Socialist European Members of Parliament are seriously concerned with the fate of 38 Ethiopian political prisoners who were charged guilty on 11 June, most of whom could face death penalty sentences, expected in early July. The convicted include elected Members of Parliament, human rights activists, opposition leaders, journalists, teachers, etc.
In a resolution approved today, the European Parliament calls once more for the immediate and unconditional release of political prisoners in Ethiopia, who were not given the opportunity of a fair trial. The resolution also urges the EU Commission and Council to take a clear stand with the Ethiopian government in order to ensure such a release.
“The EU can make the difference, no doubt. We have seen the positive results of EU firm action when, in June 2005, over 5.000 political prisoners were released in one month, following pressure from the international community. The EU must stand by those Ethiopian citizens who voted massively for democracy on 15 May 2005, under the eyes of the EU Election Observation Mission, and were killed and wounded in June and November 2005, while their leaders were imprisoned by the Ethiopian authorities.
We expect the EU Council and the Commission to come forward much stronger”, said MEP Ana Gomes, at a press conference yesterday.
Among those convicted are Professor Mesfin Woldemariam, aged 76, founder and former president of the Ethiopian Human Rights Council; Dr Berhanu Negga, elected Mayor of Addis Ababa; Dr Yakob Hailemariam, law professor and former UN prosecutor at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda; Ms Birtukan Mideksa, former judge; Andualem Ayele, editor of Etiop newspaper and others who are considered by Amnesty International as “prisoners of conscience”.
– having regard to its previous resolutions on the post-election crisis and serious human rights violations, in particular those of 7 July 2005 on the human rights situation in Ethiopia1, of 13 October 2005 on the situation in Ethiopia2, of 15 December 2005 on the situation in Ethiopia and the new border conflict3, of 16 November 2006 on Ethiopia4 and of 10 May 2007 on the Horn of Africa: EU regional political partnership for peace, security and development5,
– having regard to Rule 115(5) of its Rules of Procedure,
A. whereas on 11 June 2007 an Ethiopian court found 38 senior opposition figures guilty of charges related to mass protests following disputed elections two years ago, ranging from ‘outrage against the constitution’ to aggravated high treason,
B. whereas sentencing is expected next month and most of the accused could face the death penalty,
C. whereas among those found guilty were Hailu Shawel, President of the Coalition for Unity and Democracy, Professor Mesfin Woldemariam, former Chair of the Ethiopian Human Rights Council, Dr Yacob Hailemariam, UN Special Envoy and former Prosecutor of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, Dr Berhanu Nega, Mayor-elect of Addis Ababa, and Ms Birtukan Mideksa, former judge, all of whom have been declared ‘prisoners of conscience’ by Amnesty International,
D. whereas the 38 prisoners, who all refused to plead guilty, were among the estimated 30 000 people arrested in a government crackdown on demonstrators protesting against fraud and vote-rigging by Prime Minister Meles Zenawi’s government in the 2005 polls,
E. whereas the Commission of Inquiry established by the Ethiopian Parliament at the end of November 2005 to investigate the violence of June and November 2005 concluded that 193 civilians were killed and 763 injured by government security forces; whereas the Commission’s report found that some of the victims were killed with a single bullet wound to the head and that sharpshooters targeted certain opposition leaders; and whereas, according to the same report, protesters were unarmed and the security forces used excessive force,
F. whereas the report also states that a 14-year-old boy was killed during the demonstrations, that his brother, who ran out to help him, was shot from behind and that Etenesh Yimam, the wife of an opposition candidate, was gunned down outside her house in front of her children,
G. whereas the opposition Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD) blamed the deaths on the security forces, but Mr Meles accused the opposition of starting the violent protests,
H. whereas the President and Vice-President of the Commission of Inquiry were forced to flee following pressure by the government to reverse the Commission’s findings, and whereas testimony to these events was given by Commission Vice-President Woldemichael Meshesha to the European Parliament, during a hearing held on 5 June 2007,
I. whereas journalists continue to be arrested and prevented from exercising their profession,
J. whereas in January 2007 police forces allegedly beat and severely injured students in the towns of Dembi Dollo and Ghimbi, causing the death of three of them, and detained between 30 and 50 students,
K. whereas individuals accused of international terrorism, including EU citizens, have been arbitrarily detained and subject to rendition,
L. whereas political and democratic stability in Ethiopia is crucial to the development of the countries of the Horn of Africa,
M. whereas Ethiopia needs a reconciliation process to restore the derailed democratic gains and pave the way for sustainable development that is respectful of fundamental human rights, political pluralism, minority rights, particularly those of ethnic Oromo, and the rule of law,
N. whereas Ethiopia is a signatory to the Cotonou Agreement6, Article 96 of which stipulates that respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms is an essential element of ACP-EU cooperation,
O. whereas members of the UN Security Council met on 16 June 2007 in Addis Ababa with African Union (AU) and Ethiopian officials, as well as with the AU Peace and Security Council,
1. Calls on the Ethiopian Government to release immediately and unconditionally all political prisoners, including elected members of parliament, CUD leaders, human rights activists, journalists, teachers, students, trade union activists and ordinary citizens;
2. Deplores the recent decision by an Ethiopian court to find guilty 38 opposition leaders, human rights activists and journalists, and strongly condemns the fact that this occurred without defence proceedings in a judicial process that does not respect international standards for free and fair trials and has been widely condemned by international human rights organisations;
3. Urges the Ethiopian judicial authorities to reconsider their verdict, and calls on the Ethiopian Government to repeal possible death and/or prison sentences and to guarantee the independence of the judicial system;
4. Welcomes the release of 28 defendants on 10 April 2007, including seven journalists, one of whom, Serkalem Fasil, was six months pregnant when arrested and was denied adequate medical care;
5. Calls for the establishment of an international independent Commission of Inquiry, and urges the Ethiopian Government to allow it to pursue the original findings of the Commission independently and to give it unlimited access to the sources and documents that are relevant to the investigation;
6. Condemns the arrests of independent journalists and asks the Ethiopian Government to guarantee freedom of the press;
7. Urges the Ethiopian Government promptly to investigate the incidents involving students in Dembi Dollo and Ghimbi and to hold those responsible accountable;
8. Asks the Ethiopian Government to disclose the total number of persons detained and to allow all detainees access to their families, legal counsel and medical care;
9. Condemns the arbitrary detention and rendition of individuals accused of international terrorism, including EU nationals, and calls on the Ethiopian Government immediately to disclose information about these ‘renditions’;
10. Calls on the Ethiopian regime to respect human rights, the rule of law and democratic freedom, including the right to assembly and freedom of expression, the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the African Charter on Human and People’s Rights, and to implement the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination;
11. Urges the Ethiopian Government to engage in a serious dialogue with the opposition and civil society with a view to national reconciliation, allowing a real democratisation process to take place;
12. Calls on the Commission, the Council, the African Union and the United Nations to encourage and support an all-inclusive inter-Ethiopian dialogue, with the participation of political parties and civil society, in order to work out a lasting solution to the current political crisis;
13. Calls on the Commission and the Council to make a clear request to the Ethiopian Government to release all political prisoners immediately and unconditionally;
14. Calls on the Commission, the Council and the Member States to condemn the use of the death penalty in Ethiopia;
15. Requests the Commission and the Council to share with the European Parliament the reports produced by those who, on behalf of the Commission and Council, have been observing the current trials, including the Briton Michael Ellman and others;
16. Calls on the Commission and the Council strongly to condemn the Ethiopian Government for the brutal repression that followed the May 2005 elections and for the serious breaches of human rights and democracy perpetrated by the authorities ever since, and to monitor the situation in Ethiopia;
17. Calls on the Commission and the Council to pursue a coherent post-electoral policy in Ethiopia;
18. Calls on the European Council to consider the application of targeted sanctions against senior government officials;
19. Calls on the Commission and the Council to support victims of human rights atrocities and relatives of political prisoners;
20. Requests the Commission and the Council to take concrete action to put the derailed democratic process back on track and to avoid further deterioration of the human rights situation in Ethiopia, which may have far-reaching consequences in the region if it is not addressed properly and without delay;
21. Calls on the Commission and the Member States to support, through cooperation instruments, the development of free media broadcasting in Ethiopia;
22. Calls on the Commission and the Council to take a coordinated stance consistent with Article 96 of the Cotonou Agreement; stresses that the development cooperation programmes under the Cotonou Agreement should depend on respect for human rights and good governance;
23. Calls on the UN to appoint a ‘special rapporteur’ to conduct an investigation in Ethiopia into judicial independence and arbitrary detentions, the human rights situation, including minority rights, post-election violence and killings, and charges of treason and outrage against the constitutional order directed at opposition leaders, journalists and civil-society activists;
24. Instructs its President to forward this resolution to the Council, the Commission, the co-presidents of the ACP-EU Joint Parliamentary Assembly, the African Union Commission and the Pan-African Parliament, the Ethiopian Government and the Secretary-General of the United Nations.
According to Washington Post, some of the CUD/Kinijit opposition leaders, earlier found guilty, have now signed a document accepting partial responsibility for the violence in exchange for their release. This is definitely a very good news and executive powers should be utilized to pardon the convicted prisoners for the sake of political stability. Some hardcore opposition groups that are advocating guerrilla wars will definitely feel betrayed. But it is the right move to peace & democracy, especially since several police men were killed and hundreds of security forces were injured during the riot, which common sense says, a human being must have initiated. In this world, things don’t just happen without someone doing them and CUD’s provocation of the riots & subsequent bloodshed is clear. That’s why we have nouns and not just verbs. It took courage for the offenders to accept responsibility for their actions. This development is also yet another blow to the credibility of Amnesty International’s work in 3rd world countries where it often accepts any information (both accurate & inaccurate) as long as it is anti-government. Unlike other exposed failures of Amnesty International where it didn’t apologize, the government should demand Amnesty to apologize for its bias work exposed internationally. Discredited Amnesty International still thinks all prisoners are “prisoners of conscience.” (Note to Amnesty: giving the benefit of doubt to one-sided source is also NOT part of your stated policy.) Anyhow, the important question in Ethiopia now is whether or not the freed opposition members will abandon Kinijit’s 8 point demand which is probably the most important for democracy to take a big step in Ethiopia. Seeing the prisoners released from jail soon would be good but the fundamental question is having fully democratic institutions, which is what the Eight-point Kinijit precondition to enter parliament was all about.
Some of the eight point recommendations have been addressed recently. For instance, the first point that states that the Election Board needs more independency has been mostly forwarded by the current parliament. The opposition parties in parliament like UEDF, CUDP, UEDP-Medhin, OFDM and others have already proposed plans for the next election. But further discussions on the composition of representatives at the polls as well as foreign observers are necessary for future elections to be fair and free. Other than the lively parliament debates on inflation, the arrangements of representatives in the election board has been the second widely discussed topic between the ruling party and most opposition parties. Point number four, which demands investigation of the June 2005 killings, has also been carried out. This question is also related to the current trial of Hailu Shawel & Co which can be solved if more agreements are made to free the convicted prisoners for the sake of reconciliation. In general the whole violence and riot spectacle is mostly related to the “massacre politics” going on in Ethiopia where an opposition group provokes violence, then the unprepared security officers respond,then rioters die and lastly an opposition group cries out to Amnesty International to point fingers. This cunning strategy by some members of the opposition is used to harm the reputation of the government and is often effective, but it is inhumane, undemocratic & this kind of politics will need to stop. Otherwise the same tricks & games can be played by any side – enough to paralyze democracy in Ethiopia for decades to come.
With the exception of those two points that have been partially addressed already, the rest of the 8 points should be the focal point of future discussions. For instance, Kinijit’s point number two precondition that says “all forms of media should be free and available to all political parties” is one of the most important elements of the recommendation. The freedom and availability of media is obviously vital for democracy. One aspect that some Ethiopian leaders might not notice is that having free media is like having twice an army. It is a win-win situation unless the ruling party plans to abandon the progress to democracy and/or unless the media gets abused by the opposition. Otherwise free media reduces dissident and most of all gives a voice for dissidents to keep them away from taking up arms against the state. Even though the likes of Oromo Liberation Front (OLF)are not lead by children and can control themselves enough NOT to plant bombs everywhere, it is well-known that having suppressed media helps the likes of OLF validate their “struggle.” So having the media available to all parties contributes to the marginalization of such radical organizations. In general, especially having looked at the extremely one-sided coverage of some media outlets inside Ethiopia, more free media is necessary and this should stay as the central topic of discussions.
Equally important are the Kinijit recommendations to make the legal system as well as the armed forces more independent and detached from the ruling party. The various extrajudicial killings of opponents, both of the peaceful and violent opposition members, need to end if the ruling party’s dedication to democracy is expected to be taken seriously. Another part of Kinijit’s 8 points regarding the recent parliamentary laws (allegedly unconstitutionally) passed need to be debated on to reach a compromise. Also recommendations asking for the opening of opposition party offices have already been addressed, despite some remaining restrictions.
More points of preconditions to be added for Kinijit
Before further negotiations between the freed opposition and the ruling party begins, Kinijit/CUD and all opposition parties should add more to the 8 point recommendation. For example, the source of capital for election campaigns and other activities needs to be cleared. The ruling party is often accused of having used tax payers’ money for its campaigns while the opposition parties remain under funded. To relatively balance this problem, most opposition parties often depend on their Diaspora supporters. But this has its own dangerous side-effects. All of the sudden, the opposition parties are becoming dangerously reliant on the Diaspora politicians for their financial survival.
In more ways than one, Diaspora politicians have harmed the development of democracy in Ethiopia and the democratic future of 80 million Ethiopians should not be in the hands of Diaspora politicians. Many came to the West via political asylum and some of the most active ones are convicted criminals living in West, who would go straight to jail if they set foot in Ethiopia. Many Diaspora politicians also finance rebels and liberation front-turned-terrorists. For many of these highly active Diaspora politicians, a peaceful change of government is actually an unfavorable scenario since the regime that convicted them becomes legitimized instead of being violently overthrown. Even the moderate Diaspora politicians have minimal patience and tend to favor the violent change of government. The Diaspora is a mess and ethnic tension between Ethiopians is at its greatest level in the West. In fact only ethnic communities exist in the West and there is no such thing as “Ethiopia” for many immigrants who would have been identified as “Ethiopians” in Ethiopia. Particularly most of the Oromos and Somalis have their own communities, organizations, pseudo-human rights organizations, parties, festivals, churches etc. They all fundraise for their little armies and militias to liberate their ethnic groups from “abyssinians,” “crusaders,” “habeshas” etc. Those who would be labeled Somali-Ethiopians mostly don’t even have any connections with non-Somali Ethiopians in the diaspora. They carry the flag of Somalia, not Ethiopia. Likewise the Oromo diaspora carry the flag of OLF, not Ethiopia. In most cases the hatred of Oromos in America towards “Habeshas” (Amharas/Tigreans) is extremely deep. Most of their “liberation fronts” are back in the bushes because Article 39 has not been implemented in order to secure various small republics. These ethnic communities have all their hopes set on their perspective liberation fronts and they are flexible to use dissident “habeshas” in the pretext of the “enemy of my enemy is my friend.”
Yet the mostly Amhara or Amharized Ethiopians have never attempted to unite the extremely dis-united “Ethiopian” immigrant population in the West, but they ironically belittle the unity inside Ethiopia. There is not even ethnic federalism of Ethiopians in Europe or America where “unity in diversity” is preached, because there is no such country called “Ethiopia” at all for thousands of Oromos & Somalis (in some cases Sidamas as well.) In general, there is no real attempt to solve fundamental differences or to have all-inclusive dialogues inside the Diaspora enough to give Diaspora politicians the privilege to influence politics in Ethiopia. Certainly, not enough to hold parliamentarians financial and media hostages.
Other detrimental aspect of the Diaspora politicians has been regarding the Ethiopian economy. In contrast to the case in Western countries, where corporate stakeholders and others who contribute to a party’s campaign financially are either negatively or positively affected, Diaspora Ethiopians simply go ahead with their daily lives no matter what happens in Ethiopia. They are not economically affected. So Diaspora politicians wake up one day and ask for the boycotting of investment in random sectors in Ethiopia. They have often advocated for the withdrawal of Western foreign aid to Ethiopia. Let alone food aid, even when military aid is reduced it means more of taxpayers’ money goes to the military to fill the void. Thus all foreign aid reduction directly affects the people of Ethiopia. There is no such thing as selective sanctioning of aid that doesn’t harm the people. Many of the Diaspora politicians have also campaigned to boycott Ethiopian airlines, the Millennium, financial institutions and many businesses. Some have even tried to block international corporate agreements including Ethiopian coffee with Starbucks in order to portray the government as the only beneficiary of such deals. Most of these activities by the Diaspora politicians are inhumane acts that directly affect the poor citizens of Ethiopia. But the fact that some of these same Diaspora politicians were staunch backers of the previous Derg government (or its policies) which was famous for punishing million of Ethiopians in famine using food aid as a political weapon might explain why such Diaspora strategy has become a second nature and very famous. In fact, Human Right Watch says that the previous Derg government was responsible for up to 317,000 deaths out of the total famine causalities in the mid 1980s, a period that made Ethiopia famous for famine worldwide. In general, both the economic and political influence of Diaspora politicians on Ethiopia can be summarized as being highly unhealthy and potentially disastrous for Ethiopia. The opposition parties in Ethiopian parliament would need to liberate themselves from depedendence on the Diaspora financially. In general this is important so that (1) opposition parties in Ethiopia are not held hostage politically and (2)opposition parties would be free to condemn anti-Ethiopia activities by the Diaspora politicians without fear of losing funds as well as de-associate from such groups when necessary. The government can also play a major role in this case. Firstly, the ruling party’s exploitation of tax payers’ money for campaigning and other events should stop. Ethiopian businesses and stakeholders INSIDE the country should proceed in covering such campaign costs for both the ruling party & the opposition parties, but if they can’t do so the government must step in to give equal financial assistance fairly. Western nations like Germany use a combination of public financing and private (donation) financing for political parties and their campaigns. In general, such liberation is important so that the opposition frees itself from being held hostage by Diaspora politicians and so that the ruling party can take public financing seriously & fairly. Thus an addition to the Kinijit 8 point precondition should be transparency and fairness of such financial distribution to keep the opposition parties free from dependence on Diaspora financial assistance and to demand an end of ruling party’s exploitation of public taxpayers’ money.
The ruling party should come up with its own 4 point demand
The ruling party should also craft its own demands & preconditions before it accepts the 8 or rather the 9 points demands of Kinijit. The EPRDF should demand the likes of CUD to condemn the terrorist alliance in Eritrea, better known as AFD. A CUD faction is known to be a member of the AFD which is a group that doesn’t even recognize Ethiopian unity. The military superior members in the AFD are OLF and ONLF (groups that consider Ethiopia as a crumbling Empire and groups that are back in the bushes for the sake of Article 39’s unconditional implementation) thus putting even the survival of Ethiopia in a big question mark in case such a terrorist alliance succeeds in toppling the current government. Certainly OLF has not struggled for more than 30 years to crown CUD and erase Article 39. So the freed CUD prisoners condemning and disassociating from OLF and AFD will create a win-win situation. The EPRDF should ask the CUD to condemn the alliance as well as condemn the evil acts of the architect – Eritrean government. The second precondition presented by the EPRDF should be demanding the condemnation of the infamous bill “Ethiopia Freedom, Democracy and Human Rights Act” conducted by Rep.Chris Smith and Congressman Donald Payne. Despite Ethiopia having fast economic growth recognized by various international institutions as well as holding its first ever multi-party elections in its history, all under the leadership of PM Meles Zenawi, the infamous congressional bill ignores all reality, ignores all progress made and also supports only one side in condemning the acts of the security forces in 2005 without condemning the architects of the violence. This is a recipe for disaster. A recipe only for permanent divisions, bitterness and political instability. Unless it is condemned by CUD, no progress will be made for reconciliation. Thirdly, the EPRDF should demand the independent journalists to stop all political campaigning, inflaming and defaming activities. Certainly, the independent media and domestic pseudo-Human Rights organizations have been the mouth piece of the opposition for many years. The domestic Human Rights groups are very good on reporting ruling party’s faults but they are often blind for abuses of journalism (that leads to crackdowns) abuses of freedom of speech and massacres/attacks by rebel militias. {See FIGURE 1 above that shows an EU organized chart indicating 70% anti-EPRDF coverage by “private” & “independent” media outlets in 2005) In order for the EPRDF to accept Kinijit’s precondition on the media access improvement, Kinijit and its pseudo-journalists must abide by media independence and basic journalism ethics. Lastly, EPRDF should demand the freed Kinijit members to condemn both “rejectionsm politics” as well as condemn those who practice such in Diaspora and solicit suspension of foreign aid. For instance, Mr. Hailu Shawel of the CUD party often plays blind and hate politics. In some cases, Mr. Shawel even claimed Meles Zenawi’s government is worse than the previous DERG government in which around 150,000 Ethiopians were executed in the Red Terror of 1970s, half a million were dead via a massive famine of the 80s and when half the nation was a war zone (which led to DERG’s eventual downfall & Eritrean independence.) Such blind allegations and also rejectionism politics should be eliminated to keep the country going forward. Also Diaspora politicians who often ask foreigners to boycott investment, boycott banks, boycott the Millennium and oppose foreign aid (while the Ethiopian government pays large amount of money just to promote investment and change the country’s image) should be formally and constantly condemned by all Kinijit members.
These 4 points of preconditions must be demanded by the EPRDF before EPRDF addresses any of the 9 point Kinijit preconditions. Since ERPDF will have less pressure after the release of Kinijit prisoners in Ethiopia, all other opposition parties should show solidarity with the freed Kinijit supporters by demanding the EPRDF to abide by Kinijit’s 9 points as soon as Kinijit members abide by EPRDF’s 4 point of preconditions. Foreign dependence is often one-sided and creates bitterness, thus the pressure should come from inside Ethiopia. If EPRDF doesn’t abide by the basic demands, the other opposition parties should make Kinijit’s 9 point precondition, their own as well. All opposition parties like UEDF and UEDP-Medhin should boycott the parliament (if necessary) to put pressure on EPRDF until EPRDF and the freed Kinijit leaders finish their negotiations based on the 9 point and 4 point preconditions.
EPRDF demanding Kinijit to stay away from politics or Kinijit demanding some type of transitional government are not just impractical demands but also outlandish. Such unrealistic demands from both groups should be avoided, and with an inexhaustible dialogue, most political differences can be and should be solved for the sake of Ethiopian unity & democracy. Otherwise abandoning such vital agreements to develop democratic institutions and schools of thought would be forsaking the advancement of democracy in Ethiopia.
Following up on previous resolutions on Ethiopia, MEPs take another look at the unstable situation that has persisted in that country since the 2005 elections. Opposition leaders who led protests at the outcome of the elections have been convicted in court and may now face the death penalty. While calling on the Ethiopian authorities to respect fundamental rights, MEPs also believe the EU institutions could be doing more and indeed that the EU bears some responsibility since it persuaded Ethiopians not to boycott the elections.
In the wake of the May 2005 elections, whose results are widely held to have been falsified by the government, opposition demonstrations were met with violence from the authorities, resulting in 193 civilian deaths and 763 injured, according to a Commission of Inquiry set up by the Ethiopian Parliament. Members of the Commission were later “forced to flee following pressure by the government to reverse the Commission’s findings”.
Ethiopia urged to release political prisoners and review court verdicts
Now, on 11 June 2007 an Ethiopian court has found 38 senior opposition figures guilty of charges “ranging from ‘outrage against the constitution’ to aggravated high treason”. Sentencing is expected next month and most of the accused could face the death penalty.
Among a range of demands on the Ethiopian authorities in their resolution, MEPs call on the government “to release immediately and unconditionally all political prisoners, including elected members of parliament, CUD leaders, human rights activists, journalists, teachers, students, trade union activists and ordinary citizens”.
The EP also “urges the Ethiopian judicial authorities to reconsider their verdict, and calls on the Ethiopian Government to repeal possible death and/or prison sentences”. In addition, it “calls for the establishment of an international independent Inquiry Commission”.
Greater involvement and pressure from the international community
MEPs strongly believe the international community should play a bigger role. They ask the EU, the African Union and the UN “to encourage and support an all-inclusive inter-Ethiopian dialogue, with the participation of political parties and civil society, in order to work out a lasting solution to the current political crisis”.
MEPs call on the UN “to appoint a ‘special rapporteur’ to conduct an investigation in Ethiopia into judicial independence and arbitrary detentions, the human rights situation, including minority rights, post-election violence and killings, and charges of treason and outrage against the constitutional order directed at opposition leaders, journalists and civil-society activists”.
In addition, the EU Commission and Council should “pursue a coherent post-electoral policy in Ethiopia” and “consider the application of targeted sanctions against senior government officials”. The EP points out that “development cooperation programmes under the Cotonou Agreement should depend on respect for human rights and good governance”. It hence calls on the Commission and Council to “take a coordinated stance” consistent with Article 96 of the agreement.
SUPPORT THE FORBES AMENDMENT TO H.R. 2764
June 21, 2007
Dear Colleague:
As Chair of the Congressional Ethiopian American Caucus, I urge you to vote YES to Representative J. Randy Forbes amendment to H.R. 2764 restricting certain economic assistance to Ethiopia until the Secretary certifies that the Government of Ethiopia is not wrongfully holding political prisoners.
The Amendment reads:
SEC. ll. None of the funds made available in this Act under the heading ”Economic Support Fund” for assistance for Ethiopia may be obligated or expended until the Secretary of State certifies to the Committees on Appropriations that Ethiopia has released all political prisoners and prisoners of conscience in Ethiopia. The President may waive the limitation under this section if the President determines and reports to the Committees on Appropriations that it is vital to the national security interests of the United States to do so.”
A YES vote would send a unified message to Ethiopia on promoting higher human rights standards of our allies. This amendment will restrict $3 million of the Economic Support Fund (ESF) for Ethiopia. The amendment carefully excludes $478 million that Ethiopia is expected to receive in humanitarian accounts such as Development Assistance, Child Survival, HIV/AIDS, as well as various Security Assistance funding given U.S.-Ethiopian activities in the war on terror. The amendment also includes a waiver for a compelling national security interest.
This amendment is in response to last week’s Ethiopian Federal High Court conviction of 38 members of a political opposition party, including elected parliamentarians and human rights advocates, for “outrages against the Constitution,” and mounting an armed insurrection against the Government of Ethiopia. Other political prisoners, such as elected Parliamentarian Kifle Tigneh, had their trials postponed until the late date of October 2007, leaving them imprisoned for a total of 2 years. Among those convicted last week are internationally renowned Mesfin Wolemariam, a senior Fulbright Scholar and founder of the Ethiopian Human Rights Council (EHRC), and Dr. Yacob Hailemariam, a former professor at Norfolk State University for 20 years and the l ead attorney for a U.N. tribunal on war crimes in Rwanda. They face sentencing on July 8, 2007 and could face the death penalty.
I am deeply concerned about the plight of these individuals. We must send a clear message to Ethiopia – that the full participation of political opposition is absolutely necessary in a democratic society. By continuing their imprisonment, the Ethiopian Government suppresses the most fundamental element of democracy.
I will vote YES on Mr. Forbes Amendment with full understanding of the historical context in which the democratic process must progress in Ethiopia. I will continue to be an advocate of humanitarian assistance to Ethiopia, and for promoting policies that promote trade and economic development there – but I cannot comply with such a clear offense to the democratic process.
If you have any questions, please contact Ryan Kaldahl in Mr. Forbes Office at 5-6365 or [email protected]. To join the Congressional Ethiopian American Caucus, and to learn more about other ways of getting involved in this issue, please contact Selam Mulugeta at 202-225-2631 or at [email protected]. See the below links to learn more about the history of this issue.
Sincerely,
/s
Michael M. Honda
Member of Congress
Chair of the Congressional Ethiopian American Caucus
Additional Background:
1. H.R. 2003 Ethiopia Democracy and Accountability Act of 2007 http://www.congress.gov/cgi-lis/bdquery
2. Virginia Pilot Article: http://content.hamptonroads.com/story.cfm?story=126530&ran=4292
3. State Department Briefing that includes comments on Ethiopian court decision: http://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/dpb/2007/jun/86337.htm
4. BBC Article: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/6743721.stm
5. Amnesty International press release: http://www.amnestyusa.org/document.php?lang=e&id=ENGUSA20070615001
The Guilty Verdict and Why The TPLF is So Predictable
By Ethiopian-Americans for Democracy
After an 18-month charade, a politically compliant Ethiopian court on June 11, 2007 found 38 members of Ethiopia’s main opposition party, CUD-Kinijit, guilty of leading armed rebellion and “outrages against the constitution.”
The fate of Prime Minister Zenawi’s political opponents was sealed on May 15, 2005 when the people of Ethiopia cast a vote of no confidence in the TPLF regime. The guilty verdict therefore came as no surprise to those who have endured fifteen years of indignity and brutality under Zenawi. Even once comrades in arms such as the former Defense Minister Siye Abraha and his brother Assefa Abraha continue to languish in jail on false charges.
“What the Ethiopian security forces are doing may amount to crimes against humanity,” Georgette Gagne of Human of Human Rights Watch told the New York Times in a recent interview.
In its lust for power, the TPLF leadership has compromised the long-term security of the nation by declaring an unjustified war on the Somali people, and subjecting them to unimaginable suffering, although they did not present any tangible threat to the interests of Ethiopia.
Why did Ethiopia’s Prime Minister persist with patently false charges and finally order his court to find his political opponents guilty?
Only one conclusion can be drawn from this drama: Mr. Zenawi never intended to have a legitimate, viable opposition. Using indeterminate sentences as well as mental and physical abuse, he hopes to kill the prisoners over time through mental and physical torture.
With the verdict, the Prime Minster has single-handedly shut all avenues to peaceful political change. The trial and the guilty verdict show the regime’s commitment to democracy has been a farce all along.
The verdict has to be viewed in the context of the following circumstances:
1. The court decision is an attempt by Zenawi to divert attention from his lack of legitimacy and the ever-rising human rights abuses.
3. The verdict is also Zenawi’s attempt to shift responsibility for the post-election massacre and human rights abuses to the political opposition.
• Various bodies — including the inquiry commission appointed by Zenawi’s own government — have extensively documented the crimes committed by the Prime Minister and his lieutenants.
4. Under the cover of fighting terrorism, the Bush administration, and especially the Pentagon, has given license to a group of criminals in Ethiopia. These thugs, under the leadership of Meles Zenawi, have created an elaborate, corrupt and brutal machinery that has manufactured phantom terrorists and bought its way to the corridors of power in Washington using donors’ money to hire expensive lobbyists. Because it has protection from the Bush administration, the ruling Tigrai Liberation Front slaughters Ethiopians with impunity; it also continues to imprison and sentence political opponents on fabricated charges. There is speculation that Zenawi may also be playing political games with the lives of the prisoners. According to this line of reasoning, he will order his court to pass death sentences. He will then “magnanimously” commute the sentences to life imprisonment.
5. Zenawi never intended to have democracy, but always sought the foreign money that comes with the talk of democracy.
• Zenawi never, ever had legitimacy in the eyes of the people he ruled. But foreign powers were quick to give him the benefit of the doubt, to shower him with money, to flatter him with kind words (remember the “new breed of African leader”?) and to provide legitimacy.
• George Bush and Tony Blair have been among the foremost enablers of a tyrant that has brought untold suffering to a much-abused nation of 80 million people.
What is the way out?
• The May 2005 vote should be respected. Ethiopians should be allowed to be ruled by a government of their own choosing, and not by a brutal minority regime imposed by a foreign power.
• We call on the Bush Administration to dissociate itself from a vicious dictatorship and to support the democratic aspirations of the Ethiopian people.
• We call for the immediate release of political prisoners without any preconditions.
• We call for an independent, internationally supervised investigation of post-election violence as well as all the arrests and extra-judicial killings that have taken place under Zenawi’s regime.
• We call on the international community to bring to justice officials of the current regime responsible for human rights abuses and for crimes against humanity.
• We call on all opposition groups in the Diaspora and at home to set aside their differences, to create new alliances, to seek out appropriate methods of struggle and to keep their eyes on the prize: the release of all political prisoners, the liberation of Ethiopia from tyranny and the establishment of a truly democratic order.
