Mr. President, Ethiopia has increasingly been an active participant in the international community and a leader on the African continent–as a charter member of the United Nations, a cofounder of what are now the African Union and Intergovernmental Authority on Development, and a key partner in combating international terrorism. After decades, and some would say centuries of civil strife, the 1994 Constitution and election of the coalition Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front, EPRDF, in 1995 seemed to herald the beginning of an era of peace, democracy, and development. Efforts to reform the economy and political dynamics, while slow, reversed the devastating impact of the Derg and gave the people of Ethiopia some hope that a robust democracy was really taking root. In fact, in the runup to the 2005 elections, there was a deliberate and significant opening of political space–which included broad media coverage of opposition parties, relatively unimpeded access for
Indeed, for years, the U.S. State Department has reported “widespread human rights abuses” in its annual country report on Ethiopia. Among the most consistent violations listed are the intimidation, beating, abuse, and arbitrary arrest and detention by Government security forces of journalists, opposition supporters, union leaders, and others who dare to challenge the ruling party. Some of the more egregious examples associated with the growing opposition began in 2005 and include the arrest and prosecution for capital offenses of 131 major opposition leaders and the arbitrary detention of 30,000 to 50,000 civilians without charge. The ruling party also forcibly closed opposition political offices that same year and kept them closed through the eve of local elections this past April. Such conduct is a clear violation of regional and international human rights laws, to which Ethiopia is a signatory, and directly contradicts the country’s own Constitution, still only 12 years old.
Over the past year, I have become increasingly concerned by reports coming out of the Ogadan region of Ethiopia regarding military attacks on civilians and Government blockades of essential humanitarian and commercial supplies. National and international aid organizations with field missions in the area describe security forces burning villages and Government officials ordering entire village populations to move to specific “resettlement” locations that lack sufficient food.
The aid organizations now struggling to keep these Ethiopian civilians alive, as well as national and international human rights defenders, democracy advocates, independent journalists, and humanitarian organizations seeking to consolidate and extend peace, democracy, and development in Ethiopia, are already facing cumbersome bureaucratic rules and sometime succumb to self-censorship to avoid Government reprisals. The Ethiopian Government’s new law, if passed in its current format, would make it almost impossible for these groups and individuals to continue their important efforts. Under the Charities and Societies Proclamation, non-Ethiopian organizations would be prohibited from engaging in democracy, human rights, good governance, or conflict resolution activities, and national civil society groups would have to forgo foreign funding and submit to strict Government regulation.
To reaffirm and facilitate Ethiopia’s commitment to and progress towards democratic development, eliminating extremism, good governance, combating HIV/AIDS, improving agricultural productivity, and reducing chronic hunger, the U.S. Government has provided billions of dollars worth of assistance in recent years with more than $700 million already in fiscal year 2008. The majority of this support is delivered through U.S.-based nongovernmental organizations that offer essential services and supplies to civilians as well as valuable technical assistance and resources to strengthen Ethiopian institutions and infrastructure. The new restrictions and regulations would severely limit or even prohibit much of this assistance and should cause the United States as well as other international donors to reconsider whether contributions to Ethiopia can further democracy, development and accountability.
The Ethiopian Government claims the new regulations are aimed at improving the accountability and transparency of civil society organizations operating in Ethiopia. But what the provisions would actually do is erode the Government’s own accountability and transparency by impeding these organizations’ ability to serve their essential watchdog functions. This is not the time or place for tighter controls. Instead, the Ethiopian Government should support improvements in the quality and capacity of these groups, which are vital to the country’s continued political, economic, and social development.
The United States needs to work with our partners–both on the continent and off it–and strongly oppose the imposition of this new proclamation to protect the gains Ethiopia has made in recent years and pave the way for further consolidation of growth and democracy. If passed in its current format, this bill would have a devastating impact on our foreign policy objectives and Ethiopia’s development as a robust democracy. And, even if revised and amended, passage of this bill would still send a negative message, that of a government desperately seeking to hold on to power and dismantle any groups that might expose its failures or limitations. We must stand with the people of Ethiopia and with the principles that Americans hold dear.
Zimbabwe’s opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai says he is pulling out of Friday’s presidential run-off. Mr Tsvangirai said there was no point running when elections would not be free and fair and “the outcome is determined by… Mugabe himself”.
He called on the global community to step in to prevent “genocide”.
But the ruling Zanu-PF said Mr Tsvangirai had taken the decision to avoid “humiliation” in the poll.
The opposition decision came after its supporters, heading to a rally in the capital Harare, came under attack.
The opposition Movement for Democratic Change says at least 70 supporters have been killed and 200,000 forced from their homes by ruling party militias.
At a press conference in Harare on Sunday, Mr Tsvangirai said: “We in the MDC cannot ask them to cast their vote on 27 June, when that vote could cost them their lives.”
“We have resolved that we will no longer participate in this violent, illegitimate sham of an election process.”
“We will not play the game of Mugabe,” he added.
He called on the United Nations, African Union and the southern African grouping SADC to intervene to prevent a “genocide” in Zimbabwe.
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Tsvangirai quits election race
Zimbabwe’s Information Minister Sikhanyiso Ndlovu told the BBC that Mr Tsvangirai pulled out the vote because he faced “humiliation and defeat” at the hands of President Mugabe, who he said would win “resoundingly”.
“Unfortunately,” he said, the opposition leader’s decision was “depriving the people of Zimbabwe of a vote”.
Rally blocked
BBC Africa analyst Martin Plaut says the key question now is what Thabo Mbeki, president of Zimbabwe’s powerful neighbour South Africa, will do.
He is in the best position to step up the pressure on Mr Mugabe, since Zimbabwe is so economically dependent on South Africa, our analyst says.
South Africa immediately responded to the news by calling on the MDC to continue talks to try to find a political solution.
“We are very encouraged that Mr Tsvangirai, himself, says he is not closing the door completely on negotiations,” said a spokesman for Mr Mbeki.
On Sunday, the MDC was due to stage a rally in Harare – the highlight of the campaign.
But supporters of Mr Mugabe’s Zanu-PF occupied the stadium venue and roads leading up to it.
Witnesses reported seeing hundreds of youths around the venue wielding sticks, some chanting slogans, and others circling the stadium crammed onto the backs of trucks.
Some set upon opposition activists, leaving a number badly injured, the MDC said.
It said African election monitors were also chased away from the rally site.
The United States reacted to Sunday’s developments by saying: “The government of Zimbabwe and its thugs must stop the violence now.”
Beatings and arrests
The MDC says Mr Tsvangirai won the presidential election outright during the first round in March.
The government admits he won more votes than President Mugabe, but says he did not take enough to win outright.
But in recent weeks, as the run-off approached, the MDC said it had found campaigning near impossible.
Mugabe will remain unopposed to seek revenge and retribution on all who stood for democracy and change
Sam, St Lucia
Its members have been beaten, and its supporters evicted from their homes, forcing it to campaign in near secrecy.
Mr Tsvangirai was arrested several times, and the party’s secretary general, Tendai Biti, has been held and charged with treason.
The BBC’s Peter Biles, in Johannesburg, says Mr Mugabe has made clear he will never relinquish power, saying only God could remove him.
While Mr Tsvangirai’s move will hand victory to Mr Mugabe, it is unclear whether the international community or election observers will confer any legitimacy on the process, our correspondent says.
Britain’s Foreign Secretary David Miliband told the BBC: “Robert Mugabe has certainly not won the election, in fact the only people who can claim that are the opposition,” which won the parliamentary vote in March.
Zimbabwean ministers said the run-off vote would go ahead, unless Mr Tsvangirai submitted a formal letter of withdrawal.
But Levy Mwanawasa, president of neighbouring Zambia, said the run-off should be postponed “to avert a catastrophe in the region”.
He said Zimbabwe’s economic collapse was affecting the whole region, and he called on SADC to take a similar stance.
“It’s scandalous for SADC to remain silent on Zimbabwe,” he said.
“What is happening in Zimbabwe is embarrassing to all of us.”
Are you in Zimbabwe? Do you agree with the MDC’s decision? Send us your comments and experiences using the form below.
My donkey Emily was murdered. Well, I say murdered – perhaps it was manslaughter. My brother was having a house built; a ditch was badly fenced and Emily fell in. She was hauled out and reprimanded for being too inquisitive, which I thought unfair.
The next day – the ditch still unprotected – she fell in again and drowned. I was abroad and to this day I haven’t forgiven those involved for their negligence.
I loved that donkey for 30 years – as did my mother, who kept a watercolour diary of Emily’s life. Emily had her own canary-coloured cart, was a fixture in nativity plays, would be put in fields with highly strung horses as a calming influence, and was served with a noise-abatement order by Bedwas and Machen Urban District Council because her bray could be heard for four miles.
When, with a £100 legacy from my grandpa, I bought her as a foal, she could be carried like a pet lamb. Not otherwise temperamental, when introduced to a potential suitor she’d kick the living daylights out of him.
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Therefore I can completely understand Andy Merrifield’s besottedness. When he rhapsodises about his donkey Grebouille’s swag belly, thick fur and the dung that smells of bran and barley, it all comes back to me.
Donkeys, says the author, can have a “profound presence”. Merrifield would spend hours watching them graze: it was “a sort of meditation, hypnotic and addictive”.
Before long, in the manner of Robert Louis Stevenson, who rode a donkey in the Cévennes, or even Our Lord, who rode one into Jerusalem, Merrifield has taken his sacred beast to rural France. “We ponder, we wait, we meditate,” he says.
A lot of meditation goes on – but not much else, unfortunately.
The inscrutability of the donkey is praised again and again. “You can’t make a donkey walk faster. We have to learn to go at its pace.” The animals are patient, sensitive and intelligent. “It is hard to forget their innocent gaze,” we are told. A donkey has “the gravest and most reasonable eyes the world has seen”.
Apparently donkeys can get depressed and die of grief – or possibly of embarrassment should they read this book, with its pretentious imputations and fortune-cookie philosophy.
Merrifield pictures himself as a medieval troubadour, plodding around the Auvergne, with its fragrance of camomile mixed with wild lemon and thyme.
Apart from the fact that he’s “in serious need of a wash” by the end, we don’t know how long he’s been away – it could be weeks or a single afternoon.
In my experience, people who go in for the Confucian sage stuff, and are out to praise silence and slow time, are on the rebound from an impatient existence. So it proves.
“I’m no longer the same person I was before this trip,” confesses Merrifield. Until recently, he was an academic in New York (details are irritatingly vague), who has cracked up over “an iron in my soul”. He says that in his daily doings he “was nasty and rude and I enjoyed being nasty and rude”. Life became “too much to bear” – crowded sidewalks, pollution and screeching sirens. Merrifield was sunk in “a world gone awry, a world I’d already decided to shun”.
So he exchanges it for church bells, birdsong and the sainted, chocolate-brown donkey, which eats dandelions, thistles and “everything that stings”.
The book is at its best when outlining the history of man’s relationship with his ass. Though donkeys have been domesticated for 8,000 years, we have not treated them well.
In the Bible donkeys can speak with a human voice and see angels, but normally they “take the brunt of human ridicule” – and violence. Because they have a high pain threshold, people beat them mercilessly, trying to get a reaction.
While in the West donkeys can live to be 40, in Ethiopia, on average, they seldom live nine years, and in Egypt 11; in Kenya, Mexico and China they are lucky to reach 14. Owners use poorly fitting harnesses and heavy loads, which leave donkeys raw and bleeding.
After a life of slavery, the creature is tipped on to a rubbish dump “and the village dogs have torn its guts out before it is cold”. In one horrifying episode, a farmer cuts a donkey’s ears off for eating a neighbour’s corn.
As Merrifield says, it is good to know that the Donkey Sanctuary in Devon campaigns against such treatment.
# If you are concerned about a donkey’s welfare anywhere in the world, call the Donkey Sanctuary advice line: 01395 578222.
ADDIS ABABA – UNICEF Deputy Executive Director Hilde F.Johnson today appealed for a more robust and rapid response to the urgent needs of severely malnourished children in drought-affected areas of Ethiopia.
“It is our assessment that the situation in the hardest hit areas is extremely serious,” said Johnson. “Children are now at risk of dying in numbers in several areas if help is not provided urgently. The government and partners are doing their utmost to help, but needs are not being met,at present, with adequate speed. More resources need to be provided.”
Johnson spoke at the conclusion of a four day mission to Ethiopia which included visits to emergency hot-spots in drought-affected parts of the south.
“We talked to children, mothers and fathers, grandmothers and grandfathers and all actors in the field, the health officials of the zones, the health extension workers, the professionals deployed and key partners among the NGOs,” said Johnson. “This picture was confirmed by all of them, and a clear message was conveyed: There is no food. The assistance needs to be taken to scale, and it has to happen urgently.”
UNICEF’s Deputy Executive Director outlined the most critical and urgent steps for responding to the emergency starting with scaling up life-saving therapeutic feeding in all affected areas, with parallel scaling up of supplementary feeding.
“Supplementary feeding is a fundamental part of the response related to the survival of children,” said Johnson. “It is urgent that supplementary feeding in large quantities is provided in these areas, both to avoid children from falling into acute malnutrition, and to prevent those having undergone treatment from falling back into severe malnutrition.
The World Food Programme has started to receive resources, but as yet, has not got adequate support from donors to cater for these needs. It is critical that these needs are also met for the survival of children.”
Johnson also urged careful monitoring and addressing of health hazards that threaten child survival including Acute Watery Diarrhoea (AWD), pneumonia,measles and malaria. This will require emergency provisions of safe drinking water, as well as supporting sanitation and hygiene education,especially in areas of increased risk for disease transmission such as Therapeutic feeding-centres and stabilization-centres.
To cater for the needs as outlined in the requirement document of 12 June,UNICEF will need around 28 million USD.
Johnson noted reports of additional emergency hotspots in areas of Oromia,Somali and Southern Nations Nationalities and Peoples’ Region, as well as potential challenges in Amhara and southern Tigray.
With the harvest not due until late September, the emergency situation may worsen over the next three months. While steps are being taken by government to provide food supplies, present funding levels will only cater for half the food aid needs required for June and July.
“Our main concern is that lack of an adequate response in the short term can further exacerbate the situation for children,” said Johnson, “as they are also dependent on the availability of adequate food in their households.”
Should the situation worsen, we all need to be prepared. We need mitigating measures. “UNICEF is therefore committed to strengthen the monitoring and surveillance system and –capacity,” said Johnson. “This includes training of local government staff to address these dynamic and evolving emergency challenges. This is absolutely essential in view of the speed with which we have seen these life threatening conditions for children develop. The strategic pre-positioning of essential supplies for children, such as therapeutic food, essential medicines, water purification and sanitation materials is critical for our capacity to respond. This is high priority for us.”
These measures will enable us to respond adequately should the situation worsen the next critical months. At the moment, UNICEF does not have sufficient supplies available. We will ask donors for additional support to be able to put in place these critical mitigating measures. They amount to around USD 20 million.
Johnson reiterated UNICEF’s agreement with the Ethiopian government and partners on the present assessment of the food and nutrition situation in the country. In view of the rapidly evolving situation, she called for an urgent nationwide assessment of the nutrition situation covering all affected regions including pastoralist areas and in particular Somali region. At present it is agreed that 4.6 million people are in need of food aid, of which 75,000 children are directly affected by severe acute malnutrition.
ENDS
For further information please contact, Dr. Kerida McDonald, Chief, Communication Cluster, UNICEF Ethiopia, Tel: + 251 115 184018, email: [email protected], Indrias Getachew, Communication Officer, UNICEF Ethiopia, Tel: +251 115184026 email: [email protected]
Hopefully Ethiomedia doesn’t mind the re-posting of its article about Ethiopian Review here >>
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ETHIOMEDIA EDITOR’S NOTE – Ethiomedia has received articles that seriously criticize Elias Kifle, editor of Ethiopian Review, over his remarks that have increasingly become unethical, irresponsible and destructive to the interests and aspirations of Ethiopians. Elias, who is perhaps the only person running towards Eritrea at a time when Eritreans are fleeing in every possible direction to save their lives, has brought himself under fire. We hope the editor, who has been generous in attacking others whose ideas don’t agree with his, would be careful enough to accept criticisms with grace, and learn a lesson or two. Following is a commentary by Ephrem Madebo:
“Never kill them before they grow”
By Ephrem Madebo
“Every time I plant a seed, he said kill them before they grow.” This is a living lyric from the late vibrant Reggae star, Bob Marley’s classic – “I shot the Sheriff.” If Marley were alive today, I am sure he would have sung another song with the same lyrics to the likes of Ethiopian Review editor who, like a bad tagboat, throws away every new idea that he doesn’t agree with.
I had a close association with the ER editor years ago in the heydays of “Tegbar League.” In fact, I joined the “Tegbar League” group discussion forum at the request of the moderator (the ER editor), and I was expelled when I openly criticized Lidetu Ayalew for his 2002 crude action. Mind you the ER editor is the very person that blames Meles Zenawi for muffling the free press, but he himself didn’t even think twice before he silenced me in his little world. What a hypocrisy! Regardless of the nature of the ideas, I usually keep small ideas at the personal level. This week after I read two indiscriminately misguiding articles on Ethiopian Review website, I decided to go public because I thought total silence does not do any good to the public.
Towards the end of last week, I read an article on Ethiopian Review that brought to light a covert negotiation between OLF and Ginbot 7. The article inadvertently reveals a possible political breakthrough that has the potential to change the course of history in Ethiopia. If the information that came to light is authentic, I applaud the investigative cleverness of the ER sources for digging deep and informing the public on what is to come, I also appreciate their effort in trying to directly or indirectly put pressure on the leaders of the opposition camp. Here is the part that I totally disagreed and demanded an explanation. For those of you who didn’t have the chance to read ER’s article on the clandestine meeting of Ginbot 7 and OLF, here is the warning of the ER editor to the two organizations [OLF, Ginbot 7] and to the rest of us:
“ER sources in both Ginbot 7 and OLF are not ready to disclose where the secret talks are being held, but for maximum political effect, any agreement that they reach needs to be signed in Asmara. Any one who doubts the significant role the Eritrean government can play in destroying Woyanne is either politically ignorant, or a closet Woyanne sympathizer, or does not fully comprehend the severity of the crisis our country is facing.”
I’m not sure whether the editor is acting from his inner feeling, or out of his imagination, but at least I do understand that when people act under the influence of imagination, there is no boundary for their passion. Imagination is the formation of a mental image of something that is not perceived as real and is not present to the senses. It is good to allow the image of the outside world have an input in our way of thinking, scheming, contriving, remembering, creating, fantasizing, and forming opinion, but we must understand that politics and everything we do must be accompanied by passion and driven by principle because too much imagination kills both principle and passion.
I wonder what in the “Hell” Asmara has to do with the likely outcome of political events in Ethiopia. Isn’t Asmara the home of Esayas Afewerke, a man who never sleeps before he makes sure that Ethiopia is reduced to multiple mini states? Had there been an inch thick of a heart that worries for Ethiopia under the chest of Essays, Asmara wouldn’t have opened its door for separatist elements that fight to dismantle Ethiopia, and for EPPF; an organization that firmly stands for the unity of Ethiopia. If there is anything that the opposition gets from Asmara today, it will definitely be paid back at an exorbitantly high price tomorrow. The question of Assab, Bademe, Tsorena, and other border areas that I can’t even name are issues that face the current opposition in the future when it assumes power. If we believe that Esayas is willing to raise a lion that may ultimately devour him, we’re not just lying through our teeth, but we are also simplifying very complex national issues.
Another very important issue that the Ethiopian Review editor must understand is that we Ethiopians can respectfully disagree with him in many issues without he calling us “politically ignorant, or Woyanne sympathizers.” As an editor, he must strike the balance between the flow of ideas and the interest of the public. An editor must appreciate dissent and accept criticism. By the way, isn’t the very essence of our struggle built on the values of respectful disagreement and on the principles of working together for a common cause? When an editor seeks freedom of speech for himself, he/she becomes captive of his/her desire and misguides millions of people. But, when an editor seeks discipline, he/she guides the freedom journey of the masses to victory. The era of blanket condemnation and character assassination is over. Editors, or readers, what we do and what we say should clearly identify on which part of the isle we stand. Here is a script from ER editor’s message this week:
“Let’s go straight to the crux of the matter: UDJ by its actions and positions had demonstrated itself to be a political party without a popular base. It is a fake party without popular constituency.”
How do we measure the popularity of political parties? What makes some parties real and others fake? I might not give you the answer for these two questions, but I can at least say the following: The ER editor has neither the moral background nor the empirical authenticity to publicly declare that UDJ is a fake party with no political constituency. How dare a man who like me enjoys burgers at the comfort of a “drive-in,” calls UDJ a fake party with no political constituency? Which constituency are we talking here? Isn’t UDJ a party that collected more than 10,000 signatures in few days when the government required 1500? Isn’t Bertukuan a lady who with no fear confronted Zenawi’s wicked legal system in her professional life? Didn’t this same relentless defender of democracy waste two years of her precious young life in Kaliti prison for our common cause? Regardless of their choice of strategy, Bertukan and other members of UDJ have demonstrated their undeterred will to endlessly stand for the true cause of democracy.
There are many people in Ethiopia who preferred to live a quiet life to confronting Meles. Again there are many of us who raced out to the Western world because Meles screamed at us. Members of UDJ are still in Ethiopia knowing that they might be targets of Zenawi’s killing squads. These people need support and protection, not abuse and senseless mortification. UDJ has taken its first step; let’s give them the necessary time and support to have them show us the whole staircase. If we have no patience of looking deep into the future, then we need to take a lesson from the biblical story of Noah. Remember, there was no rain when Noah built the ark. He built it anyways when others ridiculed him because he had a good vision of the future. Criticizing our political parties is the right thing to do, but killing them before they grow is wrong. There are many things that we can do to collectively get closer to victory. If anything else, please let’s avoid any feeling of bitterness towards others because bitterness is a cancer that eats upon the host.
Evidently, the proliferation of political parties has a tendency to water down the strength of the opposition camp, but this does not and should not imply that we as a nation should be limited to one party. Even if we believe in the idea of one party, we just don’t have to kill existing parties when we embrace new comers. Our belief is ours and ours only; we can sell it to others, but we must not impose our belief on the general public. UDJ has chosen to stay inside Ethiopia and wage a peaceful struggle. To those of us who have a different strategy, UDJ can be our good ally inside Ethiopia. Some of us might not want to have UDJ as an ally, so be it; but this doesn’t mean that UDJ is our enemy. We must make a distinction between a friend, a potential friend, and a foe. In politics, there is neither permanent alliance nor permanent animosity.
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The writer, Ephrem Madebo, blogs Enset, and can be reached at [email protected]
EDITOR’S NOTE: It seems Kenya is emerging out of its post-election chaos just a few months ago, unlike Ethiopia, which is on a downward spiral following the 2005 elections. The difference between Kenya and Ethiopia is that the ruling party in Ethiopia, Woyanne, would rather completely destroy the country than give up power. We also have an opposition that is timid, to say the least. The following is a news about the recent successful visit by Kenya’s newly elected Prime Minister to the U.S.
Prime Minister Raila Odinga reaped more goodies for Kenya during his American trip when he signed an agreement that opens the route for Kenya Airways direct flights to the US.
Raila and American Secretary of Transport Mary Peters signed the US-Kenya Open Skies Agreement for direct flights for airlines from both countries.
Kenya Airways, the only airline in Kenya with the capacity to fly across the Atlantic, can now reap from the lucrative opportunity.
The US also announced that its American Delta Airlines would fly direct to Nairobi from next year.
The agreement, internationally known as the Bilateral Air Service Agreement (Basa), is subject to upgrading of main airports to what is termed Category One Standard.
In anticipation of the agreement, the Kenya Airports Authority (KAA), which attained ISO certification last week, on Thursday confirmed it was upgrading Jomo Kenyatta International Airport to Category One Status.
Transport Permanent Secretary Abdulrazaq Adan Ali told The Standard that by November, the airport would have attained the status.
Raila signed the agreement with Peters just a day after the approval by congressmen, agencies and key US financiers to endorse Sh5.8 billion funding for rehabilitation following post-election violence.
Speaking at the US Transport Department in Washington, DC, Peters said America was keen to work with Kenya’s Transport ministry on aviation.
Saying ‘open skies’ were the standard for modern aviation, Peters pointed out: “We want to remove regulatory barriers to facilitate this aviation accord between Kenya and the US.”
The US has already signed 90 open-sky accords, 20 with African countries, she said.
Raila said Kenya would use the opportunity to link the national airline directly with New York, among other US cities.
“This will make it easier for horticulture and flower businesses,” said the PM.
He indicated that the agreement would help Kenya acquire Category One air status and provide 24-hour services so that travellers would not have to go through Europe.
The PM said the agreement was a crucial link between transport and prosperity of Kenya and the US and noted it would increase the number of American tourists to Kenya.
“Our concentration has traditionally been in the European market,” said Raila.
Transport minister Chirau Mwakwere, who is in Raila’s entourage, said the agreement would provide a vital alternative for the business community and help market Kenya’s tourism.
“It’s been a long process of negotiations,” said Mwakwere.
In Nairobi, KAA Managing Director George Muhoho said: “The authority now joins organisations that have demonstrated full commitment to provide a service that consistently conforms to acceptable global standards.”
He went on: “The process to attain Category One Status is on and we are committed to that.”
Category One rating is a privilege for a country whose aviation standards conform to those set by International Civil Aviation Organisation.
Meanwhile, the US Corporate Council on Africa hosted Raila to a dinner in Washington attended by business people.
The PM told the meeting that one objective of the trip was to promote trade between Kenya and the US.
Corporate Council director Asfaw Alemayehu said its more than 180 members were looking for investment opportunities in Kenya, among them General Motors and Microsoft.
Earlier, the PM met US officials, among them Secretary of State Condoleeza Rice, Assistant Secretary for Africa Jendayi Frazer, congressmen and senators.
The Prime Minister held discussions with Rice at her office in Capitol Hill.
Raila and other officials return home on Friday night.
My donkey Emily was murdered. Well, I say murdered – perhaps it was manslaughter. My brother was having a house built; a ditch was badly fenced and Emily fell in. She was hauled out and reprimanded for being too inquisitive, which I thought unfair.