A new book by World Bank economist Dr Aklog Birara has been released and it’s receiving rave reviews for its in-depth analysis backed by a wealth of facts and figures about the multitude of problems that have plagued Ethiopia.
Ato Tadesse Gebre-Kidan, former Governor of the National Bank of Ethiopia, says:
Dr. Aklog Birara has meticulously and mercilessly exposed the manifold shortcomings of the political and economic constructs by the current government of Ethiopia–of the few, by the few and for the few–that mischievously claims: divided we stand united we fall, thus turning the time-tested adage governing national unity on his head. Through his analysis backed by ample data, he has gone on to show the way out of the morass. Ethiopians better heed his clarion for corrective actions sooner than later, to avert the possible cataclysm awaiting us.
The 512-page book, titled Waves: Ethiopia’s Endemic Poverty that Globalization Won’t Tackle, but Ethiopians Can, is now available at book stores, or can be ordered directly from the author at [email protected].
The following are excerpts from book’s Introduction:
In my professional experience in the development field spanning over 36 years with exposure to all parts of the developing world, I have wondered why some states have shown capabilities to transform their backward, agrarian and subsistence economies into industrial and manufacturing giants within a generation and why countries like Ethiopia–a country with a long and well established history and independence –have lagged far behind unable to free their populations from unimaginable levels of poverty. One will agree that none of us has the whole answer to this puzzle. One can speculate on the reasons for Ethiopia’s depths of poverty and dependency of 13 to 14 million or 18 percent of its 83 to 85 million people on international emergency food aid. Dependency on the globalizing wave of foreign aid will not resolve the policy, structural, technological and cultural barriers that have impeded productivity and reduce poverty. Given its considerable natural and human resources assets and potential, the country’s poverty and technological backwardness are largely political and man-made. Under favorable conditions, Ethiopia can achieve rapid modernization, reduction in poverty levels and create a solid foundation for shared prosperity within a generation. The small island nation of Mauritius has done it as have numerous countries like Chile and Korea.
A vicious cycle of poverty afflicts the vast majority of Ethiopians despite incredible good will manifested in billions of dollars of emergency and development assistance from wealthy countries. One the most aid-dependent countries in the world, it received US$2 billion in 2009 and is poised to receive US$1 billion from the American government alone in 2010. The United Kingdom, the second most generous bilateral donor is expected to provide 130 million British pounds this year. Various estimates put Ethiopian Diaspora remittances at between US$2.5 billion and US$3 billion per annum, including US$750 million through official channels. Remittances are among the major globalization waves that have I have witnessed over the past 19 years. I do not question the notion that generosity from the donor community saves lives, allows children from poor families to attend school, provides food for malnourished children, saves the lives of girls, women and HIV/AIDS victims and builds access roads. At the same time, there is ample evidence to show that aid has not overcome the policy, structural, political and technological impediments that cause recurrent hunger. Aid is a catalyst and not a panacea. There is perception that aid has created a cycle of dependency, induced corruption and strengthened single-party dominance. Many observers feel that the impacts have thus far been negligible for reasons that may have to do with priorities.
On the opposite side, the ruling-party, its supporters and a few in the donor community argue that substantial growth has taken place. There is substantial physical evidence in the form of hydroelectric power dams, roads and bridges, buildings and housing, schools and other infrastructure to show this. Ethiopia’s growth is largely associated with public and private sector investments in physical infrastructure. The public sector and the small Ethiopian private sector, including the Diaspora, have invested heavily into infrastructure: roads, office and rental buildings, condominiums, apartments and housing. There is no indication that substantial investments into the productive sectors such as industry, manufacturing and agriculture have been made. Lag in the productivity of the real sector is evidenced by recurring hunger, high unemployment and underemployment, especially an estimated 14 million unemployed youth in the country.
On January 26, 2010, Mary Fitzgerald of the Irish Times captured the sentiments of most Ethiopians when she reported that “While the country has experienced much political and economic change in the decades since the last major famine, the fear of hunger has never really gone away. The effect of successive seasons of failed rains goes some way in explaining why Ethiopia finds itself in this current predicament, but even when rains come and harvests are bountiful, nearly one tenth of its people rely on food aid to survive.
Other deeper, structural, policy and political factors are at play, including rapid population growth and the impact of government land policy. Some analysts argue that efforts to boost agricultural development are hamstrung by 1970s legislation that put all land under state ownership: a policy they say discourages initiative and stifles productivity.” Farming tools and “methods have remained unchanged for centuries, farm holdings have become smaller and smaller, agricultural productivity has not increased, and meager harvests must be stretched further.” This book attempts to diagnose the policy, political, structural and technological roots of the problem of low productivity.
Many Ethiopians rightly note that, against these impediments, most notably, polarizing ethnic-governance, government land policy and the structure of the economy, foreign assistance has done little to alleviate poverty. They express frustration and anger that foreign aid has shored-up a single ethnic-based dominant party that has been running the country as a source of wealth with impunity. They present evidence that this coalition has given itself and its supporters privileges denied to the majority. It has created inequitable institutions at a cost to the vast majority. They point out that civil liberties and freedoms have been squashed and the economic space has been largely closed. In its 2010 report on Ethiopia entitled “Human rights from bad to worse,” Human Rights Watch said that donors to the government “have been unwilling to confront the government over its worsening human rights record. Even at the country slides deeper into repression, the Ethiopian government uses development aid funding to leverage against the donors who provide it.” Most Ethiopians find this inexcusable. It is not the poor but the Ethiopian government that receives the funds. It is the government that allocates them in accordance with its programs to strengthen its power. They cite the interplay between political governance and socioeconomic outcomes and show persistent inequities across social, ethnic and geopolitical lines. They make persuasive arguments that aid does not address the critical political, policy, structural and technological impediments facing the poor. My own argument is that development assistance can only play a catalytic role to the extent ththat it is channeled directly to the poor for productive and asset enhancing activities. […]
(The book is available at Lena Market, 1206 Underwood Street, NW, Washington DC, between Van Buren and Gerogia Ave)
BOOK REVIEW By Fikre Tolossa
Ye Colenel Mengistu Tizita, Volume II
(The Reminiscence of Colonel Mengistu Hailemariam)
Published by Kibru Publishers
Addis Ababa, 2002 (Eth. Cal)
Pages: 183
Author, Genet Ayele
The second volume of the reminiscence of Colonel Mengistu Haile-mariam, the ex-president and Prime Minster of Ethiopia, authored by Weyzero Genet Ayele saw the light of the day recently. I had a chance to read review and analyze it. The book is divided into two parts. Part I, deals with the Colonel’s memoir and his views on personalities and events. The second part covers the reactions and comments of former soldiers and ex-members of the Colonel’s Government on the Colonel, his government, the Ethiopian Revolution, the Somali invasion of Ethiopia, the civil war in Eritrea and the failed coup against the Colonel.
In the first volume of his reminiscence, the Colonel was accusatory, emotional and angry at everyone including his former comrades, his adversaries and the EPRDF Government. In the present volume, he seems to be mellow, composed, reflective, nostalgic and even considerate to some extent. He now calls his incarcerated ex-comrades his brothers and friends, unlike in the past, even though he shows no sign of remorse still. Genet has captured even the humane side of his split personality.
I intend to review this book and use the occasion to analyze it and pose a few crucial questions to Colonel Mengistu Hailemariam, the former President of Ethiopia. Even though it is almost 20 years since the Colonel was exiled, the impact of his legacy is still fresh in the minds of many Ethiopians. As such, it won’t be inappropriate to address the Colonel, whether he responds or not. I will also offer him an advice with regards to the book he is currently writing whether he heeds to my advice or not.
In part one, the Colonel touches many subjects speaking briefly about Major Dawit Wolde-giorgis, Emperor Haile-selassie, Ex-prime Minster Endalkachew Mekonen, the late Oromo leader Baro Tumssa, the Felasha, Robert Mugabe, Garbachov and Paul Henze, He also airs his views on power and African leaders, Derg and democracy, his opponents, the EPRDF court that gave him death sentence, remorse and forgiveness, betrayal, his security officers, his counselors, those injured in war, Somalia, and last, the book he is currently writing.
Colonel Mengistu doesn’t dwell at length on most of the topics he touches. I can cite Emperor Haile Selassie as an example. Whereas he could have given an account of how he met the Emperor first, how he impacted him, why he was opposed to him, what he thought of him as a person and leader stating his achievements and failures, he makes statements irrelevant to these. Perhaps, the questions posed to him by the author didn’t lead to these points. I have no clue how the author posed her questions to him, but his answers are too brief and too unrevealing even when it comes to topics that warrant detailed responses such as his childhood.
Speaking about his childhood, he remembers how his mother made him a ball of rags, and how later on his uncle bought him a real ball, and how other kids of his neighborhood flocked after him begging him to kick his ball. However, he does not say where in Ethiopia this event took place. I wish the author took this opportunity to ask him further the whereabouts of this and the details of his childhood as we don’t have much information about his childhood and boyhood except a few rumors regarding his early life.
The Colonel doesn’t say much about the character of his former comrades either. It would have been great if Genet had selected a few of the personalities that were closely associated with him such as Colonel Atnafu Abate, Captain Fikre-selassie Wog-deres, Generals Tesfaye Gebre-kidan, Teferi Benti, Aman Andom, Colonel Birhanu Bayeh, Col. Teka Tulu, Col. Debela Dinssa, and even Captain Legesse Asfaw; and spurred him to give a detailed account of their character.
The Colonel misses Ethiopia in general, and is very nostalgic for Harer in particular. He has a particular affection and yearning for Harer since it was there he had spent his life before he joined the Derg in Addis Abeba. His situation reminded me of the proverb, “bidir be midir”, the equivalent of which in English would be “what goes around, comes around” or “what you sow, you’ll reap”. Weren’t the Colonel and his regime responsible directly or indirectly for the fact that tens of thousands of Ethiopians were uprooted from their motherland and were made to flee for their lives to lead a life of anxiety and homesickness in distant lands? Would the Colonel now put his feet in the shoes of such unfortunate Ethiopians and feel their pain and anguish? Whether he would or not the fact that he is as homesick as other refugees is a poetic justice.
I have heard various opinions pertaining to the peaceful life he leads in Zimbabwe as a refugee though he chooses to call himself “the guest of the people of Zimbabwe“. Some exclaim, “I can’t believe he finds himself well and alive after he caused the deaths of so many people? I just don’t comprehend the reality that he is not languishing in jail like his comrades after what he had said and done!… Where is poetic justice? “ Others respond to this, “He suffers deep down inside, even though he looks okay outwardly. He is scared of his own shadow. His condition is worst than being incarcerated!”
“It is the prayers of his wife that has kept him safe and alive. His good wife is pious. She prays for the “forgiveness of his sins fervently and ceaselessly. His wife remained faithful to God when he “renounced God and claimed to be a Marxist. Maybe he now has repented and believes In God;” would remark a few. There are also those who refute this, “But how could he repent and beg God’s forgiveness when he hasn’t yet expressed his apology to the people of Ethiopia?…”
Indeed, those were words I heard for the last 20 years. Speaking of his wife, Weyzero Wubanchi Bishaw, she is a true and devoted wife who shared his fate all the way through without flinching. Without her, he would probably have collapsed, unable to bear all the pressure exerted on him. According to what I read and heard about her, she was gentle and God-fearing. When her husband was in power, she never abused her power nor amassed wealth like some women of her position would have done. She left the palace and her country to share the misfortune of her husband without partaking of his glory, always maintaining a low profile. In not dedicating a chapter or two to her, the author of this book, Genet Ayele has missed a wealth of information the former first lady would have shared with her on herself, her husband, her children, and most of all, on the Ethiopian Revolution. Weyzero Genet should not only interview her in the future, but also her children and the uncle, as well as the brother of Colonel Mengistu Haile Mariam. Genet, let me give you this assignment for the future. Your task is not completed yet as you think it is.
The present book authored by Genet Ayele reveals that Colonel Mengistu is writing a book about his life, the Revolution and Ethiopian history. It is long overdue that you wrote such a book, dear Colonel. So far, we haven’t read your own testimony composed with your own hand.
As stated earlier, the second part handles interviews the author conducted with former soldiers who served under the Colonel’s regime. I find this part to be engaging and mind-stimulating. The insight of some of them on the Revolution, The Ethio-Somali war, the aborted coup in Asmara and the Ethio-Eritrean civil war is profound and original. These interviews add some more facts to our knowledge of these subjects. In enjoyed them a lot.
The finale of the book ends abruptly. It has no designated conclusion. I wish the author summed up the book by summarizing it in a conclusion stating her personal comments and views on the interviews. Moreover, the colonels views on a variety of topics and burning issues are too short, and do not reveal as much as we expect them to. I wish the author stirred the Colonel to elaborate them.
Overall, Genet Ayele should be applauded for presenting us with this book and the previous one which dealt with the life of Colonel Mengistu Hailemariam. I gather that she spent her own hard-earned money to write and publish it. It is obvious that it has cost her a fortune. If she didn’t dedicate her money, time, energy and talent, we would never had the information enshrined in these two books. We know for fact that it is extremely expensive, time-consuming and exhausting to fly back and forth to Zembawe so many times, deal with the security situation there, spend tons of money and get something out of the Colonel’s mouth single-handedly. Her readers owe Genet a few nice words for her extraordinary achievement. I was saddened to read on Ethiomedia Eskinder Nega’s “book review” in which he tried to link Genet with the Derg because her late father and her ex-husband were soldiers, and associate her with the current Government because, among the persons she thanks in her page of indebtedness happens to be Prof. Endrias Eshete, President of Addis Abeba University.
Genet’s father, Sergeant Ayele Anbesse was a brave soldier who died defending the territorial integrity of Ethiopia. She also lost two brothers in battlefields. Regarding Prof. Endrias Eshete, she didn’t dedicate any special page exclusively to him. His name simply appeared in a sentence among a number of other names. I couldn’t fathom why Ato Eskinder singled him out. I can’t still understand Ato Eskinder’s logic. Is every person that happens to know Prof.Endrias an associate of the Government? Furthermore, what is wrong if the Professor indeed advised and encouraged her to write a book of this much historical significance on the man who ruled Ethiopia for 17 years, and she thanked him for it, regardless of his political stance and his position in the Government? Wouldn’t it make Genet ungrateful and opportunistic if she thanked all those people who encouraged her to write her book and leave out the Professor after she made a good use of his valuable advice? I feel that Ato Iskinder Nega has made a sweeping generalization in stating that the fact that Genet expressed her gratitude to the Professor is an indication of “her proximity to the Government”. It is regrettable that he discredits her name instead of saying a few nice words for her effort. I wish he focused on the substance of the book than becoming personal for a reason unclear to the reader.
Back to Colonel Mengistu, when I think of Colonel Mengistu Haile-mariam, I wonder how he rose to prominence among his fellow soldiers. What was the secret of his rise to power not only among his rank and file, but also among all those intellectuals by whom he was surrounded. Some people attribute this to his callousness and sobriety of mind in the face of calamity, as well as his ruthlessness and speed to take action while others take time to reflect and deliberate instead of acting decisively when situations called for immediate action. Granted this was so, I think the main reasons were his leadership ability and audacity. He didn’t elect himself to be the Chairman of the Derg, did he? Was it not because the Derg members detected in him some leadership qualities that they chose him to lead them in the beginning? And how would he outmaneuver and outsmart the intellectuals that were keen on using him to seize power themselves, as well as his foes and friends alike unless he had some intellect, persuasive power and was crafty? True, he eliminated his opponents violently to emerge as a total winner. Non-the-less, without some leadership qualities and the initial backing of the Derg, he wouldn’t have seized power absolutely.
If the colonel would take my advice worth one cent regarding the book he intends to write, I have something to say. I read in this book the outline of your forthcoming book. It is ambitious. Besides your life, you are writing on Ethiopia history. Unless you dedicate only a chapter to Ethiopian history, the reader will lose track of your own history. So, avoid devoting too many pages to Ethiopian history. People can access Ethiopian history on their own if they desire to. However, they can’t access your life history unless you tell it yourself. Even though your interpretation and perspective of Ethiopian history would be interesting of and in themselves, your own life history should be the focus and the issue. For this reason, I encourage you to detail it truthfully. Please give us the truth, and the whole truth. Avoid justifications of allegations and counter allegations, and focus on the facts. Personally, I would like to know more about your childhood, boyhood, your life as a soldier, your parents, family members, the personalities that you met, encountered and impacted on and influenced you, incidents and events that affected and shaped your views and character. If you don’t do that, people will continue speculating about your background. If you pass away without telling your life history truthfully, it will remain shrouded in mystery for eternity. It is only you who can record your life history best as long as you are alive.
A friend who read your late father’s interview that he granted years ago to a local paper told me what he remembers about the interview. According to your father, shortly before the Ethio-Italian war broke out in 1936 (European Calendar), your mother was engaged to your father. After the war broke out, your father and mother lost track of one another. Your mother married another man and lived at Chefe-denssa (?) around Shenkora. When your father found out this he went to the Italian authorities, showed the agreement of engagement and expressed his desire to marry his fiancée. The Italians asked your mother to choose between your father and the man she had married. Your mother chose your father and married him. Then you were born. Your father moved to Addis Abeba and you started to live with Dejazmatch Kebede Tessema on your own, even though you were not related to him biologically. He helped you to join the army and also to win a short scholarship for a military training in the USA.
Colonel, is this all true? How much of this is true? It is important that you include such details in your autobiography. How was growing up in Ethiopia? For instance, it is rumored that some people had teased you when you were young on the basis of the dark tone of your skin. If this is true, how did this affect you and impact your social and political behaviors and actions later on? Did you do something to change the mentality of such color-conscious, abusive individuals in a black African country? A while back when you were in power, I was shocked to hear some individuals who didn’t like your politics cursing you, referring to the color of your skin, ridiculous and outrageous as this was. I have also eavesdropped when others were saying, “since the light-colored leaders were oppressing the people of Ethiopia, God raised a dark-skinned man to straighten them up …” Colonel, it would be good to address in your book such mental backwardness to teach such individuals a lesson, if you think it is important to do so.
On another note, since you were the head-of-state of Ethiopia for 17 years, you are held accountable for both the good and bad actions you and your government took during your tenure as a leader. Too much blood was shed during your reign. You are responsible for this to a significant extent, even though you can’t be held responsible for all the bloodsheds, because everybody was killing anybody in those days of madness. Please allow me to pose to you a few questions for the record, pertaining to bloodletting and other issues. I understand that you were one of the major actors of a historical time marked by a revolution. Yes indeed, I am cognizant of the fact that making a revolution is not attending a wedding party. My contention is that, you could have minimized the death-toll, had you cared much to preserve human life. One way of doing this would have been to keep in prison the people you had captured and incapacitated, instead of executing them in an act of retribution. Let me start with the death of Emperor Haile Selassie. I don’t think it was necessary to kill him since he was old and dying by himself anyway.
In your interview with Weyzero Genet in this latest book you have said that you were not around when the Emperor died, and you were as surprised as everyone about the news. According to you, you were upset and suspicious of his death since Professor Asrat had announced a few days prior to that, that the Emperor’s health was in mint condition. I find this assertion of yours hard to buy. It was said then by witnesses (probably by the servants of the Emperor) that the ruthless Colonel Daniel Asfaw, the Derg’s Chief of Security and a certain doctor injected the Emperor with a poison or chocked him to death. If this is true, it is unlikely that Colonel Daniel would dare do this without your prior-knowledge and approval as he wouldn’t take an action of this magnitude on his own. What do you say about this? Even if you deny this, who buried the Emperor under the floor of an office in the palace? People say that you used that room as your office and you sat above the remains of the Emperor. Is this a slander or true? Weren’t the bones of the Emperor dug out of that office and exhibited a number of years ago and reburied at the Trinity Cathedral by the relatives of the Emperor in a full view on TV while the Ethiopian people were watching? Or do you dismiss this as a fabrication of the current government? Please share the truth, Colonel.
You say often that you didn’t kill any one unjustly, and you even uttered to a foreign journalist, if you remember, that you hadn’t even killed a fly unkindly. Therefore, you had no and you still don’t have any regrets about the death of some of the people you encountered, and you owe no one an apology. Leaving aside the tens of thousands of people who perished in the cities and war-fronts under your leadership, let me ask you a question about the killings of your own comrades. As you know, Colonel Atnafu Abate had been a founding member of the Derg long before you joined it coming from Harer. You knew he was brave and genuine. He trusted you and passed through thick and thin with you. Why did you kill him? The main reason your media gave then was that he proposed the application of “mixed economy” like Sweden, for instance. You yourself accepted this economic policy pressured by the demand of the times and attempted to apply it towards the end of your regime. Why did then you kill that innocent man throwing his poor mother into a sate of immense sorrow? His mother was as unfortunate as your mother. She loved her son even as your own mother loved you. Don’t try to give me another reason. No any other reason or excuse you come up with will justify Colonel Atnafu’s death. Since you were possessed with the urge to kill, the conscious people of Ethiopia knew that he was your next target. Even I, who was in Europe then used to predict that your next victim would be Colonel Atnafu. Many people didn’t trust you then. It was Col. Atnafu alone who thought that you won’t exercise on him what you had exercised on others. So, people used to call him, “the sheep that would be slaughtered next.” It seems that you got rid of him to get rid of the last obstacle on your way to power. Don’t you feel you owe an apology to his mother and the people of Ethiopia for shedding innocent blood? I won’t list here the numerous well-meaning Ethiopians that were executed extra-judicially directly or indirectly by you for such unfounded reasons.
Next, why did you kill or you had Colonel Daniel Asfaw, The Derg’s Chief of Security, kill (if you prefer to blame it on Colonel Daniel) General Teferi Benti, who had been like a father to you? He was never caught red-handed while attempting to murder you. Nor did he try to have you arrested. Why did you condemn him to death? After you and Daniel killed him and the rest, you said, “le kurs yasebunin, le missa adergnachew.”Okay, let’s say that they had plotted to make a coup against you. Why didn’t you confine them in prison instead of executing them in the palace basement? Weren’t you able to resolve any acute problem except by killing your opponents?
Furthermore, granted all those generals of yours that you executed at the war fronts and cities for imagined and real reasons and for attempting the coups on you, such as General Tariku, General Fenta Belay and the others were treacherous and criminals as you say, why did you have to kill them when you could have kept them in prison indefinitely.? You knew that Ethiopia had paid a lot to train them. You knew that there was no one to comfort their wives and raise their children after you had annihilated them. Why did you then kill them? You and I know the answer- You were vindictive. The word “mercy” was not in your vocabulary. But you forgot one thing blinded by your retribution: The domino effect of your execution. Regardless of the reasons why you humiliated and executed General Tariku, General Fenta Belai and the rest, it delighted the EPLF leadership and enabled them to march into Ethiopia unhindered by your dwindling army a good number of which had surrendered to EPLF and TPLF, demoralized and confused by your vindictive actions. In other words, your own action backfired on you and caused your downfall. This proved that you were not as farsighted as you gave the impression to be. Worst of all, you fled Ethiopia leaving her to the adversaries you had been fighting against, besides abandoning your comrades who trusted you and were willing to die for you.
Concerning the execution of the 60 individuals who had served under Emperor Haile Selassie’s Regime just like you did, you have denied time and again that you were not the one who condemned them to die. While this may have some germs of truth, it is impossible to absolve you completely, because the facts indicate that you were the principal architect that instigated openly and behind the scene their execution, particularly after the death of General Aman Andom. This you did to diminish the shock of the General’s death as he had been popular among the armed forces, and also to confuse the populace and compel it to focus on the 60 persons including the few soldiers that faced your firing-squad because of their opposition to your leadership, rather than focusing on the General. Those officials should have been tried at a court of justice and proven guilty before they were executed mercilessly. A good number of them had served their county well, and some of them, like Prime Ministers Mekonen Habtewold and Endalkachew Mekonen could have served their country further if they were not condemned to die. All were harmless and helpless in prison. Their properties were confiscated. Why did you and your Derg members have to kill them as long as it was not proven in court that they had taken the lives of others. Don’t you think that you and your comrades owe an apology to the families of the 60 people? Why should their blood be the blood of dogs?
You have declared in this book and elsewhere that the interest of Ethiopia precedes that of individuals. Hence, it was okay for you to execute those that, in your opinion, violated the sovereignty of Ethiopia. Did this hold true for you too? Or did you have a double-standard? Were you the only one that safeguarded the interest of Ethiopia among the members of your government? Why didn’t you relinquish power when your comrades told you time and again that your leadership would damage the sovereignty of Ethiopia? You said in his book, “who am I going to relinquish power to? To Weyane?” Why Weyane? If you really had the interest of Ethiopia at heart, why didn’t you relinquish power to your rank and file comrades who were capable of leading Ethiopia when your leadership was under question mark? If you didn’t trust individuals, you could have given back power to a committee that would check and balance itself, so that no individual would abuse power and emerge as a dictator. The Ethiopian soldiers who attempted the coup negotiated a cease-fire and peace-accord with the leaders of Shabia and Weyane having the best interest of Ethiopia at heart just like you claimed you had. Let us think of a scenario in which the coup had succeeded. Since the Ethiopian army was intact then, Shabia would not have seceded. If it broke the deal, it would continue fighting eternally. As it was tired of fighting, it would have abided by the arrangement that would have been made with the coup makers. Moreover, Weyane would not have ceased power by itself. It would have been compelled to share power with the members of the new Ethiopian government. As such, the partition of Eritrea from Ethiopia and all the ethnic upheaval that followed would have been averted. You see what I mean? If you really loved Ethiopia more than yourself and your power, you would have relinquished your power for the welfare of Ethiopia when your leadership was beginning to cause the downfall of Ethiopia.
You know General Fenta Belai and the rest of the coup attempters were Ethiopian heroes. Why didn’t you spare their lives when they were at your mercy if you cared for Ethiopia as much as you claimed you did? I read that even General Tesfaye Gebre-kidan was begging you to spare their lives. In killing them, you didn’t show any clemency and magnanimity. Even Emperor Haile Selassie was merciful and magnanimous at times. He didn’t kill all those who opposed him, and even attempted to kill him. He has spared the lives of many including Bitwoded Negash and Dejazmatch Takele who were attempting to kill him all the time. You were unmerciful, and I should add, cruel. Yes, you vindicated yourself and appeased your ego. But what did the Ethiopia you “love” benefit from their death? The answer is that Ethiopia lost immensely because of their death. Of course, the immediate loss was to their family. They could at least have raised their children and done whatever they chose to do with their lives including writing books on the Ethiopian revolution exactly as you do. Because you didn’t die you were able to raise your children to be medical doctors and you are writing a book besides sharing your story with us. Had you died early on in Ethiopia, you wouldn’t have achieved all this, would you?
By your own admission in this book, there were nine attempts on your life in Ethiopia. As to why you didn’t die or even languish in prison like your comrades, is a big mystery. God works in mysterious ways and only the God you don’t believe in (unless you believe now) knows why he didn’t let you suffer as thousands of Ethiopians did; and most of all, why He spared your life. I know only one thing- your family has benefited much from it. And if you write a book truthfully, history too, can gain from it. Frankly, I do not expect you to be truthful and admissive of mistakes. So far, none of the principal actors or leaders of the Ethiopian Revolution, be it from your camp or the camps of your opponents, have told the whole truth and admitted where they went wrong. Sadly, it seems that it is not in our tradition to tell the truth, admit mistakes or wrongs and apologize for them. Hence, it would be unfair to expect you to be exceptional.
You say that you didn’t mean to flee and that you had not planned to head for Zimbawe. I don’t believe you. You had appointed your uncle as ambassador to Zimbawe ahead of time so that he could pave the way for you flight. Was it purely a coincidence that your uncle was your ambassador in Zimbabwe at the time of your flight? I could also furnish you with other evidences that your flight was pre-arranged. But this alone suffices.
You used to break bottles filled with red ink symbolizing blood at Abyot Adebabay (the former Meskel Square), screaming that you would fight until you were left with the last bullet. Dear Colonel, you fled without shooting even a bullet. If you say that you didn’t want to cause the destruction of Addis Abeba by meeting the enemy there, why didn’t you meet it outside Addis Abeba and fight it until the last bullet? Your conscience knows the answer to this question; and you have to live with it for the rest of your life.
Now pertaining to the exportation of the Felasha to Israel. you stated that you simply signed a done deal, that you were not aware the Felasha were present in Addis until the eleventh hour. How could this be true? Would then a tiny bird fly from one tree to another without your pre-knowledge, let alone the exodus of a whole nation all the way from Gonder to Addis? The fact was that you permitted Ato Kassa Kebede, he in whose father’s house you had spent a good part of your boyhood, to negotiate with the Israelis on account of his good connection with them. Didn’t you allow US $30 million Dollars to be deposited at a government account in New York as a compensation for exporting those Ethiopian subjects of yours to Israel? If you did, wasn’t that equitable to blood money, Colonel? Wasn’t that a sale-out of your people? Please correct me if that was not the case. Even the EPRDF leaders refused to put their fingers on that account in the beginning labeling it as “blood money”. I have no clue where that money is now. Whoever has taken it has blood in his hands.
In this same book, you state that the Felashas were Ethiopians through and through. You don’t believe that they had emigrated from Israel to Ethiopia as it is claimed. They practiced Judaism like most Ethiopians before the advent of Christianity. You are right in saying that most Ethiopians practiced Judaism before the advent of Christianity. I like your insight here. Nevertheless, you are not right in asserting that they didn’t immigrate to Ethiopia from Israel or elsewhere. They did. The Jewish people had immigrated to Ethiopia three times en mass- the first was when Moses was still alive 3500 years ago. They immigrated to Ethiopia from Media (Medyam) escorting Ethiop, the grandson of Jethro, the Ethiopian high priest of Median, Moses’ father-in-law. The mother of Ethiop was RuthAmin. She was a Jewish of the tribe of Judah. The second immigration occured when the Jewish were escorting, ironically, another half-cast by the name of Menilik I, son of King Solomon and Queen Sheba, 3000 years ago. The last immigration took place during the Babylonian captivity about 2400 years ago. True, physically the Felashas now look like the rest of Ethiopians. This was due to their intermarriage with other Ethiopians. Technically, they are every inch Ethiopians. That’s why they don’t accept them in Israel as full-fledged Jews. Since you are writing the history of Ethiopia in your autobiography, please check these facts.
How about your legacy and positive qualities? To be fair, I have to admit that you had some positive qualities too. You didn’t compromise an iota on the territorial integrity, and even sovereignty of Ethiopia at trying times. You aspired to see the advancement of Ethiopia in your own way. You built and improved some of the infrastructure of your county. You were instrumental in providing land to he tiller and in the effort to eliminate illiteracy. In fact, you played a vital role in breaking the backbone of the oppressive feudal system. You were sober and decisive at critical moments such as the invasion of Ethiopia by Somalia. You didn’t favor one ethnic group over another. You didn’t let one ethnic group dominate another. You were proud of being Ethiopian and you cherished the great Ethiopian history. Your judgment was fair in some situations that called for fair judgment. You had a fine ability to chair meetings. You were articulate, yet absolutely attentive while others spoke, a quality which enabled you to summarize the ideas of others and make them your own if you liked the ideas and were new to you. You were a fast learner and very alert. Given your educational background, you learned a great deal from reality, educated yourself during the Revolution and tried to tackle complex subjects. Most of all, you lived humbly, and neither you nor your good wife plundered the resources and wealth of Ethiopia. Nor did you allow your family members and friends to do so. These qualities of yours should be appreciated and be recorded in Ethiopian history. If your Government was not pre-occupied with a civil-war, it would perhaps have fared well in nation building. Dear Colonel, let me rest your case with these final words.
A note to the reader- I was informed that Colonel Mengistu’s latest book, which I just reviewed above, will be available in the US and Canada soon. You can order it from the publisher or buy it at stores when the publisher announces its release.
(Fikre Tolossa, Ph. D., is a poet-playwright, critic, essayist and educator. His latest book entitled,The Hidden and Untold History of the Jewish People and Ethiopians, as well as his original songs that he himself has composed and plays on the Kirar, will be released soon to the public at large. His film in English, “Multi-colored Flowers” was featured with great resonance in the USA, Canada, Europe and Ethiopia. He has written extensively on Ethiopian history and culture for the past 20 years finding common factors that united the peoples of Ethiopia at a time of historical confusion and denial. Dr. Fikre Tolossa has authored over forty published and unpublished articles and books. He can be reached at: [email protected])
By Amanuel Biedemariam
Leading up to the fake “demonstration” the TPLF or Meles Zenawi’s supporters conducted earlier this month (August 5), they run an ad detailing the reasons for the event. The sign read, “Come for a peaceful demonstration. A huge turnout Demonstration at the White House and State Dept is planned for August 5, 2010 at… in support of Ethiopia’s effort to make poverty a thing of the past, continuous Economic growth and its right to use the Nile River, and in opposition to the recent terrorist acts against our people in Uganda.”
Where to start; so much to ponder?… But first, let’s look at the statement of “peaceful demonstration.” What would “peaceful” mean to a group that put a nation in shackles, committed major crimes on Ethiopians in the Ogaden, Gambella Oromo and roasted civilians in Somalia like roaches; deported thousands of Eritreans after they stole their hard-earned wealth? What would “peaceful demonstration” mean to Meles Zenawi and his Aigaforum criminal partners that shot direct hundreds of innocent civilians in front of the whole world?
Let’s look at what it would mean to “Demonstrate to support their efforts to make poverty a thing of the past.” How will demonstration at the State Department alleviate poverty? Is it not US that provides the largest financial, material, military and diplomatic support of the defunct Meles Zenawi’s TPLF regime? By all accounts, Ethiopia is and has been the largest recipient of US and Western aid. Meles Zenawi has enjoyed more access to Western and US leaders than any other African leader in history. He attends all the G-8, G-20 and many of the other major international leaders’ gatherings. He has befriended such major proponents of aid for Africa as Geoffrey Sachs and others. They support him on his endeavors to collect major funding for all types aid by applying their theories, methodologies or schemes, if you will. In other words, he never lacked support of those enablers that give him aid willingly. In fact, he remains the poster child of aid handlers. He has been the choice spokesperson for foreign aid and funds generated, supposedly for the “poor” in underdeveloped countries. Then, why did he need to demonstrate outside the doors of the State Department for aid, all of a sudden? It is curious to see Meles, who bombarded the world and Ethiopians with rosy economic growth-figures, which should have placed Ethiopia in the top of developed countries categories by now, begging outside the State Department.
The second stated reason for the demonstration was, “Continuous Economic growth and its right to use the Nile River.” Here again, more questions than answers. Why would a country that claims to have successfully organized Uganda, Tanzania, Rwanda and Kenya and signed an agreement need, the US regarding the right of the Nile river use? Why did Meles need to demonstrate when he has signed an accord with Egypt in July 1993 in Cairo? Article 6 of the accord states:
“The two parties agree on the necessity of the conservation and protection of the Nile Waters. In this regard, they undertake to consult and cooperate in projects that are mutually advantageous, such as projects that would enhance the volume of flow and reduce the loss of Nile Waters through comprehensive and integrated development schemes.”
In addition, Meles Zenawi signed another agreement with Cairo acknowledging Egypt’s quota over Nile River in December of 2009. Therefore, why is he demonstrating after the fact? How is US involvement going to change the agreement? Furthermore, why would the US put itself in a position to have to choose between Egypt and Ethiopia? Why would the US antagonize Egypt who has been a staunch ally and key supporter of Israel and US policies in the Middle East for decades? Is Meles Zenawi giving the US an ultimatum you are either with Ethiopia or with Egypt?
The third reason for the demonstration was “Opposition to the recent terrorist acts against our people in Uganda.” Again, questions, questions and questions yet, no explanation. First, why tie poverty alleviation to anti terror campaign? Secondly, Ethiopia is the number one beneficiary of the billions spent on the war on terror. Then, why did Meles see a need to demonstrate? Is he looking for additional funding? Did the US stop providing him with the funds? Why demonstrate in opposition to a terror act in the US in front of the State Department? Is the US not supportive of Ethiopia’s efforts everywhere? Curiously, is the terrorist Al Shabab, sanctioned by the US? Is the US harboring and providing sanctuaries to Al Shabab?
Furthermore, the demonstration was, “In opposition to the recent terrorist acts against OUR people in Uganda.” How about those Eritreans that died in the blast in the Ethiopian restaurant? It is ironic; of all the people that died in that Ethiopian restaurant that evening, nearly all were Eritreans and yet, there is no mention of them. What is curious is Aigaforum is claiming their Eritrean friends will come and join the demonstrations while they failed to acknowledge Eritreans that died in the blast. The reality however, Meles-ovich or his criminal gangs of Aigaforum do not have Eritrean friends.
The Scoop
Meles Zenawi and his friend Yoweri Museveni believe that they can continue on receiving the financial gains they used to get during the Bush Administration. There are some in Meles’ circles saying, “Why farm when all you need is boots.” Sending troops for peacekeeping missions yields good cash for these despots. In 2007, the average cost per troop for the UN was as follows: $1,028 for pay and allowances, $303 supplementary pay for specialists, $68 for personal clothing gear and equipment and $5 for personal weaponry. These does not include logistical and troop transportation expenses, the further the distance and the rougher the road the more the money. Therefore, there is no incentive for the troop providing countries like Ethiopia to use shorter routs. For example, the distances from Addis Ababa to Port Mombassa is 1804, Addis Ababa to Port Sudan 1696, Addis Ababa Mogadishu 1520, Addis Ababa to Berbera 943 and Addis Ababa Djibouti 910 kilometers.
It is ironic that the bombings in Uganda happened just days before the African Union was to meet in Uganda. Ethiopia and Uganda are the countries that desperately wanted to change the Somalia Mission mandate and escalate the troop numbers to about 20, 000. They heavily relied on the bombings to convince the US and AU into changing the mandate from peace- keeping into active peace-enforcement. Their aim was to try to make the bombings into a 911 type of mandate that propelled the ouster of the Taliban from Afghanistan. That would have given them opportunities to unlimited funds and for extended period to hunt Al Shabab door to door. That failed and failed miserably because the US and AU rejected it outright.
Over the last five years, IGAD essentially replaced the African Union. Meles and Musevini used IGAD to pass their agendas using all kinds of trickery and went crazy thinking that they can keep hijacking African matters but run into a wall during the last AU session in Kampala. The dynamics have changed completely. The AU members have decided to take back the AU. The Community of Sahel-Saharan States CEN-SAD came with one voice and decisions to put a stop to it all and there was nothing any power could do to change that collective advantage..
Most importantly, in pursuing to change the mandate, Ethiopia and Uganda made the miscalculation by thinking that they can take ownership of the so-called “War on terror” from the US and the US rejected it. In other words, these despots let their greed and ill-perceived senses of confidence guide them into their failures. They failed in Somalia miserably. The TFG they tried to screw on to power failed to make a dent let along establish itself. Some analysts have said,” The idea that 8,000 or 10,000 ill equipped African troops are going to be able to defeat the insurgency is utterly delusional.” That is the reality. Meles and Museveni are mercenaries that could only take orders not the other way around. Their aim was to try to make money-using peacekeepers in Somalia not to bring peace or stability there.
As for the Nile, Meles-ovich is using the Nile as a wedge issue in order to change the subject from his domestic issues in the same manner that he used the Eritrean port of Assab for a while! That will not work because Ethiopians have outsmarted him and rejected his devious ploys. In fact, time has come that Ethiopians, Eritreans have started to work together, and it is certain that it will bear fruit.
Conclusion
What the demonstration exposed was that Meles-ovich and his cronies are in the outside looking in. They are about to get layoff notices. It is a sign of a shift in US policies. It was unthinkable for a while for Meles-ovich who enjoyed unfettered access to the State Department to send his cronies in a blues T-shirts (which looked like prisoners shirts) to shout outside the doors of the State Department. It is a true sign of desperation. After he “Won” the landslide victory, 99.6% to be exact, he was trying to show the US he has that type of support in the Diaspora. However, he was not able to bring enough people to fill a small restaurant. Meles-ovich and his Aigaforum cronies conveniently forgot that the US has expressed its disapproval of the election and stated that it did not meet international standards. That is also a reflection of the international community’s views. Meles went as far as the US and their Western allies could take him. However, at this point, Meles has become more of a liability than he is worth. In other words, he is increasingly isolated, loosing grip and sliding downward fast.
Meles-ovich thought that he cleaned house in Ethiopia and it was time to focus in the US by changing the subjects from domestic to terrorism, The Nile and poverty. He figured Ethiopian communities in the Diaspora would play dead and allow him to own their agendas. He was wrong, because they came roaring. They did not give him a chance. They held their own demonstration and took away from the attention he desperately thought to get. In reverse, he actually reinvigorated the Ethiopian communities and all his opposition. In other words, as always he miscalculated.
This was a great opportunity not only for Ethiopians but also for all peace loving people that want to rid this despot. By holding the failed demonstration, he hinted to all that he is not receiving the attention he needs from the US. That means, it is a great opportunity for the people of the region to press the US more into completely dropping him. Because, without US support he cannot survive a month even with China’s support. China will not go to war for him and certainly, China would not want the US to stop supporting Meles because they do not know what the alternative would look like. Therefore, it is time for all the people of the region to join hands and show the world what they feel and urge them to change their failed policies in the Horn of Africa.
(The writer can be reached at [email protected])
A rejoinder to Shiferaw Abebe’s article on OLF
By Dumessaa Diimmaa
I am astounded and disturbed by a gratuitous vilification, denunciation and resentment of Ato Shiferaw Abebe towards OLF. One can feel the fury of his pen and his unmitigated rants and bristling just to rebut a simple resolution by OLF inviting all stakeholders in the Empire for united front against the Wayannee controlled regime.
Unnecessary and pointless demagoguery is not a panacea to the Empire’s complex, intractable, social and political dilemmas. Ato Abebe inveighed against OLF with predictable rants of a grieved nefetegna instead of a sober analysis of the crisis confronting the region. Surely, OLF has its own foibles and shortcomings; however, it is the only credible entity in that wretched region who can act as an intermediary with good faith and authenticity among the contentious and quarrelsome organizations in the Empire. It is very difficult to put forward an idea for consideration in the present dysfunctional political culture that is prevailing in Ethiopia. The shrillness and savagery of the attack that was lobbed at OLF when it organized the AFD by the cacophonous bunch from EPRP was deafening. Ato Abebe’s canards have a familiar tone and genre spewed out by those who do not have a scintilla of civility nor intellectual integrity to offer a viable dialogue to remediate the exasperating ethnic and political chasms in the country.
If one scrutinize the totality of OLF’s contribution to the generic social and political struggle in Ethiopia for the past few decades, some minor setbacks notwithstanding, I have no doubt that history will absolve OLF as one of the major contributor to the struggle of all Ethiopians for freedom and dignity.
On the issues of national unity and the role of Oromo nation in general and that of the OLF in particular, there is a need to sketch a brief history of the Empire. Ethiopia was forged as an Empire in the last half of the 19th century by successive Abyssinian Emperors and warlords from the north. Emperor Menelik the II, as the most notable and in the case of the Oromo and other southern polities, he and his generals conquered and annexed a large stretch of land and population in the territories what is now regarded as southern Ethiopia. The grossly cruel atrocities that were committed against the Oromo nation and other nationalities in the course of empire building were very appalling. For the Abyssinians, these Imperial marches of conquest and annexation may be viewed as nation building of glory and gallantry. For the polities in the south, it was rivers of blood and tears. Menelik’s campaign against the Oromo and others in the south is well documented and even dubbed by some historians as the Southern Marches of Imperial Ethiopia, (books by Harold Marcus, Mohammad Hassan, Wendy James, and several other scholars on Ethiopia could be consulted). Even the vilest European subjugation of African peoples did not parallel the pillaging and desolation committed by Menelik’s raiding army in the conquered South. Through an extended and forceful subjugation/colonization from garrison towns that were established by the Imperial Army, the fate of the south in general and that of the Oromo nation was doomed and sealed to be part of the grand Imperial design of Emperor Menelik’s. “Greater Ethiopia”
It is against these historical contexts that we must embark when we engage in dialogue to sort out the complexities of “national /Oromo question”. Oromo Nation predates the onslaught of Abyssinian and European conquest and colonialism. It was not a modern nation with all the entrapments of a structured nation state. However, it existed like most African polities of the period, including that of many Abyssinia regions (i.e. Gonder Gojjem, Tgray, etc.) independent and self reliant of its resources, governed by republican legislative governance called Gadda democracy. Democracy permeated every aspects of Oromo culture. Gadda is a system that has an organizing structure of thoughts, concepts, doctrine and tenets which provided the basis for and –upon which identities constructed by the Oromo people.
At abebe’s comparison of OLF with TPLF and other Abyssinian organizations and their politics unmasks the convoluted and often arrogant political disposition of the Abyssinian elites. The notion that OLF is a failed and rudderless organization is risible. OLF, with all its shortcomings, is a major political organization that represents at minimum, forty percent of the Empires citizens. All things considered, OLF may not even need to coalesce with any group to be a contender in the Empire’s politics. However, to mitigate the chronic conflict of the whole region in general and the dysfunctional political culture of the Empire in particular, it behooves any adroit organization to embark up on some sort of rapprochement among all the stakeholders in the Empire. OLF’s call for a united front is a genuine and honest gesture. I know for a fact that OLF has a long and enduring cooperation with the stakeholder of the Southern polities, (i.e. Sidama, Somali, Afar, and Benenshagul.etc.). Hopefully, in the future the polities from the north will be comprised in as part of this pan-Ethiopian canopy to unify the Empire on the equal footing to all.
OLF is a product of contemporary Ethiopian history. Unlike multiple Ethiopian organizations that were formed by the political left of the 1970s or the innumerable Ethiopian political parties formed by the Diaspora leisure class, the OLF was given birth as a reaction to the abusive and opprobrious treatments Oromo nation was subjected to by successive Abyssinian rulers including the present Meles regime. It was and is the manifestation and aspiration of the Oromo to a long history of betrayal, treachery and unimaginable cultural and political oppression by the Abyssinian state and its apparatus. The OLF, for an ordinary political observer, may look just another liberation organization, for the Oromo, it represents our indomitable virtues and unyielding spirit to rectify century old degradation by the Abyssinian rulers, and hence we even jokingly say every Oromo is an OLF!
Further more, OLF never gave false claims or hopes to its rank and file. Successive leadership of the organization warned us, due to the level of development of our nation, the struggle will be a long and arduous one; there will be ups and downs, conflicts and betrayals within the organization itself and in the political milieus of the Horn of Africa. It really does not matter how many Abyssinia rulers usurps the state power in the Empire, for us, the focus should be to organize, win the hearts and minds of the Oromo people throughout Oromia and strength the unity of conquered peoples in the Empire. Comparing OLF with TPLF is a bogus proposition! TPLF was the creation of EPLF, it trained, indoctrinated and ushered it to Tigray so that it alone would not bear the brunt of Ethiopian army in Eritrea! One should not look into the growth of TPLF in isolation from that of EPLF’s objectives. At its inception, as well as it matured to level of a credible fighting force, TPLF had the backing of Eritrea rebels. OLF, on other hand, never benefited from any outside assistance, or have had a benefactor to mentor or motivate in the art of guerrilla warfare. Whatever achievement it had, it was home grown and reflected the meager resources and improvised resistance against the powerful Ethiopian state apparatus.
When most Guerrilla movements in the Empire were massacring each other in the name of revolutionary justice, (TPLF is a poster child of these vile and sordid acts) the OLF never engaged in any sort of “self cleansing” to advance any political views or disagreements among its members or leadership. Those who felt that the life of a guerrilla is an intolerable task and could not endure the discipline and the sacrifices were allowed to withdraw from the organization and were bade farewell with out any consequences. The OLF and its history bear no comparison to all the indictments hurled against it by ato Abebe. His gloomy prognostication that “ it will remain an exile secessionist organization forever giving false claims and hopes to its ever fractured membership” is yet a familiar derision and abusive invectives only ato Abebe and his ilk conjure-up to malign OLF about its visions and conviction of liberating the Oromo nation. He is hardly qualified to assess the present status of OLF and its activities. We, in the Oromo resistance look at the Ethiopian history and culture as that of colonizing structure that did hold-down our societies’ potentials and our nation-hood. Unlike Ato Abebe who views the Oromo quest for freedom and dignity as “secessionist”, we spent the bulk of our adolescent and adulthood years in the jungles of Oromia and some of us in exile struggling and hoping one day our people will be free to govern themselves. The struggle continues!
If on the other hand, his characterization of the organization had been true, I have no qualm to add my criticism of the OLF to his, but it is not true and his is just a craven canards!
The entire hullabaloo by ato Abebe about OLF is perhaps a result of social and political alienation of Abyssinia intellectuals from what is transpiring within non-Abyssinian communities. This hatred enhanced intellectual commentary and stance vis-à-vis OLF and other colonized peoples in the Empire is a craven screed and will not elevate the debate or the unity of the Empire. The social forces that kept Ethiopia as an empire crumbled and if we continue to advance and maintain bankrupted views, there will be many mini Ethiopias, not one! A serious debate should have not been marred by virulent distortions and ridicule by ato Abebe and other characters. The inability of these “elites” to understand the rising tide of resistance in the Empire in general and that of Oromo nationalism in particular illustrates the primitive stage of their creativity and an underdeveloped democratic culture. For all their erudition, these “elites” will not save the Empire as it is politically arranged now. They write vacuously with content less platitudes about the glories and indivisibility of the Empire. The shrillness and mordancy of their tone in their commentary is quintessentially feudal Abyssinian intolerance for other people’s choices and views. If ato Abebe’s attempt is to persuade Oromo nation to abandon the struggle for Oromo rights, dignity and identity, and feel more Ethiopian solely on the basis of the present structure and political arrangements, his arguments fails miserably. The travesty of his writing about OLF illustrates the hypocrisy and ultimately the intellectual bankruptcy of his range of vision.
Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) is the link between Oromo masses and defiant resistance against the Meles’ regime. Correctly perceiving this historical role, OLF members continue to risk their lives to organize, mobilize, agitate and educate Oromos everywhere.
Indeed, it is necessary that we make a profound reassessment of both the military and political concepts of the national struggle and the call for unity against the entrenched Wayannee regime undoubtedly constitutes one of the essential processes of this solidarity.
From our perspective, in our struggle, there must emerge a tested and visionary leadership supremely confident of its ability to shape the destiny of the Empire and its people. And from it, too, there must spring a tolerant, creative, modern and democratic Ethiopian state endowed with rich experiences and convinced of the rights of its citizens.
Finally, the Oromo nation’s resistance is a momentous process that cannot be stopped by Meles and his thugs. The quest for freedom and the willingness to pay any price will continue to shape the political environment of the empire, either through ballot or bullet, the self-determination of our people will come. It is an historical inevitability that the struggle of the Oromo and all peoples of the Empire will succeed. The courage, the vigilance and the commitment of our people will determine the distance. For sure, we will go to any length to free our people.
(Dumeessa Q. Diimmaa is an Oromo activist. He could be reached at [email protected])
