The controversy and heated debates caused by the recent dictatorial behavior of Hailu Shawel, instigated and promoted by the EPRP-Shaleqa unholy alliance, will soon be dwarfed by another issue — the upcoming local election in Ethiopia.
Next April, in about 7 months from now, there will be kebele, woreda and zonal elections in Ethiopia. Kinijit has not decided whether to participate in the elections. The leaders have put off the decision until they return from their worldwide tour. But Ethiopian Review believes that the discussion must start now, and Ethiopians in the Diaspora must take an active part in the debate.
Ato Hailu Shawel said in an interview with Abyssinia Radio on Saturday that unless Kinijit’s 8-point conditions are met by Woyanne, the party will not participate in the elections. As every one is fixated on the dispute between Ato Hailu and the executive committee, very few people may have paid attention to what he said. But it seems that Ato Hailu has already made a decision on this matter on behalf of Kinijit without the party’s central council had a chance to deliberate on it.
Putting aside for now Ato Hailu’s ongoing dictatorial behavior — which will be dealt with according to Kinijit’s bylaws when the leaders return home — should Kinijit participate in the upcoming local elections?
Ethiopian Review believes that Kinijit must take part in the elections for the following reasons:
1) If Kinijit wants to remain as an active political party inside the country, elections are the best way for it to communicate with the people and get its message across.
2) The Woyanne repression will be far worse than pre-2005 elections, but Kinijit leaders can bring international pressure to bare upon Woyanne to allow Kinijit access to the state-run media, open its offices through out the country, and organize its local chapters with less restraint.
3) Kinijit will lose local and international credibility if it decides to not participate in the elections.
4) Political parties are organized to participate in elections. If Kinijit is not willing to participate in the upcoming elections it will lose its raison d’être.
Participating in the election does not mean Kinijit has to accept the outcome if gross fraud is committed by Woyanne. Kinijit has correctly rejected the 2005 elections, and it should do so again if the next elections are also fraudulent. Also, by taking part in the elections, it doesn’t mean that Kinijit is accepting the legitimacy of the Woyanne regime, nor the election board, nor the judicial system, but if it chooses to operate inside Ethiopia, it must use every door and window that is open to it to challenge the Woyanne dictatorship.
The Kinijit leadership has learned a lot from the 2005 elections. Many of the mistakes that were committed then hopefully will not be repeated.
Obstacles to the debate
The EPRP losers are desperately trying to infiltrate Kinijit’s leadership through their agent Taye Woldesemayat, a self-proclaimed Kinijit hater. That is their modus operandi. They strive to influence public opinion through infiltration of their opponent’s organizations, fabrications of lies, and insidious propaganda. That is what they have attempted against the Alliance for Freedom and Democracy (AFD). They had demanded more than one seat in the table. When they could not get that, they walked out and tried to play the patriotism card. The funny thing is that EPRP is the least patriotic organization. In fact, in many occasions it has worked to undermine the national interest of Ethiopia by siding with enemy forces. For example, it is a well known fact that EPRP had collaborated with Somalia’s Siad Barre when he invaded Ethiopia in the late 1970s. It is to be remembered that EPRP agents were poisoning the food that was being prepared by kebele associations to go to Ethiopian troops at the battle front. Woyanne and EPRP had offices in Mogadishu at the time and were coordinating the attack on Ethiopia with Siad Bare. It is this same old EPRP that has been attacking Kinijit in the past few months for joining OLF, ONLF and other groups in calling for national reconciliation.
EPRP and their agent, Dr Taye Woldesemayat — who was kicked out of the Ethiopian Teachers Association last July for refusing to return the money he collected on the association’s behalf — are using to their advantage Ato Hailu Shawel’s poor health and shaky state of mind due to the numerous medicines he is currently taking. They are trying to tell us now that Hailu Shawel is their hero and the other Kinijit leaders are trying to oust him. These lumpens had been vilifying Ato Hailu just a few months ago when the rest of us were carrying his photo and marching in the streets of the capitals of the world demanding his release from jail. Their audacity knows no bound.
Taye and EPRP have already convinced Ato Hailu that he should not continue with the Kinijit leadership. Shortly, he will anoint Taye Woldesemayat as the chairman of Kinijit, or the faction that will follow him, and retire, as he hinted on Abyssinia Radio. It is a done deal as far as Hailu, Taye, EPRP and the shaleqa are concerned. Shaleqa Yoseph and his crooked friends will get what they want out of this — cover up of their corruption.
Let’s move forward
Ato Hailu said himself that he will not continue much longer. So why waste time arguing about him or with him? Let’s focus on other more important issues, such as Kinijit’s role in the upcoming local elections in Ethiopia. It is necessary for the delegations who are currently in the U.S., Europe and Africa to provide the forum for their supporters to express their opinion on this matter. Do the same thing in Ethiopia when they return. Then based on the opinions expressed by Ethiopians in the Diaspora and inside the country, let the central council weigh all the pros and cons and make a decision. What ever decision the Kinijit council makes, all the leaders must support it if they are indeed fighting for genuine democracy.
Over the past week, we have become aware of statements in the media concerning the role of the Ad Hoc Committee in the coordination of the Kinijit Delegation’s activities in the U.S., and matters related to the arrival of Ato Hailu Shawel.
This Clarification is intended to remove confusion regarding the role and activities of the Committee over the past few weeks when it began its coordinative role.
It should be noted that the Committee issues this Clarification reluctantly amidst the apparently charged environment surrounding the arrival of the Kinijit leaders in the U.S.
Initially, we decided to forbear from making any public statements in response to certain allegations made about our role and activities in the coordination of the Delegation’s visit in the U.S. However, it appears that repetition of these allegations over the past several days in the media has caused public concern and confusion, requiring clarification from our side.
Our decision to issue this clarification was not made lightly, but rather with a heavy heart and much soul searching. We took many factors into consideration in deciding whether to respond to these allegations:
1) the utility of issuing the clarification against the possibility of aggravating any misunderstandings that may currently exist between the various parties concerned with the Delegation’s U.S. visit,
2) the potential for public distraction from the paramount issues of democracy, freedom and human rights in Ethiopia to other less important issues,
3) the possibility that any statement we make could deepen public cynicism and confusion about organizational and/or personal matters,
4) the likelihood that our statement could exacerbate the apparent acrimony and confusion among the various parties in the media,
5) the possibility of aggravating and adversely impacting ongoing organizational process in the U.S. and elsewhere,
6) the potential for any statement we make in creating a counter-productive credibility contest between ourselves and others,
7) the potential for our statement to preempt or foreclose any future reconciliation efforts,
8) the potential for adding or detracting value to organizational cohesion or fragmentation,
9) the potential for the public to misread and misconstrue our intent in making any statements on the allegations, and
10) the potential propaganda windfall that may accrue to the enemies of democracy and human rights.
In the end, we decided to issue this strictly factual statement having concluded that any harm that may flow from its issuance is outweighed by the public’s interest in ascertaining the truth by hearing both sides of the story. We also felt obliged that we must practice the very principle of accountability that we counsel others to follow; and in this regard, we appreciate the role of the Diaspora Ethiopian media in demanding such accountability from us.
Our statement below is strictly factual and chronological. It is intended to document specific events and actions. It is not intended to impute untoward motive or bad faith to anyone; and our sole concern is factual clarification. We trust the reader will find sufficient factual details below to come to an independent conclusion about our role and activities as it relates to the Delegation’s visit and activities in the U.S.
Chronology of Events
In the first press release we issued on August 17, 2007, we announced the arrival of the Kinijit Delegation, which included Ato Hailu Shawul, Chairman of CUD, W/T Birtukan Midekssa, Vice Chair, Dr. Berhanu Nega, Addis Ababa Mayor-Elect and members Dr. Hailu Araya (Spokesperson), Ato Brook Kebede and Ato Gizachew Shiferaw. We indicated that the Delegation is expected to arrive on August 29, 2007.
In the second press release we issued on August 24, 2007, we announced the occurrence of unexpected visa problems at the U.S. Embassy, and indicated the possibility of postponement of the August 29 arrival date. In that press release, we announced the Leadership Delegation traveling to the U.S. will include Ato Hailu Shawul, Chairman of CUD, W/T Birtukan Midekssa, Vice Chair, Dr. Berhanu Nega, Addis Ababa Mayor-Elect and members Dr. Hailu Araya (Spokesperson), Ato Brook Kebede and Ato Gizachew Shiferaw.
In the third press release we issued on September 5, 2007, we announced that the Kinijit Delegation is expected to arrive in the U.S. on September 9, 2007. We indicated that the Delegation will include Kinijit Vice Chair Birtukan Midekssa, Dr. Hailu Araya (Spokesperson), Ato Brook Kebede and Ato Gizachew Shiferaw. We further indicated that Dr. Birhanu Nega, Mayor-elect of Addis Ababa, was already in the United States having left Ethiopia earlier on personal matter.
In the September 5 press release, we specifically stated “Kinijit Chairman Ato Hailu Shawul is not expected to arrive with the delegation. He has not received an entry visa from the U.S. Embassy as of the date of this press release. The Committee is informed and believes that even if Ato Hailu were to receive his visa at the present time, he will be unable to join the Delegation on a U.S. tour due to ongoing health care needs.” We further stated that “The Delegation is hopeful that Ato Hailu will regain his health speedily and join them on the tour.”
The Delegation listed in the September 5 press release arrived in the U.S. as scheduled on September 9, 2007.
In an email written in Amharic script and dated Qagme 3, 1999 (Sept. 8, and carbon copied to Kinijit Support Committees in Washington and Toronto), Eng. Hailu informed us that the Delegation’s travels to the U.S. have raised some questions, and that due to poor health and delayed visa processing he had initially decided against coming to the U.S. However, because of strong request by supporters, he had decided to be present among the Ethiopian public and contribute to the resolution of disputes and misunderstandings. He further stated that he will be arriving in the U.S. on the afternoon of Re-bue (Wednesday), Meskerem 1, 2000, and will receive medical care. He indicated that on Arb (Friday) Meskerem 3, 2003, he will arrive in Washington, D.C. and be ready to participate in the program scheduled the following day, Saturday. He asked us to let him know if his plans were acceptable to us.
On September 10, 2007, we replied to Eng. Hailu acknowledging his Qagme 3, 1999 email message, stating: “ …. In our last press release, we have informed the public of your health situation and the delay in processing your visa at the U.S. Embassy. We were all glad to hear that your visa was granted even though it was late. We are even more glad that you have decided to come and lead the delegation as originally planned despite the fact that your health situation still needs immediate attention…
“We are very pleased and excited, as are the vast majority of Ethiopians in the U.S., by the news of your arrival very shortly. We will do our very best to expedite the planning for your arrival.
“What would be most helpful to our efforts is channeling of your directions and instructions through the delegation. This would be helpful to us in achieving better coordination with the various support groups and individuals as well as in the execution of plans that have been underway do date. We respectfully ask that you communicate your wishes and desires to the delegation so that we can get specific guidance on the kinds of things you would like to get done before and after your arrival. Once you communicate your instructions to the delegation, we will do our best to help accomplish them.”
On September 10, 2007, Eng. Hailu replied acknowledging our earlier email communication to him, in Amharic script, stating that he is interested in participating in activities promoting the work of Kinijit. He asked us to send him post haste the schedule of activities so that he will be able to ascertain his participation.
On September 11, 2007, we replied to Eng. Hailu stating that “in the itinerary plan we drafted and presented for review by the Delegation, there are no roles and activities defined for each delegate member. The plan is based on the principle that the Committee will help organize the venue for the events, but the order of presentations and activities at the various sites will be determined by the Delegation itself after consultation between members… How these activities will be handled is entirely up to the Delegation, and we play no part in the deliberations.”
We further stated that “We have forwarded your request in the last email to the Delegation for consideration and response to you directly.” We further drew attention to the delicate situation of the Ad Hoc body: “We hope you will appreciate our situation as members of an Ad Hoc body, with limited scope of activities, particularly following the arrival of the Delegation. We will continue to provide help and assistance to the Delegation as requested. We will make suggestions and recommendation. However, it is up to the Delegation to consider our proposals and determine whether it fits its overall agenda.”
In an email dated Qagme 6, 1999, (Sept. 11) scripted in Amharic, Eng. Hailu acknowledged receipt of our email and informed us that he will be arriving on September 15 at 4:30 p.m., and that his own planned activities included: Saturday, private discussions; Sunday, discussion with support groups, and Monday, private program.
On September 13, 2005, Ad Hoc Committee member Ato Tamagne traveled to Germany on a prior commitment, and returned to Washington on September 16.
On September 13, 2007, Prof. Al Mariam returned to his home state, having stayed in DC for a week, and proceeded to meet his prior engagement by participating in the Seattle Millennium Celebrations on September 16.
On September 15, 2005, Eng. Hailu arrived in Washington.
On September 15, 2007, Dr. Solomon Alemu, who lives in the DC metro area, was present at Reagan Airport to receive Eng. Hailu.
Regarding communication with Eng. Hailu, between Sept. 8 and 11, 2007, Ad Hoc committee members have directly communicated with him and have followed his original instructions that we try to include any and all contending factions and others in planning for the Delegation’s arrival. The Ad Hoc Committee did in fact go to great lengths to involve individuals and groups from diverse perspectives as urged by Eng. Hailu.
In the press release issued on September 5, 2007, the Ad Hoc Committee stated that it “has been working closely with Kinijit support groups that have been willing to cooperate with it on the basis of the Leadership’s authorizing directive. The Committee encourages and welcomes the participation of all support groups and their members in ensuring a successful itinerary for the Leaders. The Ad Hoc Coordinating Committee is grateful to the support groups and their members for providing financial and planning support the Delegation’s visit. Support group members who wish to resume their cooperation with the Coordinating Committee are cordially invited to do so.”
In the three weeks preceding the arrival of the Delegation, the Ad Hoc Committee spoke with Eng. Hailu once, at length, and twice briefly. Subsequent repeated efforts to contact him by telephone proved unsuccessful, and repeated phone calls to his residence yielded information that he was unavailable because of medical or other reasons. As mentioned earlier, there were several email communications between the Committee and Eng. Hailu.
It should be noted here that the role of the Ad Hoc Committee members is strictly one of general coordination of the support groups so that they can work more effectively with the Delegation. Indeed, the Ad Hoc committee has spent countless hours interacting with the support groups for this purpose. However, it appears that some in the general public may have had the misimpression that the Ad Hoc Committee is a “road manager” for the Delegation. That view is wholly inaccurate. To be sure, it is the support groups that made it possible for the Delegation to visit the U.S. by making substantial commitment of money, time and energy. They are entirely responsible for the implementation of the Delegation’s itinerary. They deserve all of the credit.
It further appears that there may be some unease about the unavailability of two of the Committee members during the weekend of September 15. It is important for all to understand that Committee members have other professional and social commitments for which they must give proper attention. Their commitment in time, energy and expenditure of personal resources to their responsibilities in the Committee should be viewed in this context.
There are no plans, nor have there ever been any plan, for the Ad Hoc Committee members to chaperon the Delegation from state to state.
Ad Hoc committee members have defrayed all costs related to their service on the Committee out of their own pockets, and have received no monetary or other compensation or financial support from any other person, entity or organization.
Ad Hoc Committee members are individuals who are not members of any Ethiopian political party or organization. Their participation in the Committee is by special request of the parties, and their desire to serve is motivated by the singular and sincere desire to promote democracy, freedom and human rights in Ethiopia.
Ad Hoc Committee members do not take any side in their present service on the Committee.
Ad Hoc Committee members take no offense from any statements made by anyone over the subject matter herein.
Ad Hoc Committee members are ready to publicly apologize to any one who may have been offended in the manner the Committee has discharged its duties.
Ad Hoc Committee members stand ready to assist all Kinijit leaders to the best of their ability.
Ad Hoc committee members shall try to make this statement available in Amharic with the help of volunteer translators.
Ad Hoc Committee members thank all individuals and organizations that have contributed so much to make the Kinijit Leaders’ tour in the U.S. a success.
This will be the first and last statement in writing or otherwise from the Ad Committee members on the subject matter herein.
Prof. Al Mariam Ato Tamagne Beyene Dr. Solomon Alemu
The Malaysian oil and gas company Petronas last month paid the Ethiopian government 80 million dollars for the Calub and Hilala natural gas fields in the Ogaden basin, south-east Ethiopia.
Pertonas won the international tender put up by the Ethiopian Ministry of Mines and Energy (MME) to privatize the Calub and Hilala gas fields found in the Somali Regional State. The ministry put up the tender in April 2006 inviting petroleum companies interested in developing the two gas fields discovered in 1973. In August 2006, MME announced that Petronas was the winner.
After a long negotiation on the details of the gas development project last June MME and Petronas signed petroleum development agreement and production sharing agreement (PSA), which enables the latter to extract and market the gas reserves in Calub and Hilala localities. Recently, Petronas paid the 80 million dollars pre-development cost Ethiopia invested on the gas fields.
A senior government official told The Reporter that the signing of the gas development project and the predevelopment cost payment were big achievements for MME. “Eighty million dollars is a big sum. The ministry has never received this amount of payment,” the official said.
The natural gas reserve in Calub and Hilala is estimated at four trillion cubic feet (4TCF). The gas fields that covers 285 sq m are found 1, 200 km south-east of Addis Ababa. The gas fields were first discovered by an American company called Tenneco during the reign of Emperor Haile-selassie. Tenneco, which drilled three wells in Calub and one in Hilala, was forced to withdraw because of the 1974 revolution that toppled Emperor Haile-selassie.
The Soviet Petroleum Exploration Expedition (SPEE), which drilled additional wells in Calub and Hilala in the 1980s and early 90s, confirmed the gas reserves. SPEE drilled seven wells in Calub and three in Hilala, 80 km from Calub. In 1998 the Chinese petroleum company, Zhoungyan Petroleum Exploration Bureau (ZPEB), contracted by the Ethiopian government, made eight of the wells in Calub ready for production. ZPEB was paid 5.6 million dollars for the well completion work.
Several companies which have shown interest to develop the gas fields held negotiations with the Ethiopian government. Secor, an American company, Methanol Joint Stock and Stroy Trans Gas, Russian companies were some of the companies which held negotiations with the government. Although these companies signed memorandums of understanding (MOU) on different occasions none of them were able to sign final agreement for various reasons.
Another company, which was interested in developing the gas fields, was SI Tech International (SIL). The Jordanian Company, SIL, signed petroleum development agreement and PSA in 2003. However, the company was unable to commence work on the project until 2006. Alemayehu Tegenu, Minister of MME, revoked the petroleum development license given to SIL and decided to tender the project.
Petronas has been projecting for oil in the Gambella basin, western part of Ethiopia and in different localities in the Ogaden basin. The company took over the Gambella block covering 16, 000 sq km of land in 2003. In 2005, the company secured three blocks in the Ogaden basin. The exploration blocks are found in Wel-Wel, Warder, Fer-Fer and Genale localities in the Ogaden basin. The total exploration area is 93,000 sq km. The company paid over five million dollars in signature bonus.
The company offered training programs for over 20 professionals working in the MME and it is also engaged in community development projects in the Gambella region. As part of its assistance to the ministry, the company upgraded ageing petroleum data collected from the Ogaden basin by different Companies.
Petronas proposed to build a gas processing plant and to construct a gas pipeline that stretches from the Calub and Hilala gasfields all the way to the Pot of Djibouti. In addition to the gasfields, MME granted Petronas two exploration blocks called B l1 and 15. B 11 and 15, which are very close to the gasfields believed to be the most promising areas for oil discoveries. Oil were noted in Calub and Hilala as wel as in bll and 15.
Petronas plans to drill exploration wells in these areas. The company proposed to invest up to 1.9 billion dollars for the petroleum exploration and development project. The construction of the gaspipeline and the gas processing plant could take over three years.
If the gas development project comes to fruition, Ethiopia for the first time, would be a hydrocarbon producing country. Petronas will pay a 35 percent income tax payment and three percent royalty fee to the Ethiopian government. The government will also have a 5 percent share from the annual gas production.
Petronas, wholly owned by the Malaysian government, operates in 35 countries in Asia and Africa. It is engaged in oil exploration and production project in African countries like Sudan, Chad and Angola. Petronas, which was established in 1974, is one of the top ten leading oil companies in the global oil industry.
I struggled mightily to postpone the idea of sharing some of the thoughts that have started to consume me these last few days with respect to what we all hear and read and are told about what has been happening in the CUD leadership. I decided to share a thought or two, finally.
I also struggled to make sure whether what I’ve been hearing and reading was a déjà vu experience or a reality, all the way wishing the former were true. Now I think it’s too late for my wishes to be granted. It’s a reality that we’re talking about, we’re referring to, and no longer a mirage, alas, no déjà vu, for we’re already in it. We’re in the grip of the reality about some fundamental human problems that have started to eat away the good things that we’ve seen and we’ve taken pride in in the leadership of CUD.
Like so many others I do not exactly know the details of issues that brought about what we’re now witnessing about the undeniably deep problems in the CUD leadership. It’s now time for the people of Ethiopia to be given a chance to know the truth and to stand for truth wherever that truth leads. Where is the truth about what has brought about the deep human or political or whatever problems that are slowly yet apparently effectively draining the good things that have bound up the leadership of CUD in the most trying to times? I think the people of Ethiopia, who have been behind the CUDP and its leadership, deserve to know the whole truth and nothing less than the whole truth about their leaders in such a way that let them decide, once again, who their true leaders are and who they would elect again, given a chance.
Yes, it might be prudential to deal with some sensitive issues among the CUD leadership within the CUD leadership with a hope of resolving all such issues while continuing to stand up for the principles and values for which CUD has stood up. But now is not that time for it’s become too late to take a stock of whatever issues that brought about the problems in the CUD leadership and the best way to go forward, at this moment, is to let the people of Ethiopia know what has gone wrong among them and to correct whatever has gone wrong, admit failures on personal or collective levels, and continue the journey that has barely begun. Without a totally transparent exercise of integrity and truthfulness, and, in short, without good character that shines in darkness as well as anywhere, there is no good reason to expect a rosy day to dawn in Ethiopia.
Finally, this is the litmus test for anyone in leadership position, including the CUD leaders: without consistently practicing character traits such as personal integrity, humility, truthfulness, openness, personal transparency, tolerance, etc., there won’t be a true and enduring leadership, even in the CUDP. Only persons of good character are those that can and will endure the tests and trials of being in leadership and the people of Ethiopia will have leaders in you as long as you practice such character traits. With those who consistently practice such character traits as the above there is no good reason to believe that it’s impossible to resolve whatever problems have become the reasons for the deep leadership crisis that is among the CUD leaders now. I’m not pointing my fingers at any individual in the CUD leadership to blame for whatever has come to be the problem in the CUD leadership but then truth be told that I can’t help holding the CUD leadership accountable for whatever failures in the CUD leadership that can be resolved within the CUD leadership.
I close this note with a sincere recommendation of at least one book edited by the well known writer Os Guinness titled Character Counts: Leadership Qualities in Washington, Wilberforce, Lincoln, and Solzhenitsyn (Baker Books, 1999) for all those in CUD leadership to read and reflect upon. This is among numerous good books for anyone who means to play any leadership role no matter how small or large scale it is. Even the best thing to do for the CUD delegation in the US is to set a day or two apart and meet Os Guinness or his likes, if that is at all possible, and learn from person’s of Guinness’ stature the life changing qualities of leaders. I’d be happy to provide his contact address if the CUD delegation desires so. If being Ethiopians as we are, and if one wants to dismiss my sincere suggestion by saying, “who are you to tell us…” I’d only say, yes, that is true to us and forget what I’ve just shared above and be such an Ethiopian!
_______________
Yohannes Gebrewold can be reached at [email protected]
MOGADISHU (AFP) — A deep political row has erupted at the highest levels of Somalia’s transitional government, already bogged down in a protracted struggle against a deadly insurgency, officials said yesterday.
Somalia’s attorney general, Abdullahi Dahir, was sacked on Friday by the cabinet for ordering the arrest of the supreme court’s chairman and one of its judges, judicial sources said.
Prime Minister Ali Mohamed Gedi’s government deemed the arrests illegal but Dahir – who has refused to leave his post – says supreme court chief Yusuf Ali Haru and judge Mohamed Nur should face corruption charges.
“The step taken by the cabinet to dismiss me is illegal and will derail the judicial process in the country. I will not accept the dismissal,” Dahir told reporters in the capital yesterday.
Some observers said Dahir is backed by President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed and argued the incident highlighted a rift at the highest level of the ailing transitional administration, which has achieved little in three years of existence.
“There is a hopeless disagreement between the top government officials,” said deputy parliament speaker Mohamed Omar Dalha.
“Something will go wrong if we do not take quick steps to solve this problem. We must not wait until the matter turns into armed conflict,” Dalha told parliament in the southern town of Baidoa.
“You know the cabinet has sacked the attorney general, who has in turn rejected the dismissal, and the head of the supreme court is in jail. So as lawmakers, we must stand up and see that we address the root of the political disorder,” he added.
Former powerful Mogadishu warlord Mohamed Qanyare Afrah warned that the standoff should be swiftly resolved or risk sparking fresh clan unrest in the war-ravaged Horn of Africa nation.
“This could lead to a great political disaster in the country. What we can do is to stand up with justice, not favouring anybody so that we can put this disagreement behind us,” said Afrah, also a lawmaker.
Clan rivalries have fuelled seemingly endless and bloody power struggles in Somalia since the nation acquired its independence in 1960.
Conflict flared after the 1991 ouster of former dictator Mohamed Siad Barre. Since then, Somalia has had no central authority and defied dozens of initiatives to restore stability.
President Yusuf, a former president of the self-declared northern state of Puntland, is a former warlord from the Darod clan, one of Somalia’s two biggest clans.
Prime Minister Gedi is from the other major clan, the Hawiye, which is dominant in Mogadishu. His government last year suffered mass resignations which forced him to reshuffle his cabinet.
Meanwhile, three people, including a policeman, were killed yesterday in Mogadishu, where Somalia’s Ethiopian-backed transitional government is battling an Islamist-led insurgency, witnesses said.
Gunmen shot an unidentified man in Mogadishu’s violence-wracked Bakara market area, eyewitness Abdullahi Mohamed said. “The assailants managed to escape after killing the man.”
Witnesses also said that a teenager killed a civilian in Sanaa neighbourhood. The circumstances of the incident were not immediately clear.
Meanwhile, a Somali policeman was also gunned down in the Suq Baad neighbourhood by unidentified gunmen, according to local residents.
The interim government claims the insurgency is on its last feet but lawless pockets in Mogadishu remain to be brought under control.
Ethiopia’s mighty army came to the rescue of the government last year and in April wrested final control of Mogadishu from an Islamist militia that briefly controlled large parts of the country.
The remnants of the fundamentalist Islamic group and its tribal allies have since reverted to street guerrilla tactics, carrying out daily hit-and-run attacks against government targets in the capital.
At least 80 people have been killed in the flashpoint area of Bakara market alone since June, most of them civilians, according to an AFP count based on reports by hospital sources.
