ADDIS ABABA — Nearly 12,000 people have been displaced and one person has died in western Ethiopia in flash floods over the weekend, an official said Tuesday.
“As of now, we only know that 11,886 people have been displaced and one killed from the flood that resulted from Sunday’s heavy rainfall,” Ojulu Bach, head of disaster prevention program in the Gambela region, said.
Ojulu said that both the toll and the number of displaced could rise as rescue teams had not accessed all those affected.
“The field teams are using boats and whatever necessary to rescue the people in danger,” he said. “The numbers could be higher after our teams conclude their search.”
Earlier this month, some 7,000 people were affected by floods after heavy rains pounded southern Ethiopia for more than a week.
The rainy season began in early June in the Ethiopian Highlands and is due to last until the end of September.
Last year, more than 600 people were killed and hundreds of thousands affected by unusually heavy floods that ravaged several regions in the Horn of African nation.
By Joe De Capua, VOA
Washington
In Addis Ababa, a five-day conference is underway on female genital cutting. The UN Population Fund says worldwide, up to 140 million women and girls have been subjected to the practice, which is also known as female genital mutilation. The agency is calling on the international community to support its campaign for zero tolerance of the practice.
Kemal Mustapha is the UN Population Fund’s representative in Kenya. From the conference site in the Ethiopian capital, he spoke to VOA English to Africa Service reporter Joe De Capua about the prevalence of female genital cutting in Kenya.
“The national prevalence rate, when it was last measured in the demographic and health survey, which was conducted in 2003, was that 32 percent of the females in the age range of 15 to 49 had gone through this at one stage or the other. However, that figure needs to be treated carefully because there are areas of the country where it’s almost non-existent and there are areas where you have prevalence rates in certain ethnic communities of over 90 percent. What is encouraging is that the prevalence rate among the younger women is decreasing. And that quite a lot of that 32 percent is made up of older women,” he says.
Asked whether the cutting is done in traditional settings, where a single cutting instrument is used on many different women and girls, Mustapha says, “It varies very much from community to community. There are cases where that kind of practice does continue and efforts are being made to introduce ways in which people are alerted to the health risks, especially of HIV infection. But the general trend has been to try and work towards its elimination. Legislation was passed in the year 2001 criminalizing the cutting of any child under 18. There has unfortunately been in some communities the medicalization, whereby because of the fears of problems of hygiene, people have resorted to going to medical practitioners to undergo the surgery. So, that’s something that’s also being tackled,” he says.
In regards to gathering international support, he says, “I think this has to be seen within the broader framework of human rights, of gender equality and of the Millennium Development Goals.”
Adding the Voice of The Network of Ethiopian Scholars to the Coalition for HR 2003
Open Letter to the US Congress
We would like to add our voice of support for the US Congress to pass the HR 2003 bill to support human rights, the rule of law and democratic governance. We think the HR2003 is very important in supporting the US Government from being accused of double standard.
This is a great opportunity to clear the decks and come out principled and consistent for the US Government and US legislative arm.
We are also puzzled why the Meles Government links this bill to the demand to get the prisoners of conscience released and even more puts up such an incredible opposition to it by hiring expensive lobbyists. If indeed this regime stands for rule of law, human rights and establishing with the US Government to form principled relations on a sustainable foundation with the Ethiopian people and possibly successive Ethiopian democratic Governments in the future, the current regime should have been part of the opposition that advocates this bill rather than fighting it.
It is also very surprising that Prof. Ephrem Issac would stake his reputation apparently by joining the expensive lobbyists against this human rights bill. One can see why Prof. Ephrem may demand in the bill that the demand to release prisoners of conscience should be dropped since he helped arbitrate the release of most of the prisoners of conscience. But it still matters that there are political prisoners including anti-poverty activists that are classified as prisoners of conscience that have not been released. So the bill is very balanced, fair and provides a robust framework for Ethiopian-USA relations for years to come.
As the bill goes through the floor of Congress and Senate, naturally there should and can be all legitimate amendments reflecting any positive changes in the attitude of the regime in Ethiopia.
This bill is not just aimed at a particular Government. It is a standard setter for any Government. It establishes what Ethiopian-Americans wish to see as a principled relationship between their country of birth and their new country of America. It is what the US legislative branch adopts also to make US policy consistent in Ethiopia by firmly backing human rights, rule of law and orderly democratic transition based on the values of freedom and justice.
NES calls for allowing the bill to go through the normal US rules, procedures and regulations. Only when this happens can all the stakeholders from the opposition, the Meles Government, lobbyists paid and unpaid, the US Government can achieve a win-win outcome by enlisting US moral and legislative authority in backing principles of human rights, democracy, rule of law and the prospect of effecting sustainable democratic transition in Ethiopia. If this bill succeeds indeed, the model can likewise be replicated to many other areas of the developing world, which have difficulties and are painfully coming out from the era of dictatorships into democratic civilisation. Only then can strong democratic bulwarks that can clear challenge effectively despicable terrorism spring and mushroom throughout the world lifting the current huge burden the USA has been shouldering in the struggle against global terror.
We believe a big historic mistake is being committed in blocking this bill which is inspired by the principle of enshrining democratic accountability and the submission of power to the rule of law. This bill should not be seen in the context of the current occupants of power in Ethiopia or USA. It is democratic and freedom values more than the transient politics of current politicians in Ethiopia and the USA that guide this bill.
What is happening makes us recall the prescient statement of Ferdinando Galiiani in 1770 who said ” Believe me, do not fear crooks or evil people, fear the honest person who is wrong. That person is in good faith, he wishes everyone well, everyone has his confidence, but unfortunately his methods fail…” It looks very much that the action to stop the bill can leave us with the unclarity of US positions with all the ambiguities that can license tyranny even when it aims to protect liberty. Killing this bill is to kill liberty by appealing to a good that serves temporary political interests by sacrificing long-term evolution of principled relations between a rich democracy and potential democracy from Ethiopia.
Ethiopians would like to see HR2003 as the best gift to their millennium from the USA. This nation of the earth’s oldest democracy in the youngest country of America has supported the principle of upholding human rights, rule of law and democracy in the oldest country Ethiopia that has not had these rights planted in its soil to grow a democratic system of governance and transition.
Finally, Fredrich Nietzsche in 1885 said:” And whatever harm the evil may do, the harm done by the good is the most harmful harm.”
Ethiopia and Ethiopians know the evil of dictatorship, but the indecisiveness of honest and good democrats like Ms.Pelsoni in derailing a bill of principle they know can harm all of us and the world and that portion of humanity who believe in liberty and justice for all, whether poor or rich.
We call upon the USA to live up to its creeds of liberty and justice and pass the human rights bill 2003 to help Ethiopian democracy grow step by step without indulging in the politics that harms all rather than builds us all.
____________
Mammo Muchie, Professor and Director
On behalf of the Network of Ethiopian scholars, Scandinavian Chapter
According to the Index of Economic Freedom, Ethiopia under the Woyanne dictatorship ranks 116th in the world.
Source: The 2007 Index of Economic Freedom
Ethiopia’s economy is 54.4 percent free, according to our 2007 assessment, which makes it the world’s 116th freest economy. Its overall score is 1.1 percentage points higher than last year, partially reflecting new methodological detail. Ethiopia is ranked 21st out of 40 countries in the sub-Saharan Africa region, and its overall score is equal to the regional average.
Ethiopia does not rank strongly in any category but does score moderately well in fiscal freedom, freedom from government, and monetary freedom. The top income and corporate tax rates are moderate, and overall tax revenue is not large as a percentage of GDP. Government expenditures are not high, and the government receives only a small amount of its total revenues from state-owned businesses.
As a developing nation, Ethiopia faces typical and difficult challenges. It does not score well in trade freedom, investment freedom, financial freedom, property rights, and freedom from corruption. Commercial regulation and bureaucracy are burdensome, and business operations (except for closing a business) are significantly hampered by the government. Ethiopia’s average tariff rate is high, and there are significant non-tariff barriers as well. The banking system is subject to strong political pressure, as is the rule of law. Property rights cannot be guaranteed.
Background
Ethiopia is the second most populous country in sub-Saharan Africa and also one of the poorest. It is moving toward multi-party democracy, but obstacles to progress remain to be overcome, as demonstrated by the 2005 post-election crackdown on protestors. Over three-quarters of the population in rural areas is engaged in agriculture, and periodic drought can have severe consequences. The government remains involved in key sectors of the economy and reserves other sectors for Ethiopians. Landlocked Ethiopia has depended heavily on Djibouti for access to foreign goods ever since a border war with Eritrea.
Business Freedom – 59.4%
Starting a business takes an average of 16 days, compared to the world average of 48 days. Entrepreneurship should be easier for maximum job creation. Obtaining a business license is difficult, but closing a business is relatively easy. The regulatory system is generally considered to be fair but not always transparent. Cumbersome bureaucracy deters entrepreneurial activities. The overall freedom to start, operate, and close a business is restricted by the national regulatory environment.
Trade Freedom – 53.0%
Ethiopia’s weighted average tariff rate was 13.5 percent in 2002. Non-tariff barriers include foreign exchange controls, burdensome trade-related regulations and bureaucracy, and some import restrictions. Consequently, an additional 20 percent is deducted from Ethiopia’s trade freedom score to account for these non-tariff barriers.
Fiscal Freedom – 84.8%
Ethiopia has moderate tax rates. The top income tax rate is 35 percent, and the top corporate tax rate is 30 percent. Other taxes include a value-added tax (VAT) and a capital gains tax. In the most recent year, overall tax revenue as a percentage of GDP was 12.5 percent.
Freedom from Government – 83.0%
Total government expenditures in Ethiopia, including consumption and transfer payments, are low. In the most recent year, government spending equaled 25 percent of GDP, and the government received 7.2 percent of its total revenues from state-owned enterprises and government ownership of property. State ownership and management still guides many sectors of the economy.
Monetary Freedom – 69.9%
Inflation in Ethiopia is relatively high, averaging 10.1 percent between 2003 and 2005. Relatively high and unstable prices explain most of the monetary freedom score. The government influences prices through the regulation of state-owned enterprises and utilities and provides subsidies and price controls for petroleum products. Consequently, an additional 10 percent is deducted from Ethiopia’s monetary freedom score to adjust for measures that distort domestic prices.
Investment Freedom – 50.0%
Ethiopia has taken several steps to liberalize its foreign investment laws and streamline the registration process, but official and unofficial barriers still deter foreign investment. Certain sectors remain off-limits. The government has lowered the minimum capital investment for wholly and partially owned foreign investments. The Ethiopian Investment Commission, the main contact point for foreign investors, provides a highly expedited one-stop service that significantly cuts the cost of obtaining investment and business licenses. Foreign exchange accounts, payments, and current transfers are subject to controls and restrictions. There are significant controls on capital transactions. All investments must be approved and certified by the government.
Financial Freedom – 20.0%
Ethiopia’s small financial sector is subject to strong government influence. The central bank is not independent, and the government retains a strong influence over lending, including controlling interest rates and owning the country’s largest bank (Commercial Bank of Ethiopia), which accounts for three-quarters of total banking assets. However, the private banks have increased their share of total deposits, loans, and credit in recent years. Non-performing loans are a lower percentage of the total but still account for over 25 percent of all loans. Microfinance is well established. Foreign firms are prohibited from investing in the banking and insurance sectors. The insurance sector is small and composed of nine companies, including one state-owned company. Ethiopia does not have a stock market, but the private sale of shares is common.
Property Rights – 30.0%
The judicial system enforces property rights weakly. The system is underdeveloped, poorly staffed, and inexperienced, although efforts are underway to strengthen its capacity. Property and contractual rights are recognized, and there are written commercial and bankruptcy laws, but judges lack an understanding of commercial matters. There is no guarantee that the decision of an international arbitration body will be fully accepted and implemented by Ethiopian authorities.
Freedom from Corruption – 22.0%
Corruption is perceived as widespread. Ethiopia ranks 137th out of 158 countries in Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index for 2005.
Labor Freedom – 72.3%
The labor market operates under relatively flexible employment regulations that hinder employment and productivity growth. The non-salary cost of employing a worker is very low, but dismissing a redundant employee is relatively costly. There are rigid restrictions on increasing and contracting the number of working hours.
