CALGARY – An African human rights group is calling on Ottawa to refuse entry to an Ethiopian politician linked to a 2003 massacre.
Omot Obang Olom, governor of Gambella province in Ethiopia, is scheduled to give a speech in Calgary this weekend, encouraging expatriates from Gambella to return to the east African country.
Some human rights groups accuse him of being involved in the 2003 massacre by government troops of more than 400 people of Anuak ethnicity.
Olom’s visit is sparking a sharp rebuke from a Saskatoon-based organization, which accuses the governor of human rights abuses.
Obang Metho, director of international advocacy with the Anuak Justice Council, said Olom’s speech should be boycotted and argues Canada should refuse the governor entry to this country.
“This is a criminal,” Metho said of Olom.
Olom has denied he ever had a hand in the massacre. He reiterated his innocence in Minnesota last week, where he spoke to members of the Anuak diaspora there, saying he tried to stop the bloodshed.
At the time of the massacre, Olom was in charge of security in Gambella. He later became governor.
While he’s not accused of killing anyone, several human rights groups allege he helped draw up a list of targets.
A Human Rights Watch report says Olom, while head of security, took “an exceptionally hardline approach to stamping out the threat to regional security posed by Anuak (rebels).”
The report accuses Olom of responding to human rights complaints in 2004 with threats of more violence.
Calgarian Gatkuoth Bim is one of the organizers facilitating Olom’s visit to this city.
He believes the allegations against the governor are false rumours spread by those who want power in Ethiopia.
He also points out Olom is an ethnic Anuak, the same group targeted by the military in 2003.
“That killing happened,” Bim said. “But it does not mean (Olom) was the architect of the killing. He did not do anything, he has nothing to do with it.”
Bim said there are a “good number” of people from Gambella living in Calgary, most of whom welcome the governor’s visit.
He said Olom will speak about new economic opportunities in Gambella in an effort to convince people to return and invest in the region.
The governor is scheduled to speak Saturday at Calgary’s First Church of the Nazarene.
Meanwhile, Metho suggested Olom has been granted an entry visa to Canada and is due to fly from Washington D.C., to Ottawa Friday. He’s then scheduled to travel to Calgary.
The fact that Olom may be granted a visa to Canada is “most disturbing,” said Dan McTeague, the federal Liberal critic for Consular Services.
“I would find it of considerable concern for most Canadians to learn that Canada’s prepared to accept somebody who has a checkered past, particularly in violation of human rights, is granted open access to our country,” he said.
McTeague also points to the case of Bashir Maktal, a Canadian citizen originally from Ethiopia. The man has been held without charge in Ethiopia for 18 months.
“It’s to me ironic, and in fact contradictory, that Canada would be granting (Olom) any type of visa, when we can’t get in to see a Canadian citizen who’s been held incommunicado for almost two years,” McTeague said.
A spokeswoman for Citizenship and Immigration Canada said the department takes public safety seriously.
Karen Shadd said she couldn’t say for privacy reasons if Olom had obtained an entry visa.
ADDIS ABABA (Xinhua) — Ethiopia’s [Ministry of Misinformation] on Saturday refuted some foreign media and humanitarian organizations for their exaggerated reports on the current food shortage in pocket areas of the country.
“It is ridiculous and unethical that some media outlets are reporting as if food grain price hike is typical of Ethiopia, though it is known that the existing global price hike is a result of soaring price of oil and ever-increasing demand of food grain among the developing countries,” the Ministry of Information said in a statement.
Such fabricated reports can not undermine Ethiopia’s rapid economic growth registered during the last successive years, said the ministry.
“The rapid national economic growth cannot be undermined by exaggerating minor problems,” it said.
Recent reports from some foreign media said a severe drought in Ethiopia threatens up to 6 million children.
“The reporting of some media is very much exaggerated and far from the truth,” it said.
The government and the public have been striving to ensure the double-digit economic growth the nation registered during the last five consecutive years in order to extricate the country out of poverty, it said.
Though the irregular rainfall witnessed during the last Belg (small rain) season created temporal food shortage in some parts of the country, the government and farmers are striving to boost agricultural production during the remaining time of the current crop season, it added.
The statement said the government is doing its level best toward resolving the existing food shortage witnessed in pocket areas of the nation.
“The problem cannot be out of control,” said the ministry.
Senator Obama’s rally at the Nissan Pavilion was truly astounding. In the baking sun on a Thursday afternoon, thousands upon thousands of Virginians came out in full force seeking a change. After eight years of a foreign policy and economic disaster, Americans are ready to turn the page on the Bush administration. Nowhere was this hunger for change more evident than the Commonwealth of Virginia . Once a deep red state that voted continuously for the Republican Party, Senator Obama promises to turn this once conservative bastion into the forefront of a new day in America .
It was with this hunger for change that Ethiopians for Obama arrived at the Nissan Pavilion ready to work hard and dedicate their efforts to getting Senator Obama elected. Symbolically, the Ethiopians for Obama platoon was tasked with manning the entrance gates. Inspite of the scortching heat, Ethiopians for Obama worked tirelessly to ensure that rally attendees entered in an orderly manner. This act of volunteerism was rife with symbolism, members of Ethiopians for Obama were a significant part of the gatekeepers to the rally.
After they completed their efforts at the entrance gates, the Ethiopians for Obama crew were able to view Obama’s great speech as they stood directly in front of the stage. The number of Ethiopians who turned out to the event was astounding; young, old, men, women, and children took it upon themselves to view history in the making. This is how change happens in our community; by being inspired and inspiring others, we have the ability to move out of the shadows of this great country and take our place as an important constituency in American politics and policies.
Just as Ethiopians for Obama were gatekeepers at the rally, Ethiopian-Americans could be the voice that act as the gatekeepers to the presidential election. There are untold thousands of Ethiopian-Americans who reside in the Commonwealth of Virginia . We hold in our hands the ability to elect the next President of the United States . Our ability to organize and encourage every Ethiopian-American we know to vote is vital. As the Ethiopians for Obama who worked hard at today’s rally remind us, we all have the responsibility of reaching out to Ethiopians everywhere to encourage them to register. Continue to reach out to your friends and family and encourage them to register and to join the Ethiopians for Obama group.
Join Ethiopians for Obama at: http://groups. yahoo.com/ group/ethiopians forobama/
The pressures of weeknight cooking make it easy to fall into ruts, especially in the spice cabinet.
Most cooks reach for the same seasonings (Italian blend, anyone?) over and over. Yet herbs and spices offer some of the easiest and cheapest ways to overhaul your kitchen repertoire.
One way is to look for cuisines that use familiar spices in unfamiliar ways. Much of Africa and the Middle East, for example, prepare savory foods with what Americans consider sweet spices, such as cinnamon, nutmeg and cardamom.
Even easier is to turn to the many spice blends available from around the world (even if they’re not always totally authentic).
For example, a skillet chicken dish to which you normally add Italian seasonings such as basil or oregano, can become a completely different dish by substituting curry powder for the herbs.
This recipe for doro wat, a staple of Ethiopian cooking, gets its key flavors from nutmeg and cardamom. It also relies on the traditional Ethiopian spice blend berbere, a bright red mixture of garlic, red pepper, cardamom, coriander and fenugreek, commonly used in soups and stews. Its flavors are warm, but not hot.
As adapted here, doro wat is a great example of using seasonings to turn otherwise common ingredients — chicken breasts and diced onions — into something different.
This recipe is easily adaptable. Any firm white fish (or even shrimp) could be used instead of chicken (cooking time will be shorter). And tomato sauce could be substituted for the wine.
Doro wat traditionally is served with flatbread, which is used instead of silverware to pick up the morsels of chicken and to soak up the sauce. Sour cream or plain yogurt is a nice complement.
All of the seasonings called for in this recipe should be available at larger grocers, ethnic markets or online.
DORO WAT CHICKEN
1 pound boneless, skinless chicken breasts, cut into 1-inch chunks
Juice of 1 lemon
Kosher salt
2 tablespoons ghee or butter
2 medium yellow onions, diced
2 cloves garlic, minced
1 tablespoon grated fresh ginger
1 teaspoon turmeric
1/4 teaspoon ground fenugreek
1/4 teaspoon ground cardamom
1/8 teaspoon nutmeg
2 tablespoons berbere
1 tablespoon smoked paprika
1/4 cup red wine
3/4 cup water
Freshly ground black pepper, to taste
Place the chicken on a large plate and drizzle with lemon juice, then sprinkle with salt. Set aside.
In a medium Dutch oven over medium heat, melt the ghee. Add the onions, garlic, ginger, turmeric, fenugreek, cardamom, nutmeg, berbere and smoked paprika. Saute until the onions are tender, about 5 minutes.
Add the wine and water, mixing well, and bring to a simmer. Add the chicken, turning to coat, and return to a simmer. Cover, reduce heat to low, and simmer 15 minutes, or until the chicken is cooked through.
Uncover and simmer another 2 to 3 minutes to reduce the sauce. Season with salt and pepper. Makes 4 servings.
Barack Obama should not pick Hillary Clinton as his vice-presidential nominee, former president Jimmy Carter has told the Guardian.
“I think it would be the worst mistake that could be made,” said Carter. “That would just accumulate the negative aspects of both candidates.”
Carter, who formally endorsed the Illinois senator last night, cited opinion polls showing 50% of US voters with a negative view of Clinton.
In terms that might discomfort the Obama camp, he said: “If you take that 50% who just don’t want to vote for Clinton and add it to whatever element there might be who don’t think Obama is white enough or old enough or experienced enough or because he’s got a middle name that sounds Arab, you could have the worst of both worlds.”
Carter, who insisted that he would have been equally against an Obama-Clinton pairing if the former first lady had won the nomination, made the remarks in an interview with the Guardian’s Weekend magazine, to be published on Saturday. The interview was conducted before the final round of voting last night confirmed Obama as the party’s presumptive nominee.
The intervention of the former president – regarded as the senior elder of the Democratic party by some, and as a walking reminder of electoral failure by others – comes just as speculation of a joint Obama-Clinton ticket is building in the US. Lanny Davis, a close Clinton adviser and friend, has launched a petition drive and website – and written directly to Obama – urging him to appoint his defeated rival.
Meanwhile, Bob Johnson, the Clinton backer and founder of Black Entertainment Television, has announced that he hopes to persuade the Congressional Black Caucus – the umbrella group for African-American members of Congress – to lobby for an Obama-Clinton partnership.
Carter’s remarks could slow that momentum, as they come from the only living Democrat to have won more than 50% of the popular vote in a presidential election, even though the former president, who left office in 1981, insisted he was “on the outside” and no longer had any role in internal Democratic affairs.
His comments are likely to be seized on by those Democrats who privately argue that the combination of a black man and a woman on a ticket will represent more change than the US electorate can swallow in one go. This camp believes Obama needs to pick an experienced, white and probably southern man to “balance” the ticket.
The former president said: “What he needs more than a southerner is a person who can compensate for his obvious potential defects, his youthfulness and his lack of long experience in military and international affairs.”
For that reason, Carter says he favours Sam Nunn, the former chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee, who hails from his own state of Georgia. “That would be my preference, but there are other senior Democrats who would have similar credentials to Sam Nunn,” he said.
Gambellan Governor’s Visit Brings International Publicity to Genocide Despite Attempts to Evict Press
By Obang Metho
Thanks to the visit from the government-appointed governor of Gambella, Omot Obang Olum, himself a suspected genocide collaborator, the story of the genocide of the Anuak on December 13-15, 2003 has reached an international audience through the Associated Press’ story that is now circulating in thousands newspapers throughout the world. The Anuak Justice Council counts this a great victory for unveiling the truth about the heinous crimes committed by the EPRDF military and government-incited militia groups against the Anuak.
On May 31, 2008, the Anuak Community Association of North America (ACANA), hosted a meeting in Minneapolis where Omot Obang Olum, accompanied by five other Gambella government officials, was invited to meet with the Anuak community for the first time following the genocide. Many Anuak objected to the meeting and some boycotted it as the wrong way to address the man they hold responsible for the massacre of 424 of their relatives, friends and community members.
The head of the community, Akway Cham, voiced his stance that ACANA was simply providing a place where Anuak could ask the hard questions, hoping that it would aid Anuak in dealing with this loss so that they could better help the community back home.
But, the Ethiopian government officials had a different goal. Evasion, denial, deceit and illusion reigned. At one point, Akway Cham felt pressed to confront Omot Olum and the other members of the panel for evasive answers and asked them to give more direct answers, but most felt that the lies, deceit, manipulation of the facts and outrageous denials of what everyone knew to be the truth, continued anyway.
Signs of this were apparent even before the meeting when the long arms of Mr. Meles Zenawi attempted to reach across the world to exert its TPLF-style repression of the press at the Four Points Sheraton in Minneapolis, Minnesota. They wanted to make sure that they maintained perfect control of information and therefore, they did not want the press there, of which there were six present. Among them was one of the best friends the Anuak have in the press, Doug McGill. Who did they choose to harass? None other than McGill!
Doug McGill was a previous reporter for the New York Times, a bureau chief for Bloomberg News in Tokyo, London and Hong Kong. He is also a teacher and an independent journalist. When the Anuak massacre occurred, his Anuak friend enlisted his support and he became the voice of the Anuak even traveling to Addis Ababa, Ethiopia and to the refugee camp in Pochalla, Sudan to investigate and report on the human rights crimes. However, before the meeting, one non-Anuak Ethiopian—probably a representative of the Meles regime—warned McGill that he was “not invited to this meeting” and told him that “this is not for you!”
As the meeting was supposed to start, McGill was sitting with an Anuak translator and other press when this same man came with the hotel manager and a few others of similar mindset to shamelessly force McGill out of the meeting. As they attempted to evict McGill, McGill warned him that it would be in violation to the Bill of Rights providing freedom of the press and that he would get a lawyer and sue for this infringement of those rights. At least one of those Anuak in charge said privately, “This is America and we follow the laws of this country. He should stay!”
Akway Cham intervened and told McGill that he could stay and asked him to agree to not ask any questions. He told him he would give him an opportunity for a private meeting following the larger meeting. McGill agreed to this. However, it appeared that the decision to allow him to stay created a reaction from the Ethiopian Embassy headquarters in Washington D.C. as there was some advice to then cancel the meeting. The whole decision process further delayed the beginning of the meeting significantly due to some alleged division between decision makers. Finally, nearly an hour later, it was decided to hold the meeting.
However, as the meeting began, it became apparent that language was going to be used to obstruct communication—to the obvious advantage of the Meles government. The audience was told that it would not be in English—a common language to most after living in the US for so long—but instead, it would be conducted in Amharic, Anuak and Nuer rather than in English, Anuak and Nuer. Many of the Anuak are not very proficient in Amharic and have not spoken the language since they came to the United States. Some Anuak have no understanding of it at all having grown up in Sudan. Regardless, even the governor, Omot Olum, spoke Amharic rather than his indigenous language, Anuak.
When Anuak opposed this, he refused to change to the Anuak language. Some hours later into the meeting, he finally did. Some were suspecting that this was a tactic used to create one more impediment to the press, as fewer Anuak could interpret it or even understand it. Additionally, it was seen as a possible tactic by those non-Anuak government officials to monitor closely what was being said. Regardless, the Anuak interpreter for the McGill, the Associate Press and others was very proficient in both languages.
The reception of these Gambella leaders by the Anuak was diverse, but heroes of the day emerged. To start with, some boycotted the meeting, refusing to enter into a dialogue under these tightly controlled conditions with a “criminal”—someone they believed was directly responsible for the killing of the Anuak. These are people who stood up for their principles. In doing so, they stood up for truth and justice and against political propaganda, especially given through the mouth of a suspected “perpetrator of genocide.” They were convinced that lies and enticements from the government would be laid out to entrap the Anuak into coming back to invest their money so that they would forget about the horrors of what happened to their loved ones.
Some others decided to attend the meeting, most giving the delegation a cool but civil reception. A number of these showed determination and courage as they asked hard questions, convinced that they wanted to stand up to face this man to hold him accountable for what he had done. Many were frustrated that they never had a chance to ask their questions. Some even spoke out at the meeting that they were being deliberately screened from asking questions because they would not be favorable to Omot Olum.
Of those given the chance to ask the questions—about twenty—only about five of those questions were not directly related to the genocide. These questions directly confronted Omot Olum with the hard facts that contradicted the elusive answers and denials he continued to present to the listeners.
The Anuak all knew that Olum had been the Chief of Security for the region at the time and that he had been the one who most believed had provided the names of the over 400 Anuak leaders who were later targeted and killed during the massacre. Only an Anuak who knew the Anuak community and knew those among them who would be the greatest threat to the government control of regional affairs could have provided that list.
The beliefs were corroborated by reports from Genocide Watch, Human Rights Watch and others where testimony from witnesses all concurred that Omot Olum was the one to come up with the list even though Olum denied there was any list, calling it “misinformation.” Omot Olum, never answered, “No, I did not do it,” or “Yes, I did,” but instead kept asking rhetorical questions like, “Why would I give the names of my own people?” Or, “Would I forget Ethiopian law?” Or, “I didn’t have the right under God to do it.” However, many of the victims’ in Gambella, even knew what number their loved one was on that list!
In a “Meles-style” disclaimer, he never acknowledged the Ethiopian military’s deep involvement in the killing, blaming other groups in the region for them. He then minimized the importance of determining even an estimate of the number of Anuak killed and pointed most of the blame for why it happened on the “weak governance” of the former governor, Okello Akway. He gave himself credit for taking charge of the situation after Akway fled the country. Yet, as one Anuak woman angrily pointed out, the human rights crimes never stopped under his charge and continued on under his leadership— why?
Even though Omot Olum publicly accused Okello Akway for leaving the country because he was fearful, we know that Okello was the real hero. One Anuak man asked Omot Olum at the meeting why he never died during the massacre of the Anuak leaders. However, most know the answer to that question—that he did not die, nor did he have to “run for his life” because obviously, as a government collaborator, he was never in any danger from the perpetrators of the genocide—the Ethiopian National Defense Forces and the government with which he remains close friends. The only ones he had to fear were Anuak who might want to revenge the deaths of their loved ones who died under his watch—perhaps that is why he discharged his Anuak bodyguards and replaced them with the TPLF.
On the other hand, Okello Akway was the real hero who refused to conform to the EPRDF government directives out of his principles, breaking all his ties to them as he stood up for the truth. This was a man of courage who was ready to give his life.
Omot Olum was the one in fear who caved in to the pressure from this regime of death. By adopting the foundational principles of Meles—lying and deceit—he was rewarded for selling out on his people by his subsequent appointment as the un-elected governor. He did not need to flee for his life, because he was now initiated into the ranks of loyal collaborators. On the other hand, Okello Akway became a prime target of the EPRDF fury and had to flee for his life. He had seen Omot Olum hand over the list of the Anuak to be killed, something that could later on indict Omot Olum and others.
There were many other men and women—including Nuer, Highlanders, and others whose acts of courage should be lifted up in memory as the real heroes of Gambella who protected the Anuak from death. They saw their friends and neighbors as human beings, upholding the principles of God our Creator in caring about the lives of His creation.
The meeting lasted six hours. Doug McGill stayed through to the end in order to conduct the promised private interview with Omot Olum; however, even though Akway Cham attempted to hold up his end of the deal, Olum had no such intention. As Doug asked him for that interview, he was surrounded by “bodyguards” and quickly left the room.
In response to McGill’s persistence, he simply said, “Later,” but there was no “later.” One of the bodyguards physically shoved McGill away and the group “disappeared” into a private location. What is really wrong with Ethiopia came to the Four Points Sheraton on that day. Even the little bit we saw was too much. Imagine what it is like where there are no restraints!
Back in Gambella, the people fear Olum and hope that Anuak here, living in a free country, will not trade in development for justice. They hope that the people will not forget about them but will unite and speak out in their behalf with a loud voice because they can only speak in whispers. One Anuak said, “Since the killing, Omot Olum has never went to the Anuak elders, traveling throughout the region to talk to the people. I am wondering why he is traveling thousands of miles away to talk to the Anuak in North America when we, the real victims, are right here?” The only reason we can think of is that he has been sent there by his boss, Meles Zenawi, in order to silence the Anuak in the Diaspora as they have done it here!”
During Omot Olum’s talk, he told the Minnesota Anuak: “We need you in Gambella. You need to become part of the democratic Gambella. Now, there is peace in Gambella and the Ethiopian government is wanting you to come back to invest in helping develop your region. We need the Anuak to come back home to build up the region. Without Anuak from America coming back, there will not be progress. We especially need the educated Anuak.”
One of the Anuak from Kansas responded privately by saying, “Omot should start by exhuming the bodies of those in the mass graves first before he offers the living to come back and possibly killed them like the others!”
We expect the same when Omot Olum visits Canada this weekend. He is planning to meet with the Gambella people on Saturday morning, June 7, 2008. Location First Church of the Nazarene, 65 Richard Way S.W. Calgary Alberta. There will be some Anuak who will boycott the meeting and others who will want to confront him. The blood of their fellow Anuak cries out for real answers!
Let us keep up our battle until justice comes not just to Gambella, but to all nine regions of Ethiopia! May God lead and help us as we fight for truth, justice and freedom!
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For more information please contact Mr. Obang Metho, by email at: [email protected]
