In the past few weeks, too many readers asked me to share my views on the Ethiopian Commodity Exchange (ECX) and wanted to know what I think about its effects on the Ethiopian coffee sector in general, and the Specialty coffee industry in particular. I was also asked similar questions by producers of the PBS Wide Angle program that released this documentary program featuring Eleni Gebre-Medhin, founder of the ECX.
While I continue to respond to as many of your emails as I can, I also thought it might be useful to post my comments here on the blog for everyone else to see. So, in the coming couple of days, I will post my views on the most frequently asked questions: What’s your view on the ECX in general; What do you think are the effect of trading through the ECX on specialty coffee exporters and buyers; Is ECX good for coffee growers?
Today, I share my views on the ECX in general as an introduction and to clarify my stance before I raise issues that may easily confuse readers although, to my knowledge, none of the problems I will discuss here are related to or the makings of ECX or Eleni – the person that I admire most and is being celebrated by the PBS documentary on July 22, 2009.
My views on the ECX in general
I think the establishment of the ECX is significant and of a historic proportion.
As I jokingly tell friends, in Ethiopia, major development breakthroughs happen on a periodic cycle of time spanning either 20 or 100 years on average. For example, I listed below a non-exhaustive timeline for Ethiopia’s introduction of the major communication technologies and platforms:
1894 – Postal service started on March 9, 1984 (In 1908, Ethiopia became member of the Universal Postal Union and the first Ethiopian stamps were also printed and sold around this time; in 1936, the General Post Office and two branch offices were established in Addis Ababa as well as thirty-six post offices throughout the country.)
1917 – The first train services from the coast to the capital were inaugurated only in 1917 (A concession for the construction of a railway from the Ethiopian capital to the French Somali port of Djibouti was granted by Menelik as early as March 1894)
1984 – The first extensive open-wire line telecommunication system laid out linking the capital with all the important administrative cities of the country (the Imperial Telecommunications Board of Ethiopia was established by Proclamation 131/53 in 1953)
2008 – The first commodity exchange market established. The person credited for this triumph, Eleni Gebre-Medhin, is featured on this documentary film.
Based on this snapshot of historic timeline, some historians may be tempted to draw conclusions that the establishment of the ECX was overdue by about 4 years because the latest major breakthrough was recorded in 1984 – 24 years prior to the ECX’ formation. I lean towards supporting the argument that it was overdue by over a hundred years.
So, it is my belief and hope that Ethiopians will be grateful for and appreciative of the work done by Eleni and her colleagues for the next many years.
The ECX can play important roles in elevating the agricultural sector’s efficiency, the country’s competitiveness in the global market, and thereby helping the people dig themselves out of the vicious circle of poverty that we are shamefully plagued in.
A transparent and efficient exchange market system nurtures competition and benefits everyone in the value chain. The ECX can help Ethiopia by:
• modernizing the way people do business and improving the marketing channels,
• disseminating market and price information, and
• providing a marketplace where buyers and sellers can come together to trade and be assured of quality, delivery, and payment.
These will have a ripple effect of benefiting everyone in the value chain. Obviously, this cannot be achieved overnight. Transforming a century old gloomy trading system takes time.
I think, the first year of trading coffee through ECX was marred by problems and confusion. While the efforts made by ECX to take on a crop of global importance shortly after its launch is admirable, the strategies it went by to integrate the trade were far from being flawless. From the outset, ECX declared that it aims at creating a national standard commodity coffee classification system; it eliminated direct trade and traceability; and enticed the government to controlling the value chain from farm gate to the border. These changes have had remarkable effects on coffee exporters, buyers, growers, and the coffee sector at large.
I. Homogeneous National Coffee Brand
For a country with millions of poor people, the temptation of utilizing the high paying fewer coffee brands to drive sales and increase the value of the country’s overall coffee production is high. That very thought has played a role in ECX’ decision to homogenize all coffees grown in the same region through a standard commodity classification system.
This is clearly stated in the whitepaper released in April 2009 by the ECX titled: What is in a Bean? ECX and the Specialty Coffee Market. It reads, “We take the strong view that a significant majority of Ethiopian coffees have the potential to be considered fine coffees, and can be sold in the domestic market as such, with appropriate certification. The ECX model not only promotes the specialty coffee segment but also do so in such a way as to benefit the small farmer as well.”
The document does not indicate how ECX’ new system will benefit the small farmers but it stands firm by the assumptions and subsequent conclusions.
“The recent policy decision to include trading of all coffees within the Exchange is based on the strategic thinking that the [following] set of assumptions [is] correct:
1) A significant majority of washed Sidama and Yirgachefe and unwashed Harar could be considered specialty-plus in that they are branded and trademarked and have the potential to meet the fine coffee standards;
2) A significant majority of all Ethiopian coffees have the potential to be considered organic and obtain certification;
3) A significant portion of unwashed coffee can be promoted as forest coffee and/or bird friendly.”
Although these assumptions are based on indisputable facts, they are not exhaustive enough to justify the conclusions drawn by the ECX. The fact that Ethiopia has the potential to increase its coffee qualities to the standards preferred by the global Specialty coffee industry does not give good reason for an immediate homogenization and an automatic upgrade of the classes of the whole coffee production. Ethiopia’s coffee cannot be sold as Specialty coffees only because the country wanted or decided to. In a buyers’ market, such as in the global Specialty coffee trade, unfortunately, the final say is not that of producers’ but the buyers’. Specialty coffee buyers and roasters decide which plot to invest in and which crop to buy.
The alternative is for the country to invest in quality, branding, and slick marketing of its products to set itself apart from the competition and convince buyers. That way, Ethiopia could create the demand and subsequently the market for the coffee brands it wishes to create. This is, however, a daunting task and an expensive venture for Ethiopia, the poorest country in the world. In the absence of these endeavors, countries like Ethiopia are bound to the terms of the global coffee trade, at least for the foreseeable future.
The measures taken by the government to force sell all coffees through the ECX platform and ECX’ decision to standardize the coffee grades into a national brand while, in ECX’ estimation, only about 3.7% of the country’s coffee production qualifies to be branded as a Specialty coffee, may cost the nation dearly. The farmers that are already producing the finest coffees will be the immediate victims of the new system as they are forced to give up the premium prices they are paid by buyers for their exceptional produce. Because, as soon as their coffees are blended with other coffees grown in the same region (in order to boost up the wholesale price for good of the country), these farmers lose their entitlement to the premium status their produce commands. This is unfair to the poor farmers.
Unless the ECX system of trading coffee as a commodity is corrected promptly, in the long term, the strategy risks watering-down the nation’s coffee brands. Such a strategy undermines the superior standards some of the brands earned over the years and the result will be commoditizing the country’s valuable crop.
II. No Direct Trade, No Traceability
Specialty coffee buyers and roasters are puzzled and in panic over the ECX system. The biggest issue for these buyers is the loss of transparency and traceability. They need assurances that the bundle they want is the bundle they will get. The new system does not allow direct trade for single-origin coffee because it promotes the traditional trade relations model where commodity coffee sales is brokered in bulk, thus no traceability. The new system basically lumps together bundles of coffees into a generic class-type-grade combo.
Independent millers who used to buy coffee from farmers, mill it, escort it through the former auction systems, and export it are no longer allowed to do so. They are now required to sell the beans to the ECX, where its origin is lost. The possibility of tracing a bag of coffee to its origins is eliminated in this process. The ECX promises a secure inventory management and a guaranteed warehouse receipts system that ensures “zero delivery default and reduces mixing of coffee origins” during the marketing process. But, as far as buyers are concerned, traceability is lost because there is no way of proving whether the plot they will receive is the one they wanted.
This is remarkable because while the global coffee industry is increasingly moving towards greater transparency of coffee origins, tracing back all the way to individual plots of land, the Ethiopian system is heading in the opposite direction.
III. Government’s Hands in the Bag
The third effect on the exporters and farmers has to do with the government’s intervention.
While it is good that the new exchange system replaced the murky auction centers, unfortunately, it also tempted the government to enter into the market as a major player. Some private businesses are now effectively locked out of the market and, in an unprecedented move, the government has emerged with a strong control over the coffee sector.
In what played out early this year as a reaction to some of the major exporters’ hesitance to sell their coffee stocks at the prevailing prices if sold through the ECX, the government confiscated coffee beans from the exporters and also tasked the state owned profit-making enterprise called Ethiopian Grain Trade Enterprise (EGTE) with exporting coffee. This crack down on the exporters had a devastating impact on some roasters and their relationship with the country as the country failed to fulfill its contractual agreements during the last harvest season. Also, it raised the question of what else would the government do in the future.
The ECX is currently negotiating with representatives of the Specialty Coffee Association of America (SCAA) and others to resolve this one problem. In the mean time, as the next harvest season approaches, the EGTE appears to be very well positioned to claim the biggest market share in the country’s coffee export.
Domestically, this level of engagement by the government in exporting beans produced by smallholder families is alarming because of the imbalance of power and the obvious conflicts of interest. The government has its influences in almost everything from policy making, distribution of farm inputs, capital, to the land. This is the farthest one can get away from a free market system.
All these affect farmers as their sales volume is directly dependent on the volume sold by exporters.
A Canadian citizen imprisoned in Ethiopia for two-and-a-half years, has been convicted by a civilian [kangaroo] court in Addis Ababa on three charges relating to his alleged involvement in an Ethiopian separatist movement.
Bashir Makhtal, a former Toronto resident now in his 40s, is the grandson of one of the founding members of the Ogaden National Liberation Front, though he claims he has no connection with the movement.
“He was prepared for it. He was not surprised at all,” said Mr. Makhtal’s lawyer in Ethiopia, Gebreamlak Tekele .
Mr. Makhtal is due to be sentenced on Monday and could face life imprisonment or death, though his lawyer says they plan to appeal the conviction.
Mr. Makhtal was arrested by Kenyan authorities in December, 2006, as he attempted to cross the border from Somalia on a Canadian passport in an effort to escape fighting between Ethiopia and Somalia’s Union of Islamic Courts, an Islamist militia.
Mr. Makhtal claims he was in Mogadishu on a business trip, preparing to receive a shipment of used clothing from Dubai.
He was never charged in Kenya. Instead, after several weeks in custody, he was sent to Ethiopia where he essentially disappeared, held incommunicado in solitary confinement and denied consular access for nearly two years.
Pressure from the Canadian government is believed to have helped persuade Ethiopia to give Mr. Makhtal some semblance of a judicial process. But today’s conviction brings to an end a trial that both human rights groups and Mr Makhtal warned would be unfair.
“It’s been a foregone conclusion,” said Lorne Waldman, the Toronto lawyer retained by Mr. Makhtal’s family to represent his case in Canada. “Any independent observer knows that the judicial system in Ethiopia is not independent.”
“The key issue for us now is whether the Canadian government will take appropriate steps to ensure that he is repatriated.”
Addis Ababa (The Reporter) — The Malaysian oil and gas giant, Petronas, is to start drilling the first exploration well in the Ogaden basin.
Petronas will soon start drilling two wells in its concession area in the Genele block. The company has hired a Dubai based company, Weather Ford, which will conduct seismic survey and drill the exploration wells. Recently, Weather Ford started mobilizing its drilling crew, drilling rigs and machines for conducting seismic surveys in the region.
Reliable sources told The Reporter that Weather Ford has agreed to drill exploration wells in the Genale block, block 11 and 15. Sources said Weather Ford is mobilizing its crew and drilling rigs. Weather Ford is engaged in oil and gas exploration work in the Middle East. Petronas conducted various surveys in the Ogaden. However, it did not drill wells.
In 2004 Zhongyuan Petroleum Exploration Bureau (ZPEB), a Chinese company, was contracted by Petronas to do seismic survey and drill exploration wells in the Gambella block owned by Petronas. Petronas acquired the Gambella block, covering about 16,000 sq. km of land, in June 2003. ZPEB collected seismic data on 1500 km. Accordingly, in 2005 ZPEB drilled the first wild cat well in Jikaw locality, only 175 km from the Ethio-Sudan border. The company drilled the second well in Jakaranda locality in 2006. Both wells were dry. Petronas spent 32 million dollars for the drillings and testing. ZPEB withdrew from Gambella after it finalized its work in 2006.
However, the same year, Petronas hired ZPEB to conduct seismic survey in the Ogaden basin. In July 2005, Petronas acquired three blocks in the Ogaden basin – Genale block (24,420 Sq km, Kallafo 30,612 sq.km and Welwel-Warder 36,796 sq.km). In 2006, ZPEB started collecting seismic data in the three blocks.
In October 2006 South West Energy hired ZPEB to do seismic survey in the Ogaden basin. In December 2005, South West Energy, a company owned by an Ethiopian businessman, acquired a Degehabur block covering 21,187 sq. km of land. In January 2007, ZPEB commenced collecting seismic data in the Degehabur block. On 24 Apil 2007 the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) attacked the Abole exploration site in the Degehabur zone of the Somali Regional State. Seventy-four civilians, including nine Chinese, were killed in the attack. Seven Chinese workers were abducted by ONLF fighters. However, they were released after two weeks. Following the attack in May 2007, ZPEB evacuated all its employees working in Ethiopia. Although the Ethiopian government tried hard to convince officials of ZPEB and SINOPEC to resume operations the companies declined to send their technicians back to Ogaden. ZPEB had terminated all the projects in Ethiopia.
It is to be recalled that Petronas agreed to develop the Callub and Hillala gas fields and paid the Ethiopian government 80 million dollars. The agreement was signed in 2007. However, the company has not started work on the project. Sources told The Reporter that it was related to security issues. Petronas had a plan to build a gas treatment plant. The company planned to construct a gas pipeline that stareches from the gas fields all the way to Djibouti. The total investment cost is estimated at 1.9 billion dollars.
A senior company official said the natural gas reserve in Calub and Hilala was estimated at 118 billion cu.m. adding that it was a small reserve compared to other reserves. It requires a lot of money to develop the natural gas. So the company is saying that it must discover additional reserves and build a gas treatment plant,” the official said.
In a related news, Pexco, a company based in Malaysia, started seismic survey in its concession in the Ogaden. White Nile, Lundin, South West Energy, and Afar Explorations are in the process of starting seismic survey in their concession areas. Pexco has conducted airborne magnetic and gravity survey in the Ogaden basin. The results of the magnetic and gravity survey were evaluated by the ministry.
Ethiopian-American professor Dereje Agonafer is due to receive award for excellence in research and development related to electronic packaging (Science and Engineering).
Prof. Dereje Agonafer will receive the 2009 InterPACK Excellence Award in San Francisco this July, 2009. Such award and recognition in the areas of science and engineering will motivate young Ethiopians and Ethiopian-American students.
Awardees are selected because they have demonstrated excellence and international recognition in the area of research and development related to electronic packaging, as well as service to the technical community at large.
Previous winners of this award are Dr. Alan Kraus, Dr. Wataru Nakayama, Dr. Richard Chu, and Prof. Avi Bar-Cohen. Dr. William T. Chen, President of IEEE CPMT Society; and Senior Technical Advisor for ASE will also receive the award.
InterPACK ’09 is an international forum for exchange of state-of-the art knowledge in research, development, manufacturing, and application on the packaging and integration of Electronic and Photonic Systems, MEMS (Micro Electo-Mechanical Systems), and NEMS(Nano-electro Mechanical Systems). This conference will be the 10th in the InterPACK series that began in 1993. It is the flagship technical meeting of the ASME Electronic and Photonic Packaging Division (EPPD), with the participation of JSME, IEEE-CPMT, and iNEMI.
Biography
Professor Dereje Agonafer has always been very active in professional society programs. He has been Guest Editor of special issues of The Journal of Electronic Packaging, The Journal of Heat Transfer, and IEEE’s Transactions on Components, Packaging, and Manufacturing Technology. He has published extensively both journals and conference papers and has 8 issued patents. Since 2002, he has been a member of the “ASME Technical Executive Committee.” He was Editor in Chief, “Gordon and Breach Book Series in Electronic Packaging (1997-2000),” and has and continues to serve as an Associate Technical Editor, “ASME Journal of Electronic Packaging (2001-2007).” He is currently the Editor in Chief of ASME Press Book Series in Electronic Packaging and the first book in that series was published in September 2002. From July 1997 – July 2000, he served as Chair of the ASME K-16 Committee in the Heat Transfer Division. He was Chair of the ASME Electrical and Photonic Packaging Division in 2000, and currently chairs the “Computer Aided Design in Electronic Packaging Committee” in the same division. Professor Agonafer has participated in numerous professional society meetings as session chair, panel moderator/panelist and conference leader. He has been involved very actively in ITHERM (Intersociety Conference on Thermal and Thermo Mechanical Phenomena in Electronic Systems) since the inception of the conference in 1988 and served as the Program Chair for 1994 ITHERM IV, and was the General Chair for 1996 ITHERM V held in Orlando, Fl. In 1995, at Semi-Therm in San Jose, Professor Agonafer teamed with Professor Sammakia, Professor Joshi and Dr. Sathe to teach a course entitled “Thermal Design of Electronic Systems: From Portables to Mainframes.” Since then, the four have teamed up and have taught the course a number of times at ITHERM and Interpack. Also, Professor Sammakia and Professor Agonafer offered a tutorial on “Fundamentals of Electronic Packaging” at IMECE 2003 (Washington, DC), IMECE 2004 (Anaheim, CA), Interpak 2005 and presented a similar workshop at IMECE 2005 in Orlando. He has also been actively involved with InterPACK Conference (The Pacific Rim/ASME International, Intersociety Electronic and Photonic Packaging Conference). Professor Agonafer was the General Chair of InterPACK ‘99, which was held in Maui, Hawaii, June 1999. In 1994, he led US delegates to the World Congress on Computational Mechanics in Chiba, Japan, to give an invited lecture. In September 1997, he gave an invited lecture at Therminc Workshop in Cannes, France, and a keynote lecture at the 10th International Heat Pipe Conference in Stuggart, Germany. In Summer 2000, he offered a number of courses in Japan, and in Summer 2001, he offered short courses in Singapore, Panang, Seoul, Taipei, Shanghai, Tokyo, and Osaka. In January 2005, he presented an invited seminar at the US/Africa Materials Workshop in Capetown, South Africa. In September 2006, he gave the opening keynote seminar at the “17th International Symposium on Transport Phenomena (ISTP-17)” in Toyama, Japan. In academic year 2007-2008, he gave invited seminars at Tufts University, North Eastern University, MIT and Harvard University. This past August, he was the luncheon speaker at the Summer Cooling Zone Summit held in Natick, Ma and will again do so at the upcoming cooling zone summit.
Professor Agonafer has been servin on the Scientific Advisory Board of an NSF Center, Mid-Infrared Technologies for Health and the Environment (MIRTHE) at Princeton University since 2007. He also serves on the Deans Engineering Advisory Committee at both University of Colorado and Howard University. Professor Agonafer is a Fellow of The American Society of Mechanical Engineers International (ASME) and Fellow of The American Association for the Advancement of Science (AAAS). He is also a member of IEEE, AIAA, ASEE and NSBE. In March 1996, he received the “The National Society of Black Engineers Alumni Extension Technologist of the Year” award. In April 1998, Professor Agonafer was the recipient of the “The University of Colorado School of Engineering Distinguished Engineering Alumni Award (DEAA) in the category of Research and Invention.” The award “represents the most significant honor the College gives and acknowledges the highest professional achievements. In November 1998, he received “The Howard University Distinguished PhD Alumni Award.” Also, in November 1998, he received “ASME K-16/EEPD Clock Award for Outstanding Contribution in Computer Aided Thermal Management of Electronic Packages.” In 2002, he received ASME International Electronic and Photonic Packaging Division Highest Division Award for “Outstanding Contributions to the Area of the Application of the Science and Engineering of Heat Transfer to Electronic and Photonic Packaging (http://secure.asme.org/honors_sup/hdetails.cfm?id=569). ” For the last 5 consecutive years, Professor Agonafer received an award from University of Texas at Arlington for having “A strong record of external funding and scholarly achievement.”
Each year since 1991 the IEEE SEMI-THERM Symposia honors a person as a Significant Contributor to the field of semiconductor thermal management. The THERMI award is intended to recognize a recipient’s history of contributions to important thermal issues affecting the performance of semiconductor devices, optoelectronics, MEMS or related systems. Nominees are typically leaders in the field of heat transfer in the disciplines of measurement, modeling and testing of microelectronic, optoelectronic and other technology devices and equipment. Professor Agonafer received the Thermi Award at the 24th Annual Semi-Therm, March 2008, in San Jose, California (http://www.semi-therm.org/thermi.html). In July 2009, he will deliver a keynote seminar in San Francisco as a recipient of the 2009 InterPACK Excellence Award as cited “A seal of Dereje’s excellence in research, standing and recognition in electronic packaging and a reflection of UTA’s rise within the international community.”
Professor Agonafer was at MIT as a MLK visiting scholar September 1, 2007 – August 31, 2008.
Ghana has become the poster country for the triumph of multiparty democracy, stability and economic growth in Africa; and sadly, Ethiopia has been rendered the iconic failed African state ruled by a one-man, one-party dictatorship with widespread human rights violation. President Obama traveled to Accra recently to pay homage to Ghanaian democracy; but he did not miss the opportunity to be brutally frank with Africa’s brutal dictators: “History is on the side of these brave Africans and not with those who use coups or change Constitutions to stay in power. Africa doesn’t need strongmen, it needs strong institutions.”
It is an obvious question, but one that must be asked and answered: Why is democracy in motion in Ghana, and on life-support in Ethiopia? More bluntly, what do Ghanaians got, we ain’t got?
Two African Countries in Parallel Universes
Ethiopia and Ghana are a study in contrast. Both are unique among African countries. With the exception of a short-lived Italian occupation between 1936-41, Ethiopia has always maintained its freedom from colonial rule. Ghana was the first sub-Sahara African country to gain its independence from colonial rule in 1957. Both countries had leaders who were dedicated to African unity. Kwame Nkrumah was arguably the greatest advocate of pan-Africanism and African unity. Emperor Haile Selassie was arguably the most central figure in the formation of the Organization of African Unity, which he managed to headquarter in Ethiopia. Both Ethiopia and Ghana have suffered greatly at the hands of military strongmen. Mengistu Haile Mariam’s disastrous experiment in socialism between 1975-91 plunged Ethiopia into the abyss of economic and political chaos; and massive human rights violations were the hallmarks of that dictatorship. Mengistu fled to Zimbabwe in 1991 paving the way for the current dictators to cakewalk straight into political power. Since 1991, the current dictators have ruled Ethiopia by ethnically dividing the people and imposing their will with appalling brutality.
Between 1966-81, Ghana had successive military coups. Flight Lieutenant Jerry Rawlings came to power in 1981 (and remained in power for two decades), suspended the constitution and banned political parties. In 1992, he engineered the promulgation of a new Ghanaian Constitution which restored basic freedoms and multiparty politics to Ghana. He served two terms as president and voluntarily stepped down as required by the Constitution.
In December 2008, 8.2 million Ghanaians went to the polls to elect a president and members of parliament. The four major political parties contested the elections vigorously through massive grassroots efforts and voter registration campaigns. The candidate of the National Democratic Congress, Professor John Atta-Mills, defeated the outgoing President John Kufuor by a razor thin margin in a run-off election. President Kufuor not only conceded defeat gracefully, he also cordially congratulated the president-elect. Ghanaian voters also threw out of office well-known incumbent parliamentarians from the four major parties who had taken them for granted. In the end, all of the opposition parties accepted the results of the election as determined by Ghana’s Electoral Commission, legitimizing once again the principle that the only pathway to legitimate power in Ghana is free and fair elections.
In May 2005, for the very first time in millennia, the seeds of democracy germinated in Ethiopia’s arid political landscape pockmarked by royal absolutism, military socialism and pluto-kleptocratic dictatorship (rule by rich thieves). But those elections gave birth to a stillborn democracy. The ruling dictatorship declared victory before the votes were fully counted and declared a state of emergency. In the wake of the elections, the dictatorship made a killing field of the country. By official account, 193 men, women and children were massacred, and 763 severely wounded in two separate incidents of police violence. (The actual post-election casualties far exceed the numbers officially reported.) Nearly all of the leading opposition leaders and other civil society representatives and journalists were jailed, along with more than 30,000 ordinary citizens. In the 2008 local elections, opposition candidates won just 3 (three) of 3.6 million seats! Make-believe parliamentary elections are scheduled to be held in May 2010.
Ethnicity and tribal allegiances are potent forces in Ghana and Ethiopia. Both countries are multi-ethnic societies with ethnic inequalities and historical rivalries. Ethnic tensions in Ghana are occasionally heightened by social and economic inequality. Although some Ghanaian politicians have resorted to ethnic appeals to garner votes, there have been very few instances of ethnic violence triggered by political party rivalries. Amazingly, the Ghanaian Constitution prohibits tribal or ethnic-based political parties: “Every political party shall have a national character, and membership shall not be based on ethnic, religious, regional or other sectional divisions.” (Article 55 (4).)
In Ethiopia, ethnicity and tribal affiliation are the foundation and the lifeline of the of the current dictatorial regime. Article 46 (2) of the ruling dictatorship’s constitution provides: “States shall be structured on the basis of settlement patterns, language, identity and consent of the people.” In other words, “states” shall be structured as homogenous tribal homelands based on four criteria, in much the same way as the Bantustans of apartheid South Africa. The tribal homelands in Ethiopia are officially called “kilils”. We believe they could be more accurately described as “Killilistans” since the “kilils”, like the Bantustans, represent territory set aside for the purpose of concentrating the members of designated ethnic/tribal groups in a nominally autonomous geographic area. Ethiopia’s dictators have used a completely fictitious theory of “ethnic (tribal) federalism)”, unknown in the annals of political science or political theory, to glorify these “Kililistans”, and to impose their atrocious policy of divide and rule against 80 million people for nearly two decades.
Ghana has maintained friendly relations with its neighbors, and has followed a foreign policy that has contributed to regional cooperation, peacekeeping and tension reduction. As an active member of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), Ghana has been able to substantially increase its exports and serve regional markets. Ghana has also contributed troops for peacekeeping missions in Liberia and other African countries. President Rawlings played a critical peace-making role when he arranged the signing of the Akosombo Accord of September 12, 1994, which accelerated the implementation of the Cotonou Agreement of July 1, 1993, effectively ending the civil war in Liberia.
Ethiopia’s dictators have poured fuel on the volatile politics of the Horn by invading Somalia in January 2007, a country which has suffered greatly under the scourge of “warlordism” since the early 1990s. They justified their invasion as an “invitation” by the Somali transitional government, and as a defense of Ethiopian sovereignty. They boasted that they will be out in a couple of months after they drive out the “terrorists”. Two years later, they were the ones who were chased out of Somalia with their tails between their legs leaving behind a colossal mess of death and destruction. In its 2008 report entitled “So Much to Fear: War Crimes and the Devastation of Somalia”, Human Rights Watch documented war crimes, civilian deaths and the destruction wreaked on Somalia as a result of invasion: “Since January 2007 at least 870,000 civilians have fled the chaos in Mogadishu alone— two-thirds of the city’s population. Across south-central Somalia, 1.1 million Somalis are displaced from their homes.” Recently, there has been growing tension with Kenya over the issue of adverse environmental impact on the ecosystem of Kenya’s Lake Turkana from a hydro-electric power plant under construction on the Omo River in Ethiopia. The dictatorship’s military adventurism has been principally responsible for escalating tensions in the region.
The “Magic” of Ghana’s Nascent Democracy?
Is there “magic” to Ghanaian multiparty democracy? No! Whatever success Ghana has achieved in institutionalizing democracy, the Ghanaian people and their leaders have earned by offering their blood, toil sweat and tears. President Obama offered the best explanation when he attributed Ghana’s democratic success to respect for and institutionalization of the rule of law:
Now, time and again, Ghanaians have chosen constitutional rule over autocracy and shown a democratic spirit that allows the energy of your people to break through. We see that in leaders who accept defeat graciously — the fact that President Mills’ opponents were standing beside him last night to greet me when I came off the plane spoke volumes about Ghana; victors who resist calls to wield power against the opposition in unfair ways. We see that spirit in courageous journalists like Anas Aremeyaw Anas, who risked his life to report the truth. We see it in police like Patience Quaye, who helped prosecute the first human trafficker in Ghana. We see it in the young people who are speaking up against patronage and participating in the political process.
Although Ghana’s democracy is still in its infancy, the evidence on critical measures of democracy demonstrates that Ghana has a great and promising future.
Respect for Rule of Law and Civil Liberties
There is little doubt that Ghanaians enjoy a relatively high degree of political freedom; and the rule of law is largely respected by Ghanaian leaders. The 1992 Ghanaian Constitution guarantees a panoply of political civil, economic, social and cultural rights to citizens. Press freedom in Ghana best illustrates the liberties enjoyed by Ghanaians. In 2008, Ghana (population 23 million) ranked 31 out of 173 countries worldwide on World Press Freedom Index (Ethiopia ranks 142/173). There are more than 133 private newspapers and 2 state-owned dailies. There are some 110 FM radio stations broadcasting in all parts of the country. Foreign media operate freely and internet access is uncensored by the government. Citizens express their opinions without fear of government retaliation, and the media vociferously criticizes government policies and officials without censorship.
The rule of law is largely observed in Ghana. The government follows and respects the Constitution. It abides by the rulings and decisions of the courts and other fact-finding inquiry commissions. The government has undertaken actions to conform its laws to the standards of international human rights conventions. The Ghanaian Supreme Court serves as the ultimate guardian of the rule of law. It maintains its institutional independence, and is not timid about overruling unconstitutional government policies and decisions. Amazingly, under Article 2 (4) of the Ghanaian Constitution, failure to obey or carry out the terms of a Supreme Court order is a “a high crime”, which in “the case of the President or the Vice-President, constitutes a ground for removal from office under this Constitution.” Under Article 2 (1), “a person” can seek declaratory relief against an alleged unconstitutional law or act of any person by petitioning the Supreme Court. Amazingly, under Article 64, any Ghanaian citizen has the right to “challenge the validity of the election of the President in the Supreme Court within twenty-one days after the declaration of the result of the election.”
Independent Judiciary
An independent judiciary is vital to the observance of the rule of law and protection of civil liberties. Article 125 provides that the Ghanaian “Judiciary shall be independent and subject only to the Constitution.” Article 127(2) further provides that “neither the President nor the Parliament nor any person whatsoever shall interfere with judges and judicial officers or other persons exercising judicial power, in the exercise of their judicial functions”. All state organs are constitutionally required to comply with judicial orders. Most importantly, the Supreme Court has judicial review powers (that is, the power to determine the constitutionality of the actions of the presidency and parliament). Various surveys have shown that the majority of Ghanaians have confidence in their judicial system even though they also believe that some underpaid and under-trained judges are likely to fall prey to bribery and other corrupt practices.
Competitive Political Parties
Ghana has a competitive multi-party political system. Article 55 of the Constitution guarantees “Every citizen of Ghana of voting age has the right to join a political party.” Political parties are free to organize and “disseminate information on political ideas, social and economic programmes of a national character.” Tribal and ethnic parties are illegal in Ghana under Article 55 (4) cited above. There are some eight registered political parties. The two dominant parties, the New Patriotic Party (NPP) and the National Democratic Congress (NDC) are said to represent an estimated 80 per cent of the Ghanaian voters. There are few ideological differences among the parties. In the highly contested December 2008 elections, a run off was ordered by the Ghana Electoral Commission since neither of the two majority party candidates won more than 50 per cent of the vote.
Independent Electoral Commission
The Ghanaian Electoral Commission is the institution created in the Constitution to ensure Ghanaians’ right to self-government and clean elections. The Commission is responsible for voter registration, demarcation of electoral boundaries, conduct and oversight of all public elections and referenda and electoral education. Under Article 46, the Commission is guaranteed independence: With certain exceptions, “the Electoral Commission shall not be subject to the direction or control of any person or authority…” The presidential run-off election in 2008 was managed by the Electoral Commission with extraordinary impartiality and professionalism, despite political pressure, threats and intimidations. The Commission is widely credited in Ghana and internationally for sustaining democracy, political pluralism and constitutional rule.
Civil Society Institutions
Civil society institutions in Ghana are gradually emerging as vital social forces. They are mostly concentrated in the urban areas. The major ones include unions, international NGOs, professional media, legal, educational and research organizations and faith-based service groups and associations. Civil society institutions are becoming increasingly important in legal and legislative reforms and in playing vigorous advocacy roles for under-represented groups. Many of these institutions have made significant contributions by working with the Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice in securing civil rights for disabled persons, prevention of domestic violence, and strengthening the rights of women and children. Private research organizations (think tanks) in Ghana have done some extraordinary work, and their contributions to public policy analysis, empirical data collection and innovative policy proposals should be the envy of other African countries.
Transparency and Accountability
Corruption is a problem in Ghana, but less so than in many other African countries. Ghana was ranked 67 out of 180 countries surveyed in Transparency International’s 2008 Corruption Perceptions Index. Ethiopia ranked 126/180. Corruption in Ghana is considered “opportunistic” instead of systemic (that is, where major institutions and processes of the state are routinely and extensively used by corrupt officials and others connected to them for their own advantage). Various surveys have shown that underpaid and under-trained judges were likely to succumb to bribery and other forms of corruption. Small time corruption is said to be rampant among the police and customs officials. The independent constitutional Commission on Human Rights and Administrative Justice, mentioned above, was established to “to investigate complaints of violations of fundamental human rights and freedoms, injustice and corruption; abuse of power and unfair treatment of persons by public officers in the exercise of their duties, with power to seek remedy in respect of such acts or omissions and to provide for other related purposes” and “bring an action before any court in Ghana and may seek any remedy which may be available from that court”. Even though there is a difference of opinion on the efficacy of the Commission, there is evidence to show that it has made gains in anti-corruption efforts over the past decade. In 2005-06, the Commission undertook corruption and conflict of interest investigation against incumbent President John Kufuor and other top public officials, resulting in the resignation of certain ministers. But there are also encouraging examples of public integrity and personal sacrifices for the common good. For instance, the current President, John Mills, has refused compensation for his official services, directing that his salary and allowances be used for charity.
Threats to Ghanaian Democracy
Ghana’s multiparty democracy is still in its infancy and faces many threats. Some argue that the recently discovered “resource curse” of oil could derail democracy in Ghana as it has in other oil-rich West African countries. Inability of the government to improve the economic status of the rural and urban poor and provide better health care services to citizens could pose serious challenges. Lack of effective local governments in the rural areas could result in widespread dissatisfaction and instability. Failure to remedy the gross under-representation of women in leadership positions could retard Ghana’s democratic progress. Lack of investments in the educational sector could undermine Ghana’s long-term economic growth. The resurgence of ethnic politics aggravated by socio-economic problems could pose a grave threat to Ghana’s infant democracy. Numerous other challenges loom in the horizon, but Ghanaians appear prepared to meet them, and never to return to the days of tyrannical military strongmen.
The “X-Factor” in Ghanaian Democracy
Ghanaians have shown Africa’s tin pot dictators that multiparty democracy is not some fanciful Western ritual that is unworkable in the continent. They have shown that a non-ethnic, non-tribal multiparty democracy is the only viable option that could guarantee stability, equity and economic development in Africa. That is the secret, the “X” factor, in Ghana’s success. By constitutionally requiring that political parties NOT be ethnic- or tribal-based, Ghanaians laid a solid foundation for a single Ghanaian nation under the rule of law. They succeeded in creating a multiparty democracy that has the capacity to overcome the petty politics of ethnicity and tribalism. Amazingly, along the way they managed to create a political culture that integrates their humanity into a framework of national unity to forge a single Ghanaian identity.
Ghanaians have come to understand that they can do no nation-building by erecting impregnable walls of tribalism and ethnicity among themselves. They have also learned that democracy can not grow on the barren fields of tyranny where human rights are trampled upon and flagrantly disregarded. Even Ghana’s military leaders appreciated this fact when they bowed to the rule of law and returned to the barracks. Ghana today has become a beacon of hope to Africa. Ethiopia, as a collection of “Killilistans”, is a sad reminder of the darkest chapters of African history. We can all be very proud (and perhaps a bit jealous) of our Ghanaian brothers and sisters as they march united and confidently into the 21st Century secure in the knowledge that their rights are protected by the rule of law and their collective destiny rests sheltered in the palms of their hands.
Now, that’s what the amazing Ghanaians got, we ain’t got!
(The writer, Alemayehu G. Mariam, is a professor of political science at California State University, San Bernardino, and an attorney based in Los Angeles. For comments, he can be reached at [email protected])
TORONTO, CANADA — An Ethiopian refugee who stabbed his girlfriend to death in her Toronto apartment will have to spend at least 18 years in prison before he is eligible for parole.
Arssei Hindessa, 33, convicted this spring of second-degree murder in the May, 2006, death of 20-year-old Natalie Novak, looked straight ahead and showed no emotion as he was sentenced Monday morning by Ontario Superior Court Justice Anne Molloy.
“The murder was the final installment in the history of violence against Ms. Novak,” noted the judge. “She stood up to him. She told him it was over. He killed her,” the judge observed, with several family members and friends of Ms. Novak in court.
Hindessa had already been convicted twice of assaulting Ms. Novak, a student at Ryerson University in Toronto, when he stabbed her to death after she explained she wanted to end their two-year-long relationship.
Ms. Novak was attacked in her bedroom. She was stabbed at least nine times in the chest area and there were many defensive wounds. “Natalie Novak fought for her life,” observed Judge Molloy.
Hindessa also slashed the throat of his girlfriend before he fled her apartment and threatened to commit suicide a few hours later by jumping off a bridge, when arrested by police.
The Ontario Court of Appeal has concluded that the normal range for someone convicted of second-degree murder in a domestic situation is a life sentence with no parole for at least 12 to 15 years.
There were several aggravating factors in the death of Ms. Novak, which is why Judge Molloy said she was imposing a longer prison term before Hindessa can apply for parole.
Hindessa arrived in Canada as a refugee at the age of 25. The judge accepted that he had been imprisoned and tortured in Ethiopia, but she was skeptical about his claims of paranoia and mental illness.
Judge Molloy pointed out that the jury flatly rejected the testimony of Hindessa and his assertion that he was drunk and hallucinating and saw a “seven-headed beast” when he stabbed Ms. Novak. The judge added that she found Hindessa’s expressions of remorse at the sentencing hearing to be “hollow words” aimed at reducing the time he has to spend in prison.
Crown attorney Mary Humphrey had asked for Hindessa to serve between 18 to 25 years in prison before he can apply for parole.
Judge Molloy noted that she must apply “parity” in sentencing, as she explained why she was not imposing parole ineligibility of more than 18 years.
“Natalie was adored, nurtured and treasured by her family and friends. I am aware of the utter devastation caused by her death, said the judge.
When imposing a sentence though, “we do not differentiate between a lovely young woman and the killing of any other human being,” said Judge Molloy.
