Muluneh Yohannes, Ethiomedia Staff Writer

Jendayi Frazer, Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, delivered a lecture on “The Future of Africa and U.S. Foreign Policy” at the Seattle based University of Washington Campus on May 29th 2008.

The Bureau of African Affairs and its involvement in Africa

Under the U.S. Department of State, the Bureau of African Affairs is in charge of the broader Sub-Saharan Africa region. The Bureau identified three key challenges to African leaders in the years ahead: consolidating democratic gains, expanding economic growth, and stemming the spread of HIV/AIDS. According to the information from the State Department, American Foreign Policy towards Africa focuses on the following fields of cooperation: African Education Initiative, African Growth and Opportunity Act, Malaria Initiative, HIV/AIDS Initiative, Women’s Justice and Empowerment Initiative, Confidence and Security Building Measures.

Ambassador Frazer’s speech

The Assistant Secretary delivered a 15 to 20 minutes speech. The Ambassador highlighted that the U.S. is committed in building institutions and further strengthening strategic partnership with Africa. She specifically identified four major U.S. Foreign Policy priorities in Africa.

* The first one is the broader collaboration with the people of Africa on mutual interests.
* The second priority is Expansion of Economic Growth. The Ambassador stressed that the Bush Administration is committed for Debt Cancellation; pending endorsement from congress, 3.8 billion loans signed for health and education investment; 90 % duty free for African products of the AGOA agreement (African Growth and Opportunity Act) with fourteen Nations resulted in the current 11 trillion dollars trade exchange between the U.S. and Africa. Moreover, America targets to help the African Financial Market in the form of 100% Debt Relief amounting 42 billion dollars.
* The third area of cooperation dwells in the Fight Against Disease. Assistant Secretary Frazer quoted President Bush as saying “A baby should not die just because of the bite of a mosquito”. Accordingly, the Bush administration set a 15 billion dollars five year’s budget to tackle HIV/AIDS and a further 30 billion dollars is requested in 2007. Another 3.5 billion dollars is under utilization to tackle the deadly malaria epidemic.
* The last major area of cooperation of the U.S. with Africa is Peace Initiatives. The Assistant Secretary recalls the prime role of the U.S. in peace negotiations in Angola, Burundi, Democratic Republic of Congo, Liberia, Sera Leon, and the North-South Sudan conflict. Jendayi was upfront with the huge task left in conflict management and resolution. She did not hide her frustration on the highly volatile Horn of Africa situation.

Challenge surfaced on the question and answer session

There were about 200 attendees of the lecture comprising students and staff members of the campus. However, the majority of the audience was the Diaspora community from Africa, specifically from Horn of Africa. Ambassador Frazer was bombarded with emotional pleas and questions from Ethiopians, Somalis, Eritreans, Sudanese, and from the self proclaimed Independent Somali Landers. The long time friend and old classmate of Dr. Jendayi, Dr. Sanjeev Khagram moderated the Q&A session with huge difficulty and in a protective way of his guest. Two days before the event, Ethiomedia requested to have an interview with the Assistant Secretary. Our request was pushed away and communicated to us through the same Dr. Sanjeev. The following are some of the highlights of the Q&A period.

When asked about the U.S. role in the Horn of Africa crisis engulfing Ethiopia, Eritrea and Somalia, the Ambassador explained the region as a “very, very, very hot region for current and future U.S. administrations”. The majority of the audience was from the Horn of Africa region and undoubtedly, brought burning questions. Shakespear Feyissa, an Ethiopian-American Lawyer confronted Frazer on why the U.S. has done little or nothing about the mass killings and arrests of innocent civilians, imprisonment of elected opposition officials and civic society leaders following the 2005 controversial Ethiopian election. The lawyer specifically asked why the Assistant Secretary herself and her administration ignored the dictatorial actions of Prime Minister Meles of Ethiopia. As soon as Shakespear finished his high-toned question, the room was erupted with an overwhelming noise of support. The moderator seemed to panic and ordered the house not ask questions about Ethiopia. Frazer attempted to address the question and differed with Shakespear on the level of American response. She argued that they pressured Meles on the release of the prisoners and related matters.

Dr. Frazer was also asked about the policy of the U.S. on the Ethio-Eritrea border conflict. The Ambassador was frank to argue that her personal belief and stand was not to involve in this matter. However, she said that she had to do the job as instructed by her boss. According to Dr. Jendayi, President Issayas of Eritrea further complicated the matter when he chose not to deal with America. She clarified that her office and Secretary Rice have been attempting to reach Issayas with no success at all simply because the “President of Eritrea does not return our phone calls”. When she gave reasons on why President Issayas is unfriendly towards the U.S. she indicated one turning point. According to the Ambassador, President Issayas was offended when the U.S. put Ethiopia along Nigeria, South Africa and Kenya as one of the four major Strategic Countries to America. Eritrea directly asked America to remove Ethiopia from the list and Eritrea itself to take the place. Frazer mentioned that Eritrea offered an Island base for the U.S. military and it was declined because it was not needed. That also angered Issayas Afeworki. Subsequently, there is no meaningful diplomatic relationship and the Ambassador stressed that the U.S. has limited leverage over Eritrea. However, she was not short of warning the tiny Horn of Africa Nation for serving as a base for Islamic extremists. Dr. Jendayi believes that Eritrea’s support to extremists is not because of Ideological conformity, but rather Issayas is focused so much in deposing the Meles Zenawi regime in Ethiopia.

On the Somali crisis, she made it clear that the U.S. expects Ethiopia to leave Somali after making sure of the uncertainty of power vacuum. She expressed her concern on the slow African Union response. Dr. Jendayi was also asked how America handles the different Somali faction groups. She argued that the U.S. has no enemy in Africa and openly or otherwise we dialogue with all Somali Faction leaders including the extremists.

Dr. Jendayi recognized the fast paced China involvement in Africa and she mentioned that Africa would become one of the new power centers because of the hugely untapped human and natural resources. The Ambassador confessed that her African Bureau is full of junior diplomats with limited or no experience to deal with high stake issues in Africa.

Another audience asked if there is a chance for the U.S. to settle the Ethio-Eritrea dispute. Jendayi Frazer, with a tone of frustration, labeled Meles and Isayas as the twin “stubborn leaders”.

Note: information from the U.S. Department of State used for this report.

The writer can be reached at [email protected]

Ethiopians in the Washington DC Metro area held protest rallied today in front of the Sudanese Embassy and Woyanne-occupied Ethiopian Embassy to express their opposition to the secret border re-demarcation agreement between Meles Zenawi and and al-Beshir. The secret agreement gave tens of thousands of square kilometers of Ethiopian land to Sudan, in return for Sudan allowing access for a railway from the Tigray region to Port Sudan. The protest rallies were organized by Ethiopia and Sudan Border Issues Committee, in collaboration with other Ethiopian groups.

In light of the rapidly worsening conditions in Ethiopia, the recently formed Ginbot 7 Movement for Democracy and Justice has a very short time (may be less than 6 months) to prove to the people of Ethiopia that it is serious about getting rid of the Woyanne dictatorship.

ER believes that Ginbot 7 can carry out some concrete actions in the next few weeks and months that could create a great deal of pressure on the Woyanne dictatorship. Some of these actions include:

1) Establishing a shadow government (a government-in-waiting – ተጠባባቂ መንግስት). This is perhaps the most critical step that should be taken by Ginbot 7 if it is serious about saving Ethiopia from the ongoing calamities. Ethiopia’s very survival is now under threat, and the people of Ethiopia are hungry for strong leadership. Unless Ginbot 7 leaders do not have the confidence in themselves that they are ready to take over government, jointly with other parties — or by themselves if necessary — they should not be taken as serious political leaders. (Read more about shadow government here).

2) Initiating dialog with opposition parties such as the Oromo Liberation Front, the Ogaden National Liberation Front, and Ethiopian People’s Patriotic Front that will lead to the formation of a transitional coalition government in exile (TCG). Members of the Ginbot 7 shadow government (government-in-waiting) would play a major role in helping setup the various branches of the TCG, but ministerial portfolios need to be divided up based on agreements reached among the parties that agree to form the TCG. The TCG’s term should not exceed two years, and one of its primary responsibilities should be preparing the country for general elections.

3) While the formation of Ginbot 7’s government-in-waiting and the TCG is underway, Gibot 7, in collaboration with the other opposition parties (if possible), need to call on the people of Ethiopia to prepare for massive nationwide civil disobedience campaigns to pressure the Woyanne junta to lay down its weapons and come to the negotiation table. Once this message gets out, the people will start organizing themselves at the grass root level in small groups, among friends and family members, etc. The fact that Gibot 7 is making such a call to the people would by itself unnerve the already paranoid Woyanne leaders and build up the pressure on them.

4) Ginbot 7, in collaboration with the other opposition parties, need to send a series of messages and warnings to the Woyanne armed forces to turn their back on the Woyanne leaders and start siding with the people. Depending on how well this is done, it could create more pressure on the Meles-Sebhat regime.

5) Ginbot 7, in collaboration with the other opposition parties (if possible), need to setup a tribunal in exile that would prepare the ground work for prosecuting Woyanne leaders, military officers, heads of security services and bureaucrats who are committing crimes against the people of Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa. Members of the tribunal could include Judge Woldemichael Meshesha and others who had investigated the 2005 post-elections massacres in Ethiopia. Ginbot 7 can easily raise the necessary funds for the setting up of the tribunal in exile. Ethiopian Review hereby pledges $1,000 for such a project in the name of Shibre Desalegn.

6) Launch an aggressive diplomatic campaign to convince the governments of the United States, Western Europe, and others to stop their support to the Woyanne fascist regime. But in order to succeed, setting up the transitional coalition government in exile is a must. It is necessary to present to these governments, and the international community, in general, that there is a better alternative to Woyanne.

7) The Eritrean government can play a critical role in the removal of the Woyanne cancer from the region. Ginbot 7 needs to establish, without further delay, a formal diplomatic relation with the Eritrean government and setup offices in Asmara.

The above are just some of the steps Ginbot 7 can take in a matter of few days. We Ethiopians want to save our country from the Woyanne reign of terror and destruction. Are Ginbot 7 leaders ready to step up to the plate?

(KHARTOUM) — Sudan has banned the activities of the Eritrean opposition in the country after years of support. The move indicates the level of good relations between Asmara and Khartoum.

The Sudanese government officially notified the representative of the Eritrean opposition in the Khartoum to stop political activities against Asmara government and close their venues.

According to Islam Today website, which is well informed about Islamist movements in the Horn of Africa, the Sudanese government also ordered the Eritrean groups to render houses and vehicles granted by the Sudanese security service.

In 1994 Eritrea severed bilateral ties accused the Islamist led government in Khartoum of harbouring the Eritrean opposition and particularly the Eritrean Islamic Jihad Movement. The two countries repaired relations at the end of 2000 thanks to Qatari mediation.

However, Eritrea continued to accuse Sudan of embracing “terrorist groups” while it maintained its support to the Sudanese opposition parties settled in Asmara since 1996.

Following the signing of Comprehensive Peace Agreement by the Sudanese government and the former rebel SPLM in January 2005, Sudan and Eritrea started a timid rapprochement under the initiative of the former ally of Asmara, the SPLM. The Eritrean mediation to end the eastern Sudan conflict in October 2007 strengthened the bilateral ties between the two countries.

Since the closure of the opposition radio station, Al-Sharq in November 2006, Eritrean opposition forces moved its activities to the Ethiopian capital Addis Ababa. Actually, Sudan since 2005 refused to allow it to hold a conference in Khartoum.

However, an analyst who required anonymity said this move could mean that Sudan wants more decisive Eritrean action against the rebels of the Justice and Equality Movement who are still have some presence in Asmara.

He further said that the arrest of Abdel-Aziz Abu Ashr, the head of JEM intelligence and half brother of its chairman Khalil Ibrahim, in eastern Sudan while he was preparing to cross the border to Eritrea has a big significance for Sudanese authorities.

The opposition Eritrean Democratic Alliance consists of thirteen parties including two Islamist organizations, Eritrean Islamic Party for Justice and Development, and Eritrean Islamic Congress. The opposition alliance in its conference held in Addis Ababa last May elected Ould Cyprslasi Chairman of the Executive Office, Abdullah Mahmoud head of the Office of the leading opposition coalition.

Source: Sudan Tribune

A watchdog group has been formed to investigate corruption inside the Ethiopian Sports Federation in North America (ESFNA). According to the group, which calls itself ‘ESFNA Watch’, board members of ESFNA are accused of underreporting earnings, exaggerating deductions and exemptions, and participating in questionable tax shelters. For details, click the groups web site, esfnawatch.com

By Berhanu Gutema Balcha

At the political level, there have been ethnic organizations in the name of various ethnic groups such as Afar, Oromo, Somali, Sidama, and Tigrayan since the 1970s. At present due to the policy of ethnic restructuring and ethnic entitlement since 1991 there are nearly hundred ethnic organizations that are legally registered in Ethiopia (National Election Board of Ethiopia 2005). Although a detail study is not carried out on the nature and conviction of these ethnic organizations, it is plausible to claim that in many cases that the major inspirational forces for these ethnic organizations are the attainment of social, political and economic objective rather than primordial or atavistic drives. In almost all cases, the claims for ethnic mobilization and solidarity have been made in the context of redressing ‘injustices of the past’, reclaiming of dignified existence and self-administration, developing of culture and usage of languages which were ignored and barred in the past. These claims are more of a demand for social status, political power and economic benefits (instrumental) rather than preserving or nurturing relationships that make a bond from generation to generation or recognising the overpowering and coercive congruities of blood, speech, custom, and so on (primordial). However, putative generational bond or primordial attachment has been exploited to advance these social, political and economic objectives and this has inclined to create a ‘permanent’ cleavage that could widen and has opened a venue for further exclusion, discrimination and hostilities… Read more >>