope you will do your best to face the conscience that must guide America and other free nations—it is God-given. It is only by courageously living by the higher moral principles that we have held dear for many years, that we will maintain the integrity needed to be real leaders in this complex world. We need to hear your voice on February 19, 2007!

By Afura Burtukana

I have wanted to write on this title for a long time but the one thing that made me get through my procrastination is the Tigrigna Song by an artist called Shumiye, about the Prime Minister of Ethiopia (posted on Ethiomedia website). I have had debates with people from that ethnic group and people from other ethnic groups about the ‘lust between Tigres and Woyane’. Leaving aside the details of the debate, the fact that I had it with ‘both sides’ which have at times the same and at times different stances proves my point that there is no lust what so ever, and the only thing that exists is opportunists being what they are.

For those who are up to it; ‘Identity and Violence: The Illusion of Destiny’, is a book worth reading. It is written by the winner of the Nobel Prize and great thinker (adjective mine) Amartya Sen. With due apology to the writer for not presenting his work as expressively as he would have done, what the book is saying is:-

1. A rational human being bases his thinking and there for his decision on the issue
irrespective of the natural and man made factors that ‘define’ his identity.

2. There are too many factors natural and/or man made that a human being can be
categorized in to / or can identify itself as belonging/ that it simply is not possible to
shape its thinking based on them.

One can be male, smoker, middle income, professor, which likes to ‘avoid’ political discussions, a protestant and Tigre. Somebody else could be from that same ethnic group, a Muslim, member of one of the opposition parties, unemployed, non-smoker and a male. It is plausible that they may share some thinking based on the fact that they are both male and from the Tigre ethnic group (both factors taken separately). It is also, again, plausible that they could both be against, let’s say, same sex marriage / or even the very act of having sexual relationship with the same sex/ based on the mere fact that they are both religious. Yet, they may go in their own separate ways on the many other issues. On the other hand it is also plausible that they think different on an issue which they were ‘supposed’ to think the same if it was for the common ‘defining’ factor they share. Being a man as they are, you would think they would both rather do everything else but the laundry, and give every kind of excuse to their wife; but one of them might actually enjoy the ‘art’ of doing laundry. The core of the matter being a rational decision comes from those thinkers who put aside the identity presupposition and decide over and above that.

Scholars have devoted time, energy and resources in trying to understand the reasons behind ethnic tensions, or violence if you will. Some argue that ethnicity is biological so it is natural /reflexive/ to have tensions. Some say it is elemental in the sense that the historically accumulated hatred between different ethnic groups lead to violence. This theory assumes that there is a historical hatred but does not explain why there would or should be. Another argument for ethnic violence is the feeling of being from a high culture /’work hizb’/ as distinctive from the culture of other ethnic groups. A fourth perspective is what can be called the defensive one. Some ethnic group, accordingly, feel threatened by the state / government in power/ or even other ethnic groups. Herein, then, lies the logic for the politicization of group identity or the emergence of “ethnicity” and
“Ethnic conflict”: self-defense. Yet another view for ethnic conflict is what the intellectuals coined to be instrumental. It is different from the above views in that it is not ahistorical. It believes that ethnic violence is the result of projects designed to capture state power and control. The only way for ethnic groups to have national/cultural autonomy, they believe, is by providing power to the groups. But one has to be careful here because stable relationships between ethnic groups does not necessitate for one or the other groups to seize power. The necessity comes when the relationships is not stable. Identity is both egoistic and relational. As much as it looks inward and finds reasons for being distinct from others it must also exist in contrast to one or more other identities. If politics is about the struggle for power and resources, stable identity tend not to be subject to such struggles, in as much as the question of distribution of resources is settled. Where identities are not relatively stable and there is always the possibility of reallocation of resources, ethnic conflict is much likely. What this suggests is that ethnic and sectarian conflict, or cultural conflict, are not about ethnicity and religion or about culture per se, but rather about setting the terms of discourse in conflict over control of resources via state power control.

So why do many assertively think that there is a lust between the Tigre ethnic group and Woyane? Or, why would we think that Woyane will have the majority support of the Tigre’s irrespective of the issue? It is a fact that Woyane has its roots in and so stems from the rocky mountains of the Tigray region. By default the vast majority of its members and fighters / Tegadalay/ are from that region. When this force becomes the government, it should not come as a surprise if other ethnic groups become threatened. And this is so especially when the government machinery is deliberately being filled by members of that group. The government is also deliberately instigating violence and hatred among Tigres and other ethnic gruops. The ruling party, Woyane, portrays an image that it has the back up of the Tigres and is committing all the atrocities depending on that support. It paints the picture that everything in the region is a Bonanza and Tigreans are saying if it wasn’t for Woyane. On the other hand it is creating a fear among the Tigreans that go Woyane, it will be the dooms day for the Tigreans. Who was the Journalist that wrote an article on ‘Communist Tigray’ and paid dearly for it? All in all there is no stable situation in the country, Woyane has created it all. To understand the power of a one sided propaganda, it suffice to do a research on what was the most reason that led Germans to rally behind Hitler massively and turn against the Jews. It is propaganda and only propaganda that ‘made everybody insane’ and take a mass action recorded in History as the most despicable act unparalleled.

So, again it begs the question, why is Woyane creating hatred between Tigreans and the rest of Ethiopia? Why is Woyane, for that matter, creating abhorrence among all other nations in the country? Of course it is a power struggle and the feel that they need to control everything to survive. Power politics for them is a zero sum game in that they will have to have all or none. Still the question is why they need to divide the people in order to have it all.

Revolutionary Democracy is Woyane’s road map to controlling the economic and political state of affairs of the country, and stay in power. The seemingly market oriented capitalist document, has in between the lines Albanian style Marxism-Leninsm written all over it. It is as far to the left as it can get and believes in fundamental concepts like Class Struggle, ‘chikun hizboch’ says it all. It attempts a forced marriage between the thinking of the right and left of the spectrum; and so it is naturally doomed to fail. In the mean time though, the cadres read from this script and base their knowledge on it. When they are out on the field preaching and practicing it, chaos is inevitable. That is exactly what’s happening now. That is why there is a ‘them and us’ feeling. That is why there is a feeling that Tigres are having it all, and are giving their full support to Woyane for that. That’s why; on the other hand, Tigreans feel that their fate politically and economically is intermingled with the Woyane staying in power. That is why there is a growing feeling of abhorrence among the different ethnic groups of the country.

Myth aside, the fact remains there is no lust between Tigreans and Woyane. In fact it is this very ethnic group that fought and is fighting as hard, if not more, to make Woyane sit in a round table discussion with the opposition. It suffice to mention that Kinijit won their sweep vote in Addis Ababa, and little birdie told me that the ranks and files of Woyane had lost big time in Tigray. When Shumiye came out in the open and expressed his opposition in a fashion he knows best, it is an act of a rational person making a rational decision that is not influenced by the factors that ‘define’ his identity.

By Obang Metho
Anuak Justice Council

What lessons have we Ethiopians learned in 2006? Perhaps more than we realize! I will start with myself. As you all know, I, Obang Metho, am not a member of any political party. As I have said it many times, party membership is not my intention, neither is it the intention of our organization, the Anuak Justice Council. However, some people may wonder why the AJC speaks regularly about the political situation in Ethiopia. It is because the reason for our formation resulted from the massacre and other human rights violations directed at the Anuak people by the current TPLF government. We came to the realization that until the system of brutality established by the central government in Addis Ababa changed, the crisis threatening the survival of the Anuak would not be resolved.

As we learned that others across the country were experiencing the same kind of suffering as the Anuak, it became even more apparent that it was not an isolated problem, but one that encompassed most Ethiopians. To bring a halt to such terror would require a joint effort. The suffering could no longer be separated by ethnic groups. The suffering had become a problem of the Ethiopian people, as it was the same government who had brutalized the Anuak who was now openly creating an environment of terror for everyone who opposed them. The widespread injustice became a rallying cry for Ethiopians to come together to solve this shared human rights crisis. As a result, those in the AJC felt it was a moral responsibility to speak up for others who were suffering like the Anuak.

In the past year, we Ethiopians have found each other and discovered a way to work together. It has led us to the realization that we are more alike than different. Together, since this discovery, we have had a fast learning curve. We now know that the suffering we have endured because of our brutal and exploitive leaders, has been felt by millions of other Ethiopians. As we have become more tolerant of each other, we have together, reached our limit of tolerating leaders like Meles.

Ethiopians from all parts of our society are ready to throw away the model—the proto-type of such leaders! His type cannot be trusted even with some recycling of its parts—it must be discarded. In other words, to address our problem, we must address “our problem”—Meles and look-alike Meles’! We need a new type of leadership—leaders who are willing to put the interests of the people first—before their own!

Despite the fact that our Prime Minister has plunged us into a new war and restored some of his tattered image as a “hero” fighting extremism, the people in his country have a different vision for the future. They have new eyes for truth and a new eagerness for unity, peace and for the respect of all people, crossing any lines of differences that previously divided them. We have rediscovered each other and created an environment for change—and with this new environment, we are demanding a “new breed of leader.” Even though Meles has been called such a “new breed of leader,” we, along with the international community, have now discovered he is really the “old breed of leader,”—just more devious in nature.

For our future, we do not want a cardboard look-a-like of such a leader as Meles—one that merely talks the talk. Instead we want leaders who authentically live the life! For those who think you might follow in his footsteps, forget it! The Ethiopian people are ready to eradicate these kinds of leaders—just look at the election turn out for evidence of that. We are ready for a government that represents the people. The public knows that this kind of leadership like that of Meles, will only bring us more misery rather than peace, stability, prosperity, justice, equality and opportunity.
This is not to say we do not have any individual and group responsibility for mending our regrettable history of divisions, intolerances, breaches of trust and acts of serious wrongdoing between us, for we have contributed to this deception and hate-based politics for way too long. We must be accountable for that. However, a quiet revolution has started as we have had the taste of possible freedom. It has created a spirit of discontent that informs us of what we can and should be as a people and as a society, even if we are not yet there! Do not discount how important this is— awareness of a problem always precedes correction of it. Even our difficulties and pain will not be without benefit if we are wiser, kinder and freer in the future. We must persevere through these difficult times until we find durable peace. Yet, we must look at some of the lessons of the last few years so we do not miss what we must learn before moving on. To start with, the Anuak Justice Council would never have begun without the crisis of the Anuak. I was involved in humanitarian work in the Gambella region before the massacre of 2003. It was my own grief and pain—that still exists—that drove me to begin fighting against a system that has sold its soul for lust of power and gain at the expense of the poor and weak of whom they are supposed to protect.

There are several important lessons here. First, we all must guard ourselves against compromising our values. Instead we must let our consciences rule over our actions so that we do not sell our souls in similar ways. We came into this world without anything but our souls and that is our only possession when we leave before meeting our heavenly judge. What we do on this earth matters. Yet, because we cannot always trust even ourselves, we must create laws and transparent systems, which will more easily hold all accountable. Hopefully, the motivation amongst Ethiopians for such a climate of greater accountability is something that has increased during this last year.

Secondly, we must focus on improving the human rights and life conditions for the living and those to be born, not dwelling on the dead. In other words, this fight is not just about holding the guilty accountable or seeking personal revenge, but it is about creating a government and civil society that continues to hold people so accountable for their exploitive, corrupt or abusive behavior towards other human beings, that it significantly reduces further incidences of such behavior in the future. However, because of guilt that could encompass many, we must find a way to bring reconciliation between victims and perpetrators, between ethnic groups and other groups who have been divided, neglected or injured.

Thirdly, we need a new compassion for others who are suffering amongst us. When we Ethiopians came together this past year at the crossroads of each other’s grief, we began to better recognize each other as human beings like ourselves. In the past, this has not happened like it should have as we remained in our protective groups, interested mostly in ourselves, alienated from others and not caring about the suffering of others.

For instance, in the 1980s, the TPLF stood up against the oppression, injustice and marginalization of their own people. Why did others in power not take a stand for them? Understandably, Mengistu terrorized the people making many afraid to take a stand, but this is not enough of a reason. Eventually, other repressed people did stand up for their own freedom along side the TPLF, including the Anuak who had formed the Gambella People’s Liberation Movement (GPLM) and the OLF because the TPLF was talking about democracy and human rights for all. However, when the TPLF came into power, they quickly forgot about how it felt to be terrorized by their own government, becoming the new perpetrators of terror. Mengistu had been recycled into Meles!

When the Anuak were massacred in December of 2003, did other Ethiopians cry out in their behalf? Not really. Just check past records to see how few articles or statements of concern covered this horrific event.

It was not until the killing of protestors in Addis Ababa following the elections and the testimony in front of the U.S. Congress Sub-Committee on Africa that the paths of the Anuak and other Ethiopians converged. We have learned much together since that time, but whom have we left out? There are many more Ethiopians from whom we have not heard—or perhaps listened to!

Fourthly, we should consider who we have identified in 2006 to be the real heroes and enemies? Well, for sure, the real heroes are not the leaders in the Diaspora! The true heroes—those who made a difference—are the people of Ethiopia who rallied by the millions and are continuing to do their best in an increasingly repressive society! Some lost their lives and freedom as a result. Our heroes include the 26 million people who voted, not for people here in the Diaspora, but for people who are now in prison who could have chosen to live in exile, but instead are now locked up. The heroes are also those Commissioners of the Inquiry into the post-election violence who stood up for truth at their own expense.

It is all of these people who inspired others in the Diaspora to take action. Keeping that in mind, we who are outside of Ethiopia can help fight, but the real struggle is being carried out by the people back home. They have not given up. They did not die. They are still there in Ethiopia. We in the Diaspora are support groups and will always be supporters, but not the driving force of change.

Yet, when we have fought for leadership here in the Diaspora, the real enemies to this movement may have become ourselves! In doing so, we may have contributed more to killing the movement than any outside antagonists could have done. The real warriors for freedom are still fighting for it in Ethiopia—they are still there while our energy is being drained by our infighting. But those at home had hoped that with our technology, our education, our resources and our access to strategic people and institutions that we would have been able to contribute much more.

If, as some suspect, there are Woyane amongst us, sabotaging our efforts, let us create new ways to circumvent such undermining conflict. Like in Dr. Berhana Nega’s book, Dawn of Freedom, we need to not prolong the darkness. To do so, we may need to let go of our personal agendas or the agenda’s of our groups. This is not about a struggle for freedom and human rights in Ethiopia that can be carried out by one group, political organization, ethnic group, region, armed group or religion. It is about a common struggle where we must be careful that all are included in the effort and fruits of that fight.

If one carefully looks at the current ruling party, what you will see is a government made up of only a few from a minority group in Ethiopia, the Tigrayans. This small elite group has looked out for its own, heaping power, financial benefits and opportunities to the faithfully loyal TPLF party members or their EPRDF puppets from other ethnic groups. It makes us realize that it is not about Tigrayans because many who disagree with the brutal tactics of this government are not included in sharing the benefits of their power. On the other hand, some Ethiopians from most every ethnic group have joined with the ruling party and have reaped the benefits. For example, in Gambella, where the Anuak have been living in terror for the last three years since the massacre, an Anuak man is the TPLF appointed governor of the region, effectively carrying out the TPLF agenda to the harm of the Anuak and others in the region. The same thing is happening in most other parts of Ethiopia where the regional governors and leaders are not Tigrayan, but of the same ethnicity of the local people. Thus, it is absolutely not a problem of Tigrayans versus all other Ethiopians. Instead, this struggle is between those who value human life and the principles of freedom and justice established by our Creator and those who devalue others to advance their own self-interests. Yet, for those who would never join with Meles and his cadres, there are those who still indirectly support the ruling government by more passive means.

Some of us in the Diaspora are wanting to remain passive in order to be able to return to Ethiopia to do a business with the same government who is terrorizing and killing our people, making such people part of the system that enables this government to continue. Instead, if we look deeply enough into a solution to this crisis, we realize that we are affected by one disease that requires one shot to cure it and that shot is our unity. Such unity must include our fellow Tigrayan brothers and sisters who stand up for freedom and justice. If we exclude them, they may feel that they will have to hang on to the “Woyane” for their survival even though they are in opposition to what the TPLF stands for.

The question becomes, what can we do now? By free election, the EPRDF would never have won. However, ask yourself—how did they gain so much power and control? The answer is—through dividing the rest of us. The biggest fear of this government is speaking out together in unity. Some who have just come from Ethiopia say, even in the rural areas, the mood is that when the next election comes, they will vote against this government. The EPRDF has forced many to join their ranks, but the word is out that their allegiance is only superficial and will change as soon as there is an alternative.

The biggest fear amongst those back home is that there will be no viable political opposition in place for the next election. It is those next five years following an unopposed election of 2010 that would be the biggest blow to them. We must take action so that does not occur. They expect those of us in the Diaspora to create an organization or movement that could launch a viable replacement that could transition them into a valid national election that gave people choices and one that was carried out to meet the highest international standards.

The people are afraid that if anything happened today, tomorrow or next month, which sent the “Woyane” running, that there is no strong and trusted opposition or organization prepared to provide transitional leadership. What we do know is that the Ethiopian people do not want a Meles, a Mengistu or any other recycled version of the two who would pretend to be “a new breed of leadership” before becoming another tyrant!

Unfortunately, when we examine the lessons of 2006, we must also look at our failures, as understanding our failures might provide the best lessons of how to succeed in 2007! In light of this, we must admit that despite the promise of such groups as the Kinijit, the UEDF, the AFD, the OLF, ENUPF, EPRP or others, nothing materialized for many reasons. Yet there is good in each of these and in many other organizations not mentioned. Kinijit divided in two and there is no sign of them coming together or of one of them gaining the overwhelming trust of the people. For a long time, I have not made a public statement because I am not a member of the party and do not know the inside situation, but as their conflict has become more publicly obvious and as I continue to be asked about this, I will comment.

We all know that within the Kinijit, something was done wrong, but since the two groups have split there does not seem to be any pressure from any direction to reconcile this division. Now, it is worsening and affecting all of us and has become personal. Also, the majority of people are claiming that one group is gaining more support, but as long as the two groups exist, both claiming to be the true Kinijit and possessors of the manifesto, the public will see them as two and the effort will be hindered. Perhaps this will improve in the coming months; however, it might take time. Yet, it is the Kinijit that has created the fertile environment for seeking our freedom and many in the Kinijit have sacrificed for that. That sacrifice should lead us to continue our struggle for freedom, peace and justice.

If I may have your permission to ask you to pause for a moment here; have we lost the true meaning of Coalition for Unity and Democracy? How is it that a Coalition with a massive support of Ethiopians under a united front with a mission to bring about true democracy in Ethiopia, turned to an instrument of division amongst ourselves?

Please do stop to think for a moment… have we failed thousands of gallant Ethiopian women, children and men who died for our Country; Our elected leaders, our prisoners of consciousness, our journalists and many of our brothers and sisters that are languishing in jail today across the country? Have we not been afforded unconditional love from our lost ones who died for our children’s future? Who do we think we are to allow ourselves to fall victim, to become instruments of division for the empowerment of Woyane? Is this how we are going to repay those who fought for our freedom– by fighting and dividing amongst ourselves?

My brothers and sisters, there are those including myself that will neither tolerate, nor stand by and watch the spread of this vicious virus of divisiveness that Meles and his supporters infected us with; it is rampantly spreading through our blood streams until its job is done — until, we kill each other or kill any hope of peace, justice and freedom for Our People and our Country.

No, We will not stand for that. I challenge you to either come forward leaving your personal or group’s agendas behind and put your Country’s future first; or choose to lay victim to this virus and continue to spread the message of hate, division and self destruction. Which path will you choose?

There are those of us who are prepared to jump start a mission of love and unity which will in turn transform itself to, respect for one another; from which human rights, justice, equality and the rule of law with democracy at its side will flourish in our land; we are finally on a focused path to ridding our system of this deadly virus of divisiveness and on our way to reclaiming what is Ours, Ethiopia and its rightful place in this world; a nation free of tyrants, dictators, corruption and poverty.

Those who have knowingly or unknowingly created division amongst themselves, amongst those of us back home and in the Diaspora will no longer have a place!

The year 2007 and beyond is a time for Zero tolerance of division! Fight to cure yourself from this vicious virus of hate! Step up to the plate and fight for Unity; fight for our brotherhood and sisterhood! Our work in unity will not be done until those who have committed the grave crime of human rights abuse and murder are brought to justice in international courts and charged for the grave crimes they have committed; our job will not be done until all of our elected leaders, prisoners of consciousness, journalists, innocent victims currently incarcerated, are released; our work will not be done until democracy, equality, justice, peace and the rule of law reigns over Ethiopia; our work will not be done until our country is free of dictators and their evil ways; our work will not be done until those of us who want to return home and serve our country are able to do so.

My compatriots, our work has just begun. Our political leaders in Qaliti Prison and in other Detention centers around the country have chosen to be there rather than compromise their position as the recent letter from Dr. Yacob Hailemariam, former Norfolk University professor and the top attorney for the U.N. tribunal on war crimes and genocide in Rwanda, has explained. Dr Yacob expressed his deep concern over the unjust and unfair trial by the TPLF party. He said that it is only through reconciliation that healing and enduring peace will come to Ethiopia.

I hope that the Kinijit leaders in North America surprise us by sacrificing wherever possible for the sake of their leaders in Qaliti prison and for the sake of the Ethiopian people—through such reconciliation or through resigning from their positions, even if they know they are right.

The AFD was a new, truly extraordinary attempt to bring various groups together in a new partnership of cooperation, but we have not yet seen the execution of their hopes and vision. Yet, the formation of the AFD showed the readiness to change and to accept one another, especially because it was formed by liberation groups who had wanted to secede from the country. This in itself proves that if there were to be a good government that demonstrated equality for all, there would be few who would want to break away.

The AFD was a real threat to the existing dictatorship and are the first to come to the table to join so many diverse groups for a common cause.

Even though the UEDF did not join the AFD and even though we do not know all their reasons, they are a political party that stands up for a better and more peaceful Ethiopia and is a group that should have a major role in the future of Ethiopia. They need to continue with their work, but we should not be working against each other or we all will lose. They have much experience and strength to contribute to the cause.

The OLF is another organization that has demonstrated that they are for Ethiopia and this is why they joined the AFD. They should be applauded for joining an organization that speaks up for the country in addition to their own people who have been so harshly persecuted and repressed. It shows that they care for the unity of Ethiopia despite what some might believe. They have wanted to secede for some understandable reasons, but have shown a willingness to contribute to the whole of Ethiopia.

The same situation applies to the people of Ogaden who are part of the ONLF and also joined the AFD, speaking up for all Ethiopians as well as for their own people who have been so neglected and who are now, even suffering more because of the invasion of Somalia. They have shown courage and strength as they have endured ongoing human rights abuses for years. We need them and they need us. We must also include the people of Sidamo who demonstrated the same willingness to join together for a united, free, democratic Ethiopia. Other regions, like Gambella, the Southern Nations, the Benishangul region, the Tigrayan region, the Afar region and many other places who have not been included in the AFD, but yet many of them support the formation of a government that respects and represents all of its people. All of these groups, should they truly sustain unity, could see the formation of a new, vibrant Ethiopia that could give opportunity to all.

Whatever our political agendas are, we all have the same common goal. That goal is to have a free society where our ethnic rights are respected across the entire country. We have different organizations, but we are fighting for one thing and that is a peaceful Ethiopia where people live in harmony with justice equally given. We have learned that we are all in the same boat together going for the same fertile ground as one. If the boat capsizes, we will all go down together. We must all, including myself, take responsibility for our failure to yet launch such an organization or movement that could unify the Ethiopian people. Such an organization does not have to be a political one, but should be an organization that has the respect, trust and credibility to speak on behalf of all Ethiopians for a broad agenda that would lead to the democratization of Ethiopia.

We have had four hard blows to our future hopes for Ethiopia since the massacre of the Anuak in 2003: (1) the hijacking of the National Election of 2005, (2) the killing and detaining of protestors related to the failed democratic election, (3) the imprisonment of the elected Opposition leaders, and (4) the division within the Opposition party.

Many Ethiopians may say that Ethiopians, as well as Africans, will never change. In frustration and disappointment, they will go back to improving their lives in the Diaspora, escaping from facing the difficulties going on with their people back home. However, in doing so, we may have given up the struggle just short of victory. Remember, it is just before the dawn begins to show its light when the darkness is the greatest. Instead, those willing to keep up the effort must encourage others to do the same.

God will help us if we genuinely seek His help and follow His ways, but those ways may mean not worrying about our own political aspirations and instead being willing to serve each other and those back home with no reward other than attempting to do the right thing.

Consider Jesus’ rebuke of his disciples when they became competitive with each other, wanting to be the greatest and most important: “…a dispute arose among them as to which of them was considered to be greatest. Jesus said to them, “The kings of the Gentiles lord it over them; and those who exercise authority over them call themselves Benefactors. But you are not to be like that. Instead, the greatest among you should be like the youngest, and the one who rules like the one who serves. For who is greater, the one who is at the table or the one who serves? Is it not the one who is at the table: But I am among you as one who serves.” Luke 22:24-28. Jesus later in the same chapter tells one of the most well-known disciples, Peter, that Peter was going to deny his association with Jesus three times. This greatly humbled Peter, but Jesus told him that He would pray for him, that after Peter was humbled, he would be able to strengthen his brothers.

What lessons can we get from this? The most important is this: when we leave our pride and ego behind, we will be better able to serve our brothers and sisters of Ethiopia who should be our guests of honor at the table. If we feel we have something to contribute, come forward. Each person is needed to help with the huge task ahead—but come as someone willing to serve. We have already failed in many ways, but let us admit it, humble ourselves and go out to strengthen our brothers and sisters, knowing more as a result of our failure. Let us pray that God helps us. We need each other. Together we can be interwoven together to make a colorful fabric like the wide variations amongst the many Ethiopian ethnic groups. Those of us who have taken leadership roles this past year, must learn the lessons of 2006 so we can show new solidarity in 2007 in order to get “the work” done! Many are saying, ‘Obang, do something,’ but this job cannot be done by one person, two persons or by a hundred. The work of the Anuak Justice Council, even though very small in size, has been about people, Anuak and non-Anuak, men and women, some back home and many here who have all contributed in different ways. The same is needed for the people of Ethiopia.

I am willing to contribute my share, but first I want to ask the public to write down what you want to be done and then—not me, but “we” can do it together. I would be willing to be a referee or moderator between politicians, civic organizations and other interested parties as long as they are willing to work together and as long as we have the resources to do it.

In concluding my thoughts on lessons from 2006, I must recognize how much becoming part of the Ethiopian community personally enriched me. I want to extend many thanks to the many Ethiopians who have touched my life. You were people I did not know, but I have found we are alike. You were people I never would have met if it had not been for the tragedy of my people and our country. Together, we have discovered the joy of new relationships. We have discovered our mutual humanity, breaking down years of misunderstanding, suspicion and alienation. The best of 2006 is that we now can help each other through this struggle for a future for our children and grandchildren who will eventually live together despite their color, ethnicity, religion or language.

I first came forward from my independent life in Canada to speak out because of the death of my loved ones in the massacre of December 2003, but now in 2006, God has eased the pain of my loss by bringing about unexpected new relationships between many Ethiopian people so alike in our hearts and minds. Even though those loved ones can never be replaced, I have been greatly touched by the many new people who have become part of my life. This is the best gift of 2006. In 2007, may God teach us how to continue to build a more loving and caring society in our beloved country of Ethiopia.

Let us go forward, humbling ourselves, serving each other and looking to God for our help during this next year.

“May the God of hope fill you with all joy and peace as you trust in him, so that you may overflow with hope by the power of the Holy Spirit….Be completely humble and gentle; be patient, bearing with one another in love. Make every effort to keep the unity of the Spirit through the bond of peace.” (Romans 15:13 and Ephesians 4:2)

Thank you. If you have ideas for what you see could help us in this effort, please email those thoughts and suggestions to: [email protected]

(Full text of Prof. Al Mariam’s speech in Seattle on January 28, 2007 )

Good afternoon Friends, Ladies and Gentlemen:

Welcome to this event honoring special heroes in the struggle for human rights in Ethiopia.
Before I introduce our guest speakers today, I would like to ask you to join me in a moment of silent meditation and prayer in remembrance of :

193 Ethiopian children, men and women murdered because they committed the crime of exercising their human right to petition for grievances by vocally protesting the theft of an election, the thousands of other Ethiopians who were maimed, who lost their limbs, became paralyzed or otherwise suffered great bodily harm for going out into the streets to stop a daylight robbery of an election, and the defiant and heroic leaders of Kinijit, the human rights defenders and civic leaders who languish in jails and prisons today in Ethiopia, and the many thousands of victims of torture and human rights abuses.

Thank you.

Before I introduce our guest speakers, I would like to thank certain individuals and organizations for sponsoring this event in Seattle today.

First and foremost, I would like to thank Ethio-Americans in Seattle for working collaboratively with the Coalition for HR 5680 in organizing this event, and for coordinating the itinerary of our guest speakers tonight.

Ethio-Americans in Seattle has been in the vanguard of the struggle to promote human rights in Ethiopia. We are especially indebted to them for their unflagging and unwaivering support of H.R. 5680, also known as the “Ethiopia Freedom, Democracy and Human Rights Advancement Act of 2006.”

I want to specifically recognize two individuals whose contributions to the human rights struggle in Ethiopia is second to none.

I want to thank my good friend and free press defender Abreha Belay, and the tireless young men and women who work to make Ethiomedia.com our window into our homeland.

Zenawi thought he could silence Abreha by charging him with laughable and bogus crimes. But Abreha did not even blink. He kept on telling the truth and exposing Zenawi’s lies.

Abreha, thank you for being our voice.

I want to thank my good friend and fellow lawyer, Shakespeare Feyissa. As we all know, Shakespeare was the first fireman who showed up on the scene when Zenawi tried to burn down our First Amendment right to free speech by using the American court system to muzzle criticism of himself and his regime. But it did not take much for this young and brave fireman to put out Zenawi’s fire.

Thank you Shakespeare for defending the greatest and most precious of all our American liberties — the right to free speech — and for giving Zenawi his first practical lesson in the ways of free people.

Let me also thank Ato Sileshi Tilahun for coordinating the logistics of the events here, and the Ethiopian American Council of Portland and our dedicated friends from Vancouver, Kinijit Hebret, Kinijit Seattle and all of our friends who publicized this event in the community and those facilitating things in this hall today.

Thank you all very much.
Let me thank all of you again for coming here this afternoon.

I am happy and honored to be here with you today, as are our guest speakers.

It is my special privilege to be with the most energetic and dynamic Diaspora advocates of human rights in Ethiopia, bar none.

Now, I do not make this statement lightly, but rather grudgingly, because I would have liked to reserve that description for my hometown of Los Angeles.

But don’t rest on your laurels because many of us in LA, DC, NY, Boston, Chicago and others places are working hard to snatch away from you the title of “most energetic and dynamic Diaspora advocates of human rights in Ethiopia.”

My friends: I wish I and my distinguished friends had come here today to talk about pleasant things.

Perhaps share with you entertaining stories about a Christmas vacation we had in Ethiopia and all of the fun we had, and the carefree time we spent there.

Or talk to you about a summer of travel throughout the Ethiopian countryside enjoying the beauty of Ethiopia and its people.

Or even to report on the findings of a scientific or historical research on the land of 13 months of sunshine.

Perhaps even talk about the big houses we built there and the millions of dollars we invested and made there.

We are not that lucky, my friends.

We are here to talk about murders and attempted murders that occurred over a 14 day period in 2005: June 8, 2005 in Addis Abeba, and November 1-10, and 14-16, 2005 in Addis Abeba, in Oromia, in the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and People’s Region and in the Amhara Regional States.

We are here today to talk about 193 cold-blooded murders, and 763 attempted murders.

Now, these casualty figures are just for starters.

If so many murders occurred over a 14-day period, I will let you do the arithmetic and calculate how many tens of thousands of murders and attempted murders have taken place all over Ethiopia over a period of 15 years.

Now, the murders that we are talking about today are not ordinary heat-of-passion murders, or murders that occur during the commission of an ordinary robbery.

No, these are calculated political murders intended to send chills of terror in the bodies of every man, woman and child in Ethiopia.

These are signal murders, murders intended to telegraph to every corner of the country that the ruling regime will resort to massacres and carnage to keep itself in power.

These are murders of individuals intended to strike fear in the hearts of the people, and execute their spirits and souls, and destroy their yearning for freedom and liberty.

These are murders committed as part of a systematic program of state terrorism– a program of violence unleashed on a civilian population by those who have control over the state apparatus.

Now, there is no question — none whatsoever — that these murders were committed.

We have a mountain of evidence on these murders that dwarfs Mount Ranier, not too far from here.

We have testimonial evidence from 1300 witnesses, including survivors of indiscriminate shootings, and bystanders who saw the murders being committed.

We have evidence from the families of murdered and injured victims.

We have evidence from over 1,000 Edder leaders who coordinated the funeral services of the murder victims.

We have the medical records and autopsy reports, expert analyses and investigative reports, official statements, daily police logs and photographs of murdered and severely injured victims of indiscriminate gunfire, and a total of 16,990 documents proving the commissions of these murders.

So, there is no doubt whatsoever that these murders and attempted murders took place on the dates I mentioned above.

Today, we are here to find out the identity of the murderer of:

1. Tensae Zegeye, age 14, died from a high caliber bullet wound to the head
2. Debela Guta, age 15, died from a high caliber bullet wound to the head
3. Habtamu Tola, age 16, died from a high caliber bullet wound to the head
4. Binyam Degefa, age 18, died from a high caliber bullet…
5. Behailu Tesfaye 20, died from a high caliber bullet…
6. Yusuf Jamal, age 23, died from a high caliber bullet…
7. Adissu Belachew 25, died from a high caliber bullet…
8. Tiruwork G. Tsadik 41, died from a high caliber bullet…
9. Admasu Abebe, 45, died from a high caliber bullet…
10. Elfnesh Tekle 45, died from a high caliber bullet…
11. Abebeth Huletu, 50, died from a high caliber bullet wound to the head
….
189. Regassa Feyessa, 55, died from a high caliber bullet wound to the head

Then we have other murder victims whose identities are known to God but not to Man:

190. Victim No. 21760, male, died from a high caliber bullet…
191. Victim No. 21761, male, died from a high caliber bullet…
192. Victim No. 21543, male, died from a high caliber bullet…
193. Victim No. 21762, age 75, (female), died from a high caliber bullet wound to the head

Yes, we are here today to find out the identity of the mass murderer of these men, women and children, these martyrs.

Now you may ask, who are these victims?

I have never met any one of them in person, or even heard of them.

But I do know something for sure about them.

They were somebody’s son, somebody’s daughter, somebody’s father, somebody’s mother, somebody’s sister, somebody’s uncle, somebody’s aunt, somebody’s grandmother or somebody’s great grandmother.

I also know something else.

I know these murder victims were our brothers and sisters, who intoxicated on the sweet potion of democracy and inspired by the promise of freedom poured out into the streets to taste the sweeter flavor of liberty for the first time in their country’s 3,000-year history, only to be cut down like blades of grass.
So, my friends, we are here today to find out the identity of the murderer of our brothers and sisters. And after you hear the evidence from our witnesses, you will surely know beyond a shadow of a doubt.

Today you will hear from the murder victims and those victims who barely survived with their lives. They will speak to you from their graves and from wherever they are nursing their near-fatal bullet wounds.

You will hear their cries and wails for justice in the meticulous, dispassionate and unimpeachable reports of the members of the Inquiry Commission.

And no tribunal, no court or forum of justice can have more convincing and more persuasive witnesses than the witnesses we have here today.

No witness in the Diaspora can speak more eloquently, more knowledgeably, or more truthfully on behalf of the murder victims and the thousands of others who have been victims of arbitrary arrests and detentions and torture than the Chair and distinguished member of the Inquiry Commission, and the former Deputy Attorney General.

And now, I would like to introduce to you these witnesses.
Our first witness is an extraordinary young judge. Born in 1975, Judge Frehiywot Samuel graduated from the Faculty of Law of Addis Ababa University with an LLB degree in 1997.
Judge Frehiwot has held numerous positions in his short but amazing professional life.

He began his career as a legal advisor to the head of the Southern Nations Nationalities and Peoples Regional State in 1998. That same year, he was appointed to the bench of the Supreme Court of Southern Nations Nationalities and Peoples Regional State.

Judge Frehiwot has held numerous positions of significant responsibility. He was the President of Supreme Court or Chief Justice of the Southern Nations Nationalities and Peoples Regional State.

He has also served as Chaired the Supreme Court Plenum and the Regional Judicial Administration Commission.

Judge Frehiywot was appointed as Chairman of the Independent Inquiry Commission by the Ethiopian Parliament to investigate the clashes that occurred after the May 2005 elections. His appointment letter from the Parliament vouches for his integrity, professionalism, impartiality and high ethical standards.

Judge Frehiwot speaks English and five different Ethiopian languages.

As if all that is not enough, Judge Frehiwot was also the Editor-In-Chief of the Journal of Law of the Supreme Court. (Debube Yiheg Metshet).

Would you please give a round of applause to Judge Frehiwot.

We also have his wife Genet with us today. They got married a few days before Judge Frehiwot went into exile. Genet please stand.

We are indebted to Genet for standing by her man through these difficult times.

Our second witness is Ato Mitiku Teshome. Ato Mitiku is the father of two children and a lawyer by profession.

Ato Mitiku worked as a legal advisor and consultant for different organizations and institutions, including the Catholic Church in Ethiopia. He was also a private entrepreneur and ran his own consultancy business.
Ato Mitiku was appointed to become a member of the 10-person Inquiry Commission, and his letter of appointment attests to his integrity, professionalism, impartiality and high ethical standards. Ato Mitiku was one of the eight members of the Commission who voted to find that excessive force was used to quell protests that erupted following the May 2005 elections. Ato Mitiku was the third Inquiry Commission member to follow Judges Frehiwot Samuel and Wolde-Michael Meshesha into exile.

Our third witness is Ato Alemayhu Zemedkun. Ato Alemayehu received his LLB from the Addis Ababa University Faculty of law. He started his career as a High Court prosecutor, and served in that capacity for seven years. He was subsequently promoted to the position of Cession Bench Prosecutor for the Ethiopia Supreme Court, and served in that position for four years. Ato Alemayehu also served as Senior Expert at the Legal Research Institute for 3 ½ years. In 2002, he was promoted to Deputy Attorney General, Civil Division. He held that position until he was forced to leave the country in August 2006.

In November, 2005, the State Minster of Justice, Dr. Hashim Mohammed, directed Ato Alemayehu to bring civil action against the jailed opposition leaders, human rights defenders, journalists and civic leaders, and obtain a multimillion dollar judgment against them for alleged damages caused by the protesters.

Ato Alemayehu declined to file the civil action because there was no evidence to link these individuals to any tortuous acts committed by any of the protesters.

He advised his superiors that proceeding with a civil suit against the jailed defendants, and very likely losing the lawsuit, could result in a multi-million dollar judgment against the government for filing and prosecuting a frivolous and groundless lawsuit.

By refusing to become a tool of injustice and taking such a heroic act, Ato Alemayehu thwarted Zenawi’s carefully laid plans not only to put the Kality defendents in the jailhouse, but also send their families to the poorhouse.

I am missing a fifth witness. This witness first broke the truth about the murders and indiscriminate use of deadly force against unarmed protesters in the aftermath of the May, 2005 elections.

This witness carried the evidence — the documentary and other physical evidence on his back and crossed the wilderness and desert, stalked not only by the wild beasts of prey, but also shadowed by Zenawi’s goons and thugs.

At every checkpoint, this witness resolved his life was over because if any enemies of truth had discovered the evidence he was carrying, that would have been the end for him.

But through God’s grace he made it into exile in Europe.

And so, I regret to say that Judge Woldemichael Mesehsa will not be with us here in person today. We hope to have him join us long distance by telephone. (Judge Woldemichael was subsequently able to join the discussions by phone broadcast to the audience by a public address system.)

I call to the podium our first witness, Judge Frehiwot Samuel.

Closing Remarks
(Because of time constraints, the following closing remarks could not be delivered and were withheld.)

In my introduction, I said that today you will find out the identity of the mass murderer of innocent men, women and children on those dates investigated by the Inquiry Commission.

So, I am going to ask you a few questions:

Who murdered and maimed the hundreds of men, women and children in June and November 2005?

Were they murdered by untrained soldiers who were trying to defend themselves against a violent mob using deadly force against them?

No. None, none of the protesters was armed.

Were they murdered because of confusion and the improper channeling of orders and commands to the soldiers?

No. The orders were clearly channeled. There was no confusion in the directives sent to the soldiers. The order was: “Aim to the head and shoot to kill.”

Were the victims murdered and maimed by trigger-happy soldiers?

Well, the soldiers may have pulled the trigger. But there was an invisible hand, yes, there was one invisible hand that pulled the fingers that pulled the triggers.

Now, you know the true identity of the mass murderer! We are truly fortunate to have these young truth-tellers with us this afternoon. We hope you have learned a great deal about the human rights situation in Ethiopia. The evidence they have presented to us today is as informative as it is shocking. But this afternoon we have learned the truth about human rights abuses in Ethiopia today. It would be ungrateful of me not to offer a few comments on the reception and sheer enthusiasm for human rights, truth and justice that we have seen in Seattle today.

This large hall is packed to capacity, and I can see from the head table towards the back, there is barely any standing room left.

As I reflect sitting here on the huge turnout, I ask of myself what it is that “you got in Seattle that the vast majority of us in the Diaspora don’t got.”

Is it the energy of youth? Is it the harmony of collaborative work? Is it your keen awareness that concern for human rights transcends all political ideologies and differences? Is it a question of leadership, organization, tolerance and respect among yourselves? Could it be a case of super-patriotism for you? Or is it the water in the Evergreen State?

Whatever it is, you need to share your secrets with us. You have the template for collaborative work, and a solid track record for delivering on your promises. We are indebted to you for doing more than your fair share in the cause of human rights in Ethiopia over the past year.

So, thank you Seattle for giving the Inquiry Commission members such a magnificent send off.
They return to the East Coast overwhelmed by the warm embrace of your love, and the deep respect and honor you have shown them.

If they ever had any doubts that they had done the right thing in sacrificing everything for the truth, let me tell you that they have no doubts today. You have reaffirmed their faith that they did the right thing when they stood up for truth and justice, and walked out to make sure all of us knew the unvarnished truth.

I believe they will take back one message from their visit with you here today. “Onward, Onward, Messengers of Truth! Preach the truth to all of Disapora Ethiopia.”

So, on behalf of Ato Frehiwot, Ato Teshome and Ato Alemayehu and myself, thank you Seattle. Thank you for the privilege and honor of being with you, and may God bless you all!

Hooray! Seattle rising! Seattle shining!