By Elias Kifle
EthioMedia.com has been publishing a series of articles [1, 2] by some one pen named Tikur Chaka in the past few weeks. I have received requests by some EPPF supporters and Ethiopian Review readers to address the issues raised in the articles.
Ato Melke Mengiste, one of the senior members of EPPF who helped found the organization, has also asked me to publish a confidential report he presented to EPPF chapters and central committee members on August 1, 2010. Ato Melke’s report highlights some of the main problems facing EPPF. Click here to read.
The issues surrounding the Ethiopian People’s Patriotic Front (EPPF) are too complicated and after reading both articles by “Tikur Chaka,” I think it is important to address some of them based on my own personal observation. Again, the following are my personal observations.
1. The writer accuses many individuals, including me, of not taking a public stand regarding the problems currently facing EPPF. As a matter of fact, some of us have been fighting hard to fix the problems inside EPPF behind the scene, and there have been some serious, tangible steps that have been taken recently. For example, a few weeks ago, EPPF chapters have passed a joint resolution calling for suspension of all fund raising activities around the world on behalf of EPPF until a proper system for handling its finances has been put in place. The resolution also calls for revamping of the leadership. (click here to read the resolution.) There are a number of other steps that are being taken — the details of which I cannot discuss at this time.
2. The claim the writer makes that Eritrean officials do not want EPPF to become a strong Ethiopian polico-military force has NOT been supported by solid facts. The main reason EPPF is failing to make advances is that it has been infiltrated by corrupt individuals who seek fame and financial gains at the expense of the organization, as detailed in Ato Melke’s confidential report.
3. As the writer correctly points out, some members of the EPPF top leadership have been engaged in embezzlement of funds that were collected for the organization. I don’t think this will happen any more, because many of the newly elected central committee members have taken a strong stand against such gross misconduct. I am confident that those who have misappropriated funds from the organization will be held accountable.
Lastly, the writer is hell-bent on trying to convince his readers that the main source of EPPF’s problems is the Eritrean government or Shabia. This is a weak argument. If we continue to externalize our problems, instead of looking at ourselves and examine our own actions, we cannot find solutions. EPPF, and all Ethiopian opposition parties, for that matter, are weak because they are plagued with corruption, nepotism, parochialism and incompetence. The opposition parties need younger, well-educated, dynamic leaders with laser-sharp focus on removing the Woyanne cancer from Ethiopia. The opposition leaders need to also be immune to corruption, self-aggrandizement, and manipulation by other powers. A concerted effort is currently being made to bring such leadership to EPPF.
The 10th conference of the ruling Tigray People’s Liberation Front (Woyanne) this week selects new executive and central committees. The selection brought little change. Some of the changes are:
Sibhat Nega has been forced out. His ouster has been engineered by Meles Zenawi’s wife Azeb Mesfin who wanted to take over EFFORT, the TPLF business conglomerate that he has been controlling.
Seyoum Mesfin, Arkebe Equbay, and Abay Tsehay have been removed from the Executive Committee, but they remain in the central committee. They were the only remaining voices inside the executive committee (politburo) who some times stand up to Meles.
Azeb Mesfin, Debretsion Gebre-Mikael, and Beyene Mikru have been promoted to the Executive Committee.
The other six members — Meles Zenawi, Tsegay Berhe, Abay Woldu, Abadi Zemo, Tewodros Hagos, and Dr Tewodros Adhanom — remain in the 9-member executive committee. Meles will continue as chairman and Abay Wolde, currently Vice President of Tigray, has been selected as vice-chairman of TPLF, replacing Seyoum Mesfin.
Among the new Executive Committee members, Debretsion GebreMikael is known to be Meles Zenawi’s yes-man who has been assigned to block news web sites and jam radio stations as head of Ethiopian Information and Communication Technology Development Agency. His primary task as head of the agency is to make sure that most Ethiopians will not have access to information technology.
Beyene Mikru is another Meles Zenawi loyalist who has served as head of the Tigray Region Education Bureau.
Tsegay Berhe is another Meles loyalist who is currently the president of Tigray Region. He was appointed to that position after the former president of Tigray, Gebru Asrat, had a fallout with Meles. Gebru Asrat now heads the opposition Arena Party.
Of course we all know Azeb Mesfin, the first lady of Africa’s corruption who, along with her husband, has stolen hundreds of millions of dollars of Ethiopia’s treasure. Her new position as one of the 9 people who rule Ethiopia will allow to do more looting.
Dr Tewodros Adhanom is currently the Health Minister. Under his watch, Ethiopia’s health care system has become one of the worst in Africa. These days people in Ethiopia go to a hospital to die, not to get treatment.
Mulugeta Alemseged, Dr. Gebreab Barnabas, Dr. Adhane Haile, Tewolde Gebru (Director of TDA), Dr. Hailemikael Abera, Fiseha Zerihun (Mayor of Mekelle), and Dr Wolderufael Alemayehu have resigned from the Central Committee.
Gebreab Barnabas is responsible for the Anuak massacre (genocide) in Ethiopia’s western region of Gambella.
There is little surprise in the selection of members to both the the Executive and Central committees. It is simply a reshuffle of existing members to allow Meles Zenawi solidify his grip on the organization.
Similar reshuffles have taken place in TPLF’s puppet groups, OPDO and ANDM. Addisu Legese, Tefera Walwa, Aba Dula Gemeda, Junedin Sado and other high-profile puppets have been removed from top leadership positions, while tail-wagging loyal adghis Demeke Mekonnen, Gedu Andargachew, Alemayehu Atomsa, and Kuma Demeksa were promoted to chairmanships.
The new TPLF Executive Committee
1. Meles Zenawi
2. Tsegay Berhe
3. Abay Woldu
4. Abadi Zemo
5. Tewodros Hagos
6. Dr Tewodros Adhanom
7. Debretsion Gebre-Mikael
8. Beyene Mikru
9. Azeb Mesfin
The new TPLF Central Committee (Politburo)
1. Meles Zenawi
2. Seyoum Mesfin
3. Abay Tsehaye
4. Fetlework Gebre-Egziabher
5. Arkebe Equbay
6. Beyene Mikru
7. Debre-Tsion Gebre-Michael
8. Roman Gebre-Selassie
9. Dr. Tewodros Adhanom
10. Abay Woldu
11. Azeb Mesfin
12. Nega Berhe
13. Desta Bezabih
14. Abay Nebso
15. Gobezay Wolde -Aregay
16. Kiros Bitew
17. Tewodros Hagos
18. Mikael Abreha
19. Yitbarek Ameha
20. Alem Gebre-Wahd
21. Tsegay Berhe
22. Dr. Addisalem Balema
23. Teklewoyni Assefa
24. Berhane Kidane-Mariam
25. Abadi Zemo
26. Niguse Gebre
27. Hadish Zenebe
28. Getachew Belay
29. Berhane Gebre-Kirstos
30. Tirfu Kidane-Mariam
31. Tewolde Gebre-Tsadikan
32. Hishe Lemma
33. Kidusan Nega
34. Essayas Wolde-Giorgis
35. Tilahun Tarek
36. Zeray Asgedom
37. Meseret Gebre-Mariam
38. Mengisteab Wolde-Kidan
39. Getachew Assefa
40. Daniel Assefa
41. Tesfalem Yehdego
42. Gebre-Meskel Tarek
43. Tewolde Berhe
44. Sahleselassie Teka
45. Eyassu Tesfay
The new ANDM executive committee
1. Demeke Mekonnen
2. Gedu Andargachew
3. Addisu Legesse
4. Bereket Simon
5. Kassa Tekle-Berhan
6. Tefera Deribew
7. Binalf Andualem
8. Ayalew Gobeze
9. Berhan Hailu
10. Alemnew Mekonnen
11. Melaku Fenta
12. Tadesse Kassa
13. Ahmed Abtew
New ANDM Central Committee Members
1.Addisu Legesse (Chairman)
2.Tefera Walwa (Deputy Chairman)
3.Dr.Sintayehu Wolde-Michael
4.Ayalew Gobeze (Executive Committee member)
5.Bereket Simon (Executive Committee member)
6.Dr. Misrak Mekonnen
7.Ambachew Mekonnen (Executive Committee member)
8.Demeke Mekonnen (Executive Committee member)
9.Firehiwot Ayalew
10.Yohannes Buayalew (Executive Committee member)
11.Tefera Deribew
12.Zimam Assefa
13.Getachew Mengiste
14.Birhan Hailu (Executive Committee member)
15.Genet Gebre-Egziabher
16.Melaku Fenta
17.Kebede Chane
18.Dr. Assefa Gebre
19.Yoseph Reta (Executive Committee member)
20.Genet Zewde
21.Shitaye Minale
22.Getachew Haile-Mariam
23.Hilawi Yoseph
24.Bazezew Chane
25.Tesfaye Getachew
26.Getachew Jembere
27.Gedu Andargachew
28.Serawit Sileshi
29.Yinager Dessie
30.Alebachew Nigussie
31.Meseret Tesfu
32.Dawit Yohannes
33.Zenebu Tadesse
34.Dr.Hassen Teshome
35.Nega Tsegaye
36.Mulugeta Wuletaw
37.Wuletaw Haile-Mariam
38.Tilaye Gete
39.Tabor Gebre-Medhin
40.Tadesse Kassa
41.Alemayehu Sewagegn
42.Mulugeta Seid
43.Gebeyaw Tadesse
44.Yehulu Denekew
45.Desalegn Wodaje
46.Genet Tadesse
47.Tessema Gebre-Hiwot
48.Meles Tilahun
49.Mitiku Beyene
50.Mule Tarekegn
51.Mekonnen Yelewmwossen
52.Yalew Abate
53.Dessalegn Ambaw
54.Wubishet Abera
55.Legesse Tulu
56.Tadesse Shewa
57.Tefera Feyisa
58.Sileshi Temesgen
59.Fanaye Yilma
60.Binalf Andualem
61.Getaye Ambaye
62.Workineh Mekonnen
63.Hassen Yesuf
64.Melke Tadesse
65.Ambachew Abate
The new OPDO executive committee
1. Girma Birru
2. Sofian Ahmed
3. Kuma Demeksa
4. Alemayehu Atomsa
5. Abadula Gemeda
6. Muktar Kedir
7. Zelalem Jemaneh
8. Abdulaziz Mohammed
9. Diriba Kuma
10. Aster Mamo
11. Junedin Sado
12. Almayehu Ejigu
13. Lemma Megerssa
14. Umer Hussen and
15. Degife Bula
New OPDO Central Committee Members
1.Abadula Gemeda (Chairman)
2.Girma Biru (Deputy Chairman)
3.Kuma Demeksa (Executive Committee Member)
4.Shiferaw Jarsso (Executive Committee Member)
5.Aster Mammo (Executive Committee Member)
6.Muktar Kedir (Executive Committee Member)
7.Juneidi Saddo (Executive Committee Member)
8.Jemal Usman
9.Demisse Shito
10.Mustafa Abasemal
11.Lemma Megersa
12.Ababu Hordoffa
13.Muhammed Abdosh
14.Abdulkadir Abdi
15.Jibril Mohammed
16.Workneh Gegeyehu
17.Alemayehu Ejigu
18.Biru Wirt
19.Fikadu Tessema
20.Zelalem Jemaneh (Executive Committee Member)
21.Sisay Negash
22.Abera Hailu
23.Abdulaziz Mohammed
24.Dr.Mohammed Hassen
25.Sileshi Gode
26.Driba Kuma (Executive Committee Member)
27.Beker Shale
28.Sufian Ahmed
29.Kidanu Kebede
30.Dr.Hassen Mohammed
31.Gurmessa Shurabe
32.Degife Bula
33.Eshetu Desse
34.Tekle Dereesa
35.Alemayehu Atomsa
36.Daba Debele
37.Dagnachew Shiferaw
38.Gelana Nuresa
39.Getachew Bedane
40.Dewano Kedir
41.Alake Sinbro
42.Regassa Kefyalew
43.Gifti Abasiya
44.Professor Mesfin Abebe
45.Ali Siraj
46.Alemayehu Tegenu
47.Itaffa Tola
48.Nega Abamecha
49.Gebissa Tesfaye
50.Adanech Habebe
51.Mohammed Jillo
New SEPDM Central Committee Members
1. Teshome Toga (Executive Committee member)
2. Hailemariam Dessalegn (Executive Committee member)
3. Shiferaw Shigute (Executive Committee member)
4. Alemayehu Assefa
5. Tsegaye Mamo (Executive Committee member)
6. Tekle Didu
7. Birhanu Adelo (Executive Committee member)
8. Shiferaw Teklemariam (Executive Committee member)
9. Fikru Gnakal
10.Kaidake Gezahegn
11.Admasu Ango
12.Kassu Ilala (Executive Committee member)
13.Aster Donocho
14.Assefa Kessito
15.Hirut Delebo
16.Zerihun Kebede
17.Mekuria Haile (Executive Committee member)
18.Siraj Fegesa (Executive Committee member)
19.Mathewos Galebo
20.Damana Darota
21.Amarech Bekalo
22.Tamiru Taddese
23.Muder Sema
24.Amarech Agidew
25.Zenebe Zafu
26.Yakob Yala
27.Nuredin Hassen
28.Redwan Hussein (Executive Committee member)
29.Gebremariam Setegn
30.Sani Redi
31.Tamirat Irfo
32.Amanuel Otoro
33.Kebede Kanchula
34.Nigatu Densa
35.Mofariat Kamil
36.Meles Gashe
37.Ayano Baraso
38.Gorfu Sigido
39.Gebrekristos Nuriye
40.Wodo Ato
41.Berhanu Bikito
42.Ake Hidana (Executive Committee member)
43.Maeregu Habtemariam
44.Abere Kipe
45.Eristu Yirda
46.Debebe Abera
47.Workinesh Weishango
48.Bateno Ahmed
49.Mathewos Maldayo
50.Gumachew Kussie
51.Teklewold Atnafu
52.Zerhun Zewde
53.Frenesh Mekuria
54.Eyob Anbesse
55.Tejitu Samuel
56.Efrem Worku
57.Taddese Sella
58.Petros Woldesenbet
59.Seifu Kinfu
60.Wogayehu Biyadgilign
61.Balguda Bekele
62.Moges Balcha
63.Adanech Dilnesaw
64.Wondimu Gezahegn
65.BIrhanu Kifetew
66.Messele Bezabih
67.Tesfaye Belachew
68.Tefera Molla
69.Ketema Shiferaw
70.Darota Guma
71.Jamal Reshid
72.Kassahun Alemu
73.Adama Tinpaye
74.Mulugeta Fetene
75.Dereje Dakegucho
76.Tesfaye Beljig
77.Tufa Doicha
78.Temesgen Tilahun
79.Misrak Abebe
80.Irano Elebo
81.Sania Sani
82.Birhanu Minota
83.Adane Gebeyehu
84.Meles Alemu
85.Tekle Tessema
86.Tadelech Dalocha
87.Moges Moroma
88.Usman Surur
89.Tegasa Chaffo
90.Elias Ramahato
91.Dawit Gebremedhin
92.Ayano Semono
93.Solomon Tesfaye
94.Assefa Abiyo
95.Bergude Bancha
96.Fate Sermolo
97.Kamil Ahmed
98.Sein Gebreyohannes
99.Binyam Nehmia
100.Mihretu Giso
This is a good example of the difference between developed countries who work to provide easy access to information, and poor countries like Ethiopia whose government spends tens of millions of dollars to restrict access to information. — Editor’s Note
WASHINGTON (AFP) — Free wireless Internet access has been added to the National Mall in Washington, D.C.
Officials said Wednesday the city has installed 220 free Wi-Fi hotspots that are accessible by any compatible computer or device.
The D.C. government installed the hotspots along with the U.S. Department of Agriculture and the Smithsonian Institution. The private company Cisco donated the network hardware, and Level 3 donated the Internet services.
City officials say the free Wi-Fi will improve the National Mall for both residents and tourists visiting the many museums and memorials.
This is to those who doubt that there is a full fledged fascism in Ethiopian currently under the Meles regime.
Forwarded to ER by Sioum Gebeyehou
Based on research by Dr. Lawrence Britt examining the fascist regimes of Hitler, Mussolini, Franco, Suharto and several Latin American regimes.
1. Disdain for the Recognition of Human Rights
Because of fear of enemies and the need for security, the people in fascist regimes are persuaded that human rights can be ignored in certain cases because of “need.” The people tend to look the other way or even approve of torture, summary executions, assassinations, long incarcerations of
prisoners, etc.
2. Identification of Enemies / Scapegoats as a Unifying Cause
The people are rallied into a unifying patriotic frenzy over the need to eliminate a perceived common threat or foe: racial , ethnic or religious minorities; liberals; communists; socialists, terrorists, etc.
3. Supremacy of the Military
Even when there are widespread domestic problems, the military is given a disproportionate amount of government funding, and the domestic agenda is neglected. Soldiers and military service are glamorized.
4. Controlled Mass Media
Directly or indirectly the media is controlled by the government or by government regulation, or sympathetic media spokespersons and executives.
5. Obsession with National Security
Fear is used as a motivational tool by the government over the masses.
6. Religion and Government are Intertwined
Governments in fascist nations tend to use the most common religion in the nation as a tool to manipulate public opinion. Religious rhetoric and terminology is common from government leaders, even when the major tenets of the religion are diametrically opposed to the government’s
policies or actions.
7. Labor Power is Suppressed
Because the organizing power of labor is the only real threat to a fascist government, labor unions are either eliminated entirely, or are severely suppressed.
8. Disdain for Intellectuals and the Arts
Fascist nations tend to promote and tolerate open hostility to higher education, and academia. It is not uncommon for professors and other academics to be censored or even arrested. Free expression in the arts and letters is openly attacked.
9. Obsession with Crime and Punishment
Under fascist regimes, the police are given almost limitless power to enforce laws. The people are often willing to overlook police abuses and even forego civil liberties in the name of patriotism. There is often a national police force with virtually unlimited power in fascist nations.
10. Rampant Cronyism and Corruption
Fascist regimes almost always are governed by groups of friends and associates who appoint each other to government positions and use governmental power and authority to protect their friends from accountability. It is not uncommon in fascist regimes for national resources and even treasures to be appropriated or even outright stolen by government leaders.
11. Fraudulent Elections
Sometimes elections in fascist nations are a complete sham. Other times elections are manipulated by smear campaigns against or even assassination of opposition candidates.
By Seid Hassan
Devaluation is associated with fixed or pegged exchange rates systems whose value is not being determined by the normal (free) mechanics of supply and demand. In general, devaluation reflects the existence of serious macroeconomic problems (imbalances) and also reflects weaknesses of the government which is devaluing its currency. When it comes to Ethiopia, the economic weakness is reflected by several of the resource gaps: the savings-investment gap, the balance of payments gap which in 2009 escalated, total exports and imports amounting $1.657 billion and $7.093 billion, respectively, according to the CIA World Fact book. Ethiopia is also afflicted by other gaps such as a continuous budgetary gap, a skilled human resource gap, a significant agricultural (food security) gap, a dire foreign exchange gap, technology gap and most importantly a good governance gap[1]. By just looking at the solvency issue, that is, the balance of payments and budgetary balance gaps and the alarming foreign exchange shortages, one is led to believe that the birr is overvalued and devaluation is necessary. When I wrote the popular article titled as the “The Causes of the Soaring Ethiopian Inflation Rate,” a few years ago and suggested that the birr was overvalued, some of my readers were perplexed by such an expression, informing me that I was wrong. They did so partly because they thought I was agreeing with the government that devaluing the birr would serve as a panacea for the structural problems that the Ethiopian economy was facing and partly because they thought the theoretical possibilities were applicable to Ethiopia. All that I was saying was this: using standard economic reasoning and rationales of devaluation, the fact that there is a parallel market (black market) with the birr buying less dollars/euros means that the birr was overvalued. The fact that the government has been facing foreign exchange shortages and is unable to meet the lowest required foreign exchange reserves (which is supposed to be not less than a 3-month import coverage, but the actual coverage at times being less than six weeks of import coverage) and the fact that the IMF has been warning the government that it would face financial difficulties implies that the birr could collapse, sooner or later. Moreover, the fact that even some domestic firms were suspending their operations and unable to import the necessary intermediate inputs from overseas due to the lack of foreign exchange also indicate a balance of payments disequilibrium (that is, the exchange rate between the birr and other currencies has become untenable). It also means that, with disequilibrium in the exchange rate in existence, the government will be unable to carry on its new 5-year “Growth and Transformation Plan.” It is for these already existing realities and inherent weaknesses why I argued the birr was overvalued long ago. I also believed that were it not for the continuous influx of donor assets (estimated to be $3 billion in 2009) and remittances (the National Bank of Ethiopia reporting total remittances just for the first two quarters of 2009 being $1798.8 million), the value of the birr would have been much lower than what it was then and what it is now as well.
Regarding the political aspect of the weakness, in general, devaluation comes as a result of the realities of economic mismanagement and the push (many people like to call it- coercion) by the International Monetary Fund (IMF). In general, a greater portion of a country’s citizens whose government bows to IMF’s pressure is considered to be a weak one. Second, since those firms who are engaged in the production of exportables tend to benefit the most from the devaluation of the birr, it indicates the increasing lobbying power of those firms (groups) which are able to turn policy decisions towards their favor. In the Ethiopian case, given that several of the TPLF- controlled conglomerates organized under EFFORT and REST (in collaboration with Sheikh Mohammed Al-Amoudi’s MIDROC Ethiopia) have seized the state, it is only them who stand to benefit from the devaluation. The fact that powerful elements are able to gear government policies towards their favor in turn reflects the weakness of the government which is supposed to look after for the interests of the country and the general populace. … [read more]
