ADDIS ABABA, ETHIOPIA – At a fashion trade show in New York this September, top international retailers, including Barneys New York, ordered more than 500 products from the Ethiopian leather goods and textiles consortium. Taytu, a consortium of twelve leather, leather product and hand-woven folkloric textile-producing small and medium enterprises (SMEs) participated in the Designers and Agents International Fashion Trade Show in New York, September 13-15, with support from USAID’s Agribusiness and Trade Expansion Program (ATEP). At the New York show, an unprecedented number of retail outlets and prestigious department stores visited the Taytu stand. Barneys New York ordered 240 leather bags from Taytu, marking a milestone in the consortium’s growth. Nine additional stores from the United States, one from South Korea and one from Japan confirmed orders for a total of 240 more items.
USAID’s ATEP supports Ethiopian efforts to maximize export earnings from priority sectors like the leather industry. Over the last two years, USAID’s ATEP and UNIDO have actively supported Taytu’s participation in high end trade shows in Europe and the United States. This participation has helped the consortium earn more than U.S. $50,000 in sample orders from the United States, Canada, Europe and Japan and lead to regular export engagements for the consortium’s member SMEs. USAID support has also helped build Taytu’s capacity through professional development of staff and the establishment of a modern showcase and retail outlet in the Dembel City Center in October 2007. Through this retail outlet, Taytu has sold more than U.S. $50,000 of products locally.
Taytu’s products incorporate unique designs inspired by age-old Ethiopian traditions with the superb quality of Ethiopian leather and indigenous workmanship of the SMEs’ artisans. Initially supported by UNIDO and ITC, Taytu was formed five years ago to market its members’ leather and textile products to high-end Western markets. USAID’s ATEP joined UNIDO in 2007 to support the consortium’s institutional capacity building and marketing activities of the consortium. The international support for this group of Ethiopian companies has contributed to an encouraging upturn in sales that signals Ethiopian products’ potential to compete in the international high fashion market.
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For further information, media should contact:
USAID Agribusiness and Trade Expansion Program
4th Floor, Ki-ab Building, Alexander Pushkin Street
P.O.Box 70696, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia
Tel: 011-3720060 Fax: 011-3720102
www.ethiopiaag.org
www.fintrac.com
Obama remains statistically ahead for 10th straight day
PRINCETON, NJ — Barack Obama leads John McCain among registered voters across the country by a 50% to 42% margin in Gallup Poll Daily tracking from Oct. 3-5, the 10th straight day in which Obama has held a statistically significant lead.
This 10-day stretch of a significant Obama lead is the longest since he became the presumptive nominee back in early June, and the longest for either candidate at any point in the campaign. (To view the complete trend since March 7, 2008, click here.) Today’s result includes interviewing conducted Friday through Sunday, after the Oct. 2 vice presidential debate between Gov. Sarah Palin and Sen. Joe Biden, and after Friday’s passage of a revised economic rescue plan to help alleviate the Wall Street financial crisis.
The results suggest that neither of these events had a significant impact on voter preferences.
Looked at broadly, Obama’s percent of the vote has been within a very narrow range of 48% to 50% over the last ten days, and McCain’s has been within an equally narrow range of 42% of 44% over the same time period. These results suggest that aside from normal sampling error, the underlying dynamics of the race have become quite stable, and underscore the degree to which there has been little meaningful change in the race in well over a week.
The election has entered its final month, with the two remaining major campaign events being Tuesday night’s presidential debate in Nashville, and the final presidential debate on Oct. 15 at Hofstra University. Early voting is now open in many states, meaning that for some voters, the election is already over. — Frank Newport
(Click here to see how the race currently breaks down by demographic subgroup.)
The historic Deir al-Sultan monastery on the roof of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, in Jerusalem, is in danger of collapse. Its two chapels and the tiny rooms where its monks live could crumble, injuring the many tourists who visit the site, as well as the monks who live there, and even the ancient Church of the Holy Sepulchre itself. An engineer who examined the structures recently said the complex was a “danger to human life.” As long ago as 2004, before the situation worsened to its present emergency state, the Interior Ministry said it would pay for renovations. However, because of a long-standing dispute between the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, whose clergy live at the site, and the Coptic Church, which claims ownership of it, the parties have not managed to reach an agreement that would allow renovations to proceed. The Interior Ministry has made clear to various church officials over the years that it would pay for the work only if the various ownership issues were resolved among the denominations.
Deir al-Sultan monastery, Jerusalem
The head of the Ethiopian Church in Jerusalem, Archbishop Matthias, sent a letter about 10 days ago to Interior Minister Meir Sheetrit and to the minister in charge of Jerusalem affairs, Rafi Eitan, in which he warned of the sorry state of the complex as well as of his unwillingness to come to an agreement with the Copts. With regard to the Interior Ministry’s demand that the two denominations come to terms, the archbishop said: “This condition is completely unacceptable to us, since we do not recognize any right of the Coptic church in the area in question. Moreover, it is inconceivable that the implementation of emergency repairs at the holy site would be conditioned on the consent of the Coptic church. Indeed, there is disagreement between us and the Coptic church regarding the rights at the site in question, but that is precisely the reason we are turning to the Israeli authorities, as a neutral factor, to carry out the necessary repairs.”
Ethiopian Orthodox worshippers attend the “Holy Fire”
liturgy in the Ethiopian Church on the roof of the
Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem’s Old
City April 7, 2007. [Eliana Aponte, JERUSALEM]
The church commissioned an engineer’s report, submitted by Yigal Bergman of the construction supervision firm Milav, who wrote, among other things that the complex was in a “dangerous state of construction. The structures are full of serious engineering damage that creates safety hazards and endangers the lives of the monks and the visitors. This is an emergency … also due to the immediate danger to the site that would damage other parts of the nearby churches.” The report also highlighted dangerous problems in the electrical and sewerage infrastructure of the ancient buildings.
Deir al-Sultan monastery contains 26 small rooms for the use of Ethiopian monks, four service and storage rooms, a large open courtyard and two chapels, one above the other, which are entered from the courtyard and exit into the entrance plaza of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre below.
This is far from the first dispute between the denominations that share space in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre regarding its maintenance and the use of its various areas. Three large denominations have control of the church: the Greek Orthodox, the Armenian Orthodox and the Roman Catholics. Smaller denominations with rights in the church include the Ethiopian Orthodox and the Copts, as well as the Syriac Orthodox. One of the best known disputes between the communities surrounds the question of which denomination has the right to remove a ladder that was placed on a ledge outside an upper-floor window in the 19th century. Because no agreement has been forthcoming, the ladder stands there to this day, above the main entrance to the church.
The situation in Somalia has turned Code Red. Things are deteriorating very fast for Zenawi’s troops. The Al-Shabaab “jihadists” have taken over southern Somalia, and are ravenously eyeing Mogadishu. It is no longer “hit-and-run” guerrilla warfare. It is capture-and-stay. They have captured Kisimayo, a southern port town. They are staying. They are being “flooded with money” from supporters and backers throughout the Middle East. They have shut down the Mogadishu airport. Now they are vowing to do the same with the sea ports. The 2500 or so African Union peacekeepers from Uganda and Burundi are holed up in their garrisons in Mogadishu as the insurgents rain rocket-propelled grenades on them at will. Bombings, assassinations, piracy, kidnappings and hostage-taking are a daily fact of life in Somalia. There are no viable political solutions. The cost of the war both in terms of human lives and resources has become unbearable for Ethiopia, and Somalia. Zenawi’s forces are in full “strategic retreat” to Mogadishu. After nearly two years of intervention and occupation of Somalia, there are no signs of success; and an anniversary of total failure in the quicksand of Somalia awaits Zenawi this coming December. Could this be the end of Pax Zenawi in Somalia?
Zenawi realizes the jig is up in Somalia. For the past several weeks, he and his officials have been consistently dropping hints and insinuations of withdrawal. In his Ethiopian “new year” video interview last month, Zenawi declared triumphantly that he had fully achieved his primary objective of destroying and neutralizing the “jihadist” threat to Ethiopia. Success in stabilizing the Somali transitional government and bringing some measure of peace and reconciliation was “not 100 percent”. But Somalia is ready to host international peacekeepers, and he is ready to take out his troops. For Zenawi, the question is not whether to withdraw from Somalia, but “whether keeping Ethiopian forces in Somalia in the longer term would make a difference”? In other words, Zenawi wants out ASAP, but he needs to save face. He wants the U.N., the African Union or some other peacekeeping body to take over so that he can say he stabilized and brought peace to Somalia and is now withdrawing victoriously and honorably. That is unlikely to happen because there is no one out there willing to help him cover up the folly of his quixotic, imperial and hubristic misadventures in Somalia. Zenawi has no place to run but face the music.
The Way It Was…
Back in mid-December 2006, Zenawi denied any direct military involvement in Somalia. In an interview with the Washington Post, Zenawi explained that he had sent a few hundred soldiers into Somalia to provide training. “It is true we have troops in Baidoa, the capital, who are there to train forces of the transitional federal government, who are an internationally recognized government and who have officially asked for support from Ethiopia. . . . Now, if the transitional government does not want our trainers, we’d be happy to withdraw them. . .” He warned that “There is a group in the Islamic Movement in Mogadishu that is not interested in democratic secular government in Somalia, that is hell-bent on establishing a Taliban regime in Somalia. Now, you can facilitate the Talibanization of Somalia through dialogue. If that is the intention, it perhaps makes sense….” In early January, 2007, a triumphant Zenawi declared that his forces would remain in Somalia “for a few weeks” while the transitional government stabilizes the situation. “It is up to the international community to deploy a peacekeeping force in Somalia without delay to avoid a vacuum and a resurgence of extremists and terrorists.”
In May, 2007, Zenawi told Al Jazeera that he was not only providing training in Somalia, he had been invited by the transitional government to assist in fighting terrorists. “I think we should get the facts straight first. We did not invade Somalia. We were invited by the duly constituted government of Somalia, internationally recognized government of Somalia to assist them in averting the threat of terrorism. We did so.” Even though he had argued at the outset of the invasion that Somalia was the central front in the battle against Al Queida and international terrorism in the Horn of Africa, he denied any U.S. role in the invasion: “We did not fight a proxy war on behalf of the United States. Indeed, the United States was very ambivalent about our intervention, once we intervened of course the United States and much of the international community was supportive but in the initial phase before we intervened, everybody, including the United States was warning us that we might walk into a trap and a quagmire and that we should think twice before taking steps.” In October, 2007, he told his parliament: “So, rushing to pull out the army immediately would have entailed a situation for the already dismantled forces of terror in Somalia to regroup, and thereby to render void the sacrifices already made by the Ethiopian army.”
The Way it Is Now….
Today, things are going downhill in Somalia, and getting worse by the day. The Somali jihadist-talibanist-terrorists refuse to be vanquished. They have launched an Iraq-style insurgency. The civilian war casualty continues to increase by the day. An estimated 20,000 Somalis have died, mostly civilians, since the invasion. Over 1 million Somalis have been displaced. Upwards of 5 thousand of Zenawi’s troops are estimated to have been killed or severely injured in the Somali war. Amnesty International has documented massive human rights violations by Zenawi’s troops in Somalia including extrajudicial killings, torture, rape, beatings, arbitrary detentions, forced disappearances and collective punishments. Zenawi says it is all a “total fabrication”. There is no accountability for what Zenawi does in Somalia. As one opposition leader recently complained, “The government has irresponsibly refused to account on these two pertinent issues relating to the Ethiopian army’s deployment to Somalia. Every country’s parliament, even the public at large, has a right to know what its involvement is costing in terms of life and resources. We have been kept in the dark.” Under Zenawi’s watch, the “jhihadists” and “terrorists” in Somalia have not only grown stronger militarily, they have also expanded into new fields of terroristic operations. The Somali coast has become Piracy Central. Carrying cell phones, RPGs, speedboats and assorted small arms, the high tech Somali pirates are making it hazardous for commercial navigation on the Indian Ocean. Last week Zenawi complained: “We are very concerned about the level of piracy on the seas. It is related to the instability in Somalia. They could be used to destabilize the region and the whole situation on the high seas is a matter of great concern for all of us. We very much hope the international community will respond.” His foreign minister last week called upon the U.N. to deploy peacekeepers in Somalia “as soon as possible” or provide resources to strengthen the current African Union mission.
The Somali war has never been popular in Ethiopia. Unlike the war in Iraq, there was no one in Ethiopia who was for the Somali war before they were against it. Everybody was against it. Now there is even talk that “Ethiopia’s fractious political opposition is planning a unified parliamentary campaign to demand a complete withdrawal of Ethiopian troops from Somalia.” VOA reported recently that “opposition parties” have sent a letter to Zenawi “saying the sacrifice of lives and scarce financial resources had become unbearable.” Bulcha Demeksa stated matter-of-factly that the Somalis “resolved to fight against us, and they are fighting, and in my opinion they are winning.” But Zenawi’s official policy remains: “We can get out any time. We will not. We are not in a quagmire. But we cannot abandon the transitional government and Somali people. We have to see progress in reconciliation so we do not want to abandon them in middle of crisis in Somalia.”
Pax Zenawi (Zenawi’s Peace)
Zenawi’s invasion of Somalia was reckless and irresponsible. He glibly assured the world at the beginning of the invasion, “we will be out in a few weeks.” Now he realizes that the business of war is unpredictable, expensive and uncertain. After nearly two years, he has found that the Somali war has sapped the strength of his troops and depleted the limited resources of the country; and he has no diplomatic leverage over the various warring Somali elements to impose his quixotic vision of a Pax Zenawi on the Somali people which he can manipulate through a puppet client regime.
It is really hard to imagine what Zenawi had in mind where he decided to invade Somalia. From his public statements, one can infer that he must have had visions of a mini-empire in the Horn. He certainly had megalomaniacal visions of bringing peace, freedom and stability to Somalia (something he has been unable to bring to his own country over the past 17 years). He seems to have envisioned himself as a “Supercop” with the self-appointed responsibility of keeping law and order in the Horn. In December, 2006, he asserted a unilateral right to act as a Horn policeman and contain terrorism, and casually invited the world to join him after he kicked the rear ends of the “jihadists” in “a few weeks”. The potential implications of a Pax Zenawi in Somalia are as dangerous as they are laughable. Today Zenawi finds himself in Somalia like the frontier marshal portrayed by Gary Cooper in “High Noon” facing some nasty and wicked outlaws without help from the townsfolk. He stands alone against a vicious phantom “jihadist” enemy; and none of the Somali townsfolk, the Ethiopian people or the international community wants to help him fight them.
The fact of the matter is that Somalis are not interested in any peace imposed upon them by Zenawi. The gift of secular government Zenawi wants to offer the Somalis has few takers. For the last 17 years, the Somalis have been unable to come to terms with the basic facts of their national life. Maybe they prefer tribal and clan associations over an elected democratic national government. Maybe they’d rather have a theocratic state than a secular transitional government whose authority is more widely denied and held in contempt than recognized. They regard the members of the transitional government as collaborators. It’s up to them what they want. It is not up to Zenawi to impose upon them. Yet in his recent statements, Zenawi is implicitly threatening the international community that if they don’t send troops and/or provide resources, he may just quit and walk out. That would presumably embolden the Al-Shabaab and the local and foreign Islamist extremists; and Somalia would be swiftly consumed in a civil war and become an incubator for terrorists. That was the same plea he made back in December 2006. It is falling on deaf ears now. For nearly two years, he has been begging for more African Union for troops, and with the exception of Uganda and Burundi, none of the estimated 6,000 AU troops are likely to show up. The lame duck Bush Administration is bogged down with its own problems. Nobody seems to care much about the anticipated consequences Zenawi’s withdrawal from Somalia.
Zenawi’s dilemma in getting out of Somalia revolves around several issues: First, he believes that if he withdraws “precipitously” there will be civil war in Somalia. That is not convincing as Somalis have been in a state of clan wars, virtual civil wars, since the fall of the Barre regime in 1991. Second, an immediate or even a phased withdrawal will encourage and embolden the “jihadists” terrorist. The “jihadists” are already emboldened by the fact that they now virtually control most of southern Somalia. The only thing the continued occupation will do is increase their determination to get rid of the occupation forces. Third, the security and military capability of the transitional government must be strengthened or it will be overrun by Islamist forces. The problem with that argument is that it will take years to enhance the military capability and combat readiness of the transitional government forces. There are issues of clan loyalty, shifting clan alliances and resources that make such a thing nearly impossible. Fourth, an unscheduled withdrawal will undermine “Ethiopia’s credibility” and expose “our supporters in Somalia” to extreme danger, and damage the morale of Zenawi’s troops. Those supporters are in extreme danger now as attempts are being made almost daily to assassinate and attack them. The war has no popular support and morale has been down from the beginning. If Zenawi’s troops were given a choice between staying in Somalia and fighting a losing war or risking damage to their morale, they would take the latter, as would the Ethiopian people.
The painful fact is that invasion of Somalia was not in the national interest of Ethiopia. The invasion was illegal under international law and a colossal political mistake. It was morally wrong to invade a country and cause so much civilian death and displacement. At the time of the invasion, Somalia was in no position to militarily threaten Ethiopia. Today, the counterinsurgency is getting tougher by the day and is recruiting more fighters. It seems increasingly clear that it is well-funded and well-equipped to inflict maximum damage and sustain the insurgency for a very long time. The only real option is getting out of Somalia immediately and without preconditions.
No Exit Strategy
There are no good options left for Zenawi. His dream of creating a stable, pluralist, democratic, unitary state with strong constitutional protections in Somalia is as real as the mirages in the Somali desert. He has not been able to create a pluralist democratic society in Ethiopia in 17 years; it is unlikely he could do so in Somalia in 2 years. He also seems to have overplayed his hand in Somalia in trying to use the same old divide-and-rule strategy that has worked for him so well in Ethiopia. He found out that Somali history and the history of Ethiopian-Somali relationship can not be undone by a wave of the magic wand of divide-and-rule.
At this late stage in the game, Zenawi’s choices are limited. First, he can withdraw immediately, a strategy less affectionately known as “cut and run”. That would be the most rational thing to do. In other words, cut your losses in a lost war and run for the border. Zenawi says that would plunge Somalia into civil war and expose the transitional government to certain doom. But what he needs to realize is that much of the violence, insecurity and instability in Somalia today is a direct reaction to his occupation forces and his support for the transitional regime. Somalia has also been in a state of anarchy since 1991. Immediate withdrawal will more likely result in a decline in violence than a spike in it. The way things are shaping now, Zenawi will be forced to cut and run from Somalia. Analysis of his recent public statements seem to suggest that he is slowly building up courage to do just that. A phased withdrawal may also be an option. Perhaps a reassurance that occupying forces will leave Somalia might bring the warring factions together to hammer out a working arrangement.
His second option is to continue the occupation, that is an open-ended anti-jihadist counter-terrorism mission that will prove to be increasingly bloody, costly, and counterproductive. But even that is becoming more difficult as the “jhihadists” retake and control more territory and tighten the noose on Mogadishu. There are few occupied areas in Somalia where Zenawi’s forces or the transitional government can enforce their political rule, exercise civil authority and/or maintain law and order. If there exists any “government” in Somalia at all, it seems to exist in the form of non-political traditional social institutions such as clan elders, tribal militias, religious clerics, etc. Generally, the anecdotal data from composite news and published intelligence sources shows that Zenawi’s troops can no longer operate as an effective occupation force. They have been forced to abandon towns and strategic locations and go into virtual “force protection mode”. They remain in their fortified bases and are making little effort to go out and aggressively pursue the “jihadist terrorists”. They have been effectively neutralized by the “jihadists”.
Third, Zenawi can work to intensify regional/international diplomatic offensives. The problem is that no one seems to be interested. The AU has been unable to deliver on the promised peacekeepers and the U.N. has not been able to provide much more than moral support. So far he has only been able to engage in a diplomatic parlor game accusing opponents, “jihadists” and others of distorting his intentions and aims. He has not been able to get real commitment for a power sharing arrangement among the various factions. For whatever reasons, the Somalis do not appear interested in diplomatic solutions engineered by Zenawi.
Fourth, dump the transitional government and work with the “jihadists”. The fact of the matter is that the transitional government exists in name only. It can not provide the most basic functions and services. It has few units with any capability for sustained combat operations. It is unlikely that the government’s troops can be trained and equipped in such large numbers to become an effective fighting force in their own right in the foreseeable future. There is not much evidence to suggest that the forces of the transitional government are contributing significantly to the fight against the insurgents. It is also unlikely that Somali clan and militia leaders will make difficult compromises so long as there are foreign troops on their soil. Religious and nationalist opposition is on the rise and there is no support for the occupation forces and very little for the transitional government. After nearly two years of fighting in Somalia, it is clear that the insurgents are at least as strong now as they ever have been, and most likely much stronger as they now control large swaths of the country. Maybe it’s time to talk to them and cut a deal; perhaps cobble together a basis for a very loose “national” government and carve out territories for the various clan leaders to administer on their own. Then leave Somalia!
Fifth, Zenawi can maintain a prolonged strategic stalemate with the “jihadists”. Obviously, this is a very risky strategy. The presence of foreign troops in Somalia will always provoke resistance; and at best Zenawi can expect a bloody stalemate that will result in more civilian deaths, military casualties and incur huge costs. But it may be possible to continue to mount selective operations to keep pressure on the insurgents.
End Game: Time to Get the Hell Out of Dodge
The questions Zenawi needs to face are clear: Is Ethiopia or the international community safer from the threats of terrorism today than in December 2006? If he disengages, will Somalia be plunged into its former state of clan warfare (civil war) and politics? In as much as Zenawi has tried to fan the flames of terrorism in the Horn to get international support for his interventionary actions, support for his dictatorship in Ethiopia and avert sanctions for his massive human rights violations, his strategy for war and peace in Somalia has failed completely. As the old saying goes, “You can start a war whenever you want, but you can not stop it whenever you want.” That is Zenawi’s problem: How can he stop the war and get out of Somalia? The ultimate question is how to help Zenawi withdraw from Somalia without losing face, not how many Ethiopians or Somalis are dying or displaced. It is unlikely that he will admit defeat and error and pull the troops out. That is just not going to happen. The invasion of Somalia was a colossal misadventure. There will be no peace with honor to exit out of Somalia. Zenawi will leave Somalia in disgrace in six months, one year or however long it takes. That is the price of arrogance and hubris. As Scriptures teach: “When pride comes, then comes disgrace.” And “pride goes before destruction, and haughtiness before a fall.” (Proverbs 11:2, 16:18.)
Recently I traveled from London to morocco, Portugal and Spain respectively. In Morocco I visited Marrakech, Fez and Tangier, in Portugal Lisbon and in Spain Madrid. I enjoyed my long journey in which I used the four main means of transportation (train, ferry, buss and plane) and my stays in each of the above mentioned destinations were pleasant and educative.
Marrakech (The Red City)
Marrakech is a red, beautiful tourist destination in North Africa and comprises the Medina and the new
city. Its wonderful surrounding areas like the Atlas Mountains and the villages of the Berber people in the valley are some of tourist attractions. BY chance my hotel (Ryad Magaor) was located between the Medina and the new city that enabled me to see the two city parts plainly. The next day I was informed about an organized trip to the Atlas Mountains (eureka) and joined the group for which we paid a reasonable amount of money. The landscape, the small river that flows in the valley, the Berber
villages and the people who are engaged in traditional hand craft and oil production were memorable. During my three days stay at Marrakech I visited the market at Jama El Fana and the Grand Mosque. In the market I saw (touched) the dancing snakes; variety of traditional hand made fabrics and displayed nuts and pastry for sale.
Fez and its Ancient Medina
At 11am I left Marrakech for fez on 06/07/08 by train and it was a good opportunity for me to see the rural part of Morocco and the landscape. In Fez, I was greeted by the people in the hotel and a young man asked me if I need someone to help me see historical places. As I was persuaded by his approach and persistence agreed to pay some money to see the Medina.
In the morning the young man confirmed our visit to the Medina and introduced me Hisham who was later found to be his brother. Hisham tied his neckties lovely and has an elegant personality. His pretty good English language command helped me to learn more about fez than I initially anticipated. I loved my hotel room and enjoyed the hospitality of the people.
The next day we started our visit from the walls of the Medina which were built by the Almohads in the 12 century to protect it from enemies of Islam. I further visited different historical places including the famous Dar Ed Dbegh, the toners area and the market.
Then Hisham directed me towards the Zawiya of Moulay Idriss ii, Al Azhar or Idriss. He is the founder of Fez and built this historical building in the 11th Century. This is the most impressive place where I was absorbed and fascinated by the decoration on the front gate of the building. When I closely observed the architect and the decorations I came across with the Amharic/Ethiopian Scripts that has formed the shape of a flower and beautifully decorated the gate with great wisdom.
I have never heard or seen that the Amharic/Geez symbols were used in other places except I heard that Jesus was speaking this language. Well, as a researcher I have felt that there should be some interaction of culture and civilization as far as North Africa, as there has always been dealings between people. Amazing! I have also read that Moulay Idriss I founded Moulay Idriss in Zerhoun Region, 25 kilometers away from Meksenes town. The clearly scripted Amharic letters and the name Zerhoun my open a new study area which my give us important information about Africa as well as the
world at large.
Fez to Tangier
After 3 days in Fez I took a train and traveled to Tangier. Tangier is a beautiful port located at North end/cost of Morocco. Once you reach at Tangier you are so close to Europe. According to my informants from some points the distance between the land of Africa and Europe is less than 20 Km. Tangier, which is found at the edge of the Mediterranean Sea can fascinate anyone that arrives there.
Stayed the night at Tangier, the next day traveled to Europe (Algeciras) by Ferry across the marvelous, blue Mediterranean Sea. It took for the fast ferry only 3 hours to cross the sea and reach at the edge of Europe (Spain). When we approach the land I saw Gibraltar on the right and Algeciras on the left. During my school days I read about this area but now I can see it in my eyes right from the Mediterranean Sea. It was phenomenal.
Lisbon (the Historic City)
From Algeciras I had to get a buss and travel to Portugal. According to my itinerary/schedule I should arrive in Lisbon the next day. As planned I traveled to Seville and from there to Lisbon. My journey across Spain and Portugal took the whole night and finally arrived in Lisbon at around 8:30 am.
Lisbon was a special destination for me because of my interest in history and beyond that because of my country/Ethiopia’s ancient relation with Portugal. At school when I was 12 years old I read a book about the alliance between Ethiopia and Portugal. Their relationship reached at its highest peak in the 16th century and was so deep and genuine that cost them their dear and best citizens like Christopher Dagamma.
Cristovão da Gama (c.1516 – 29 August 1542) was a Portuguese soldier, who led a Portuguese army in Ethiopia (1541-1543) against the Muslim army of Imam Ahmad ibn Ibrihim al-Ghazi (also known as Ahmad Gragn). Christopher was the son of the great traveler, Vasco Dagama who discovered America and India. He was sent by King Imanue to Ethiopia to fight against Gragne so as to support the Christians. Many times in his travels he demonstrated a quick mind that saved his companions,
and in recognition for his usefulness, in 1541 his brother Estevão, now Viceroy of India, gave him command of a ship in the fleet Estavão led into the Red Sea against the Ottoman naval base at Suez.
Christopher landed at Massawa and Arqiqo, the next Ethiopian port south and began his trek inland to Debarwa, the capital of the Bahr Negus, or Ethiopian viceroy for the Northern provinces (recently called Eritrea).
According to legend Mohamme Gragne’s (which means left handed in Amharic) father was a Christian highlander Priest who was killed by other priests because of his love/relation with a Muslim woman Called Fatuma (mother of Mohammed Gragne).
Gragne’s father was killed because he went to church unknowingly with a Muslim garment which angered the priests in church and killed him with Mequamia (a stick of Ethiopian Orthodox Church priests) . Traumatized by his father’s killing Gragne hated Christians and developed great fighting skills which enabled him to attack the strongest Christian, solomonic dynasty in Showa/Ethiopia in collaboration with south Arabia.
When King Immanuel 1 I received a letter from King/Atse Libnedingle of Ethiopia that informed him how the Governor of Zabid in South Arabia was supporting Grange’s aggression to impose Islam on Christian highlanders and stressed the importance of their collaboration to defend their belief, King Imanuel was so saddened by the incidence and went to church in Lisbon and prayed for Ethiopia. Then he talked to the messengers of Ethiopia and sent his best army to fight along side their Ethiopian Christian friends. In this context we need to appreciate peoples/leaders passion, deep believes and great determinations of the 16 th century which have contributed hugely to the present human relations and progress.
Queen Sable Wengel who left Debre Brihan camped on the top of Mount Debre Damo that Ahmed had not been able to reduce her by siege and fought along side Christopher Dagama until her son Gelawdewos arrived from Shoa with his strong army to join them. Queen Sable Wengel advised Christopher Dagama that he should not launch a major war against Grange until her son joins them. But Christopher believed that failing to engage the invaders would make the natives distrust his troops, and they would then stop bringing food and supplies.
Having successfully petitioned the Governor of Zabid in South Arabia, as well as offering “much money” and submission to the official, Gragn received a number of musket men, far more than DaGama had. Despite their bravery, the Portuguese and Ethiopians were heavily defeated on 28 August at the Battle of Wofla, with only 170 surviving the assault (counting the 30 men escorting the horses from the Hill of the Jews). In the battle, DaGama’s arm was broken from a bullet, and was captured that
night with 14 companions and killed by Gragn Mohamed Emperor Gelawdewos, arrived from Shoa and they took measure of their situation. Using the arms stockpiled at Debre Damo, the Portuguese were able to rearm themselves, and with the promise of their ability Gelawdewos was able to raise a new
army, which met Ahmad Gragn at Wayna Daga (Gonder). The Portuguese musket men aimed their fire only at the Gragn’s musket men who had played a decisive part at Wofla and stormed the enemy’s camp. While the sources differ on the exact details, all agree that Ahmad Gragn was killed by the allied forces of Ethiopia and Portugal in Gondar at Woina Dega.
History Repeats Itself?
While visiting Lisbon I contemplated the current difficult situation of Ethiopia and the effort that has been made by Anna Gomez who was the Head of the European Union’s Observer Mission during the 2005 elections in Ethiopia. She is a Portuguese and was the one who boldly informed the world that the election under the undemocratic and unpopular ethnocentric group was not a free and faire one. She further stood alongside the peace loving and the Ethiopian people by denouncing the November
2005 massacre in Addis Ababa. Nevertheless things are still complicated and our people are suffering from the incumbent criminal ethnic group that damaged the people’s unity and the countries territorial integrity. We always appreciate Anna’s integrity and honesty which are the main indicators of responsible people.
Lisbon to Madrid
My next destination was Spain’s Madrid and I left Lisbon for Madrid by train on 13/07/08, in the evening. My journey took the whole night. The train seemed to be in hurry to reach Madrid and crossed several cities and towns in Portugal and Spain. I was so eager to see my next destination (Spain). Early in the morning I moved the curtain in the train and started to look outside at the lovely rural green landscape, mountains, grazing animals and rivers. When the sun rose it was marvelous and felt something unusual. I asked the people in the train, if the sunrise in Spain is different from other countries. Yes, they confirmed that. It was a bright, lovely morning. Sun+! The fast train galloped across the beautiful land of Europe it looks as if the speed accelerated because of the suns light. I have many Spanish acquaintances and hence Madrid was another exciting city for me. During my stay in Madrid I used tourist busses and walked longer distances in this marvelous city. I enjoyed the weather, amazed by the size, beauty and its friendly people.
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The writer can be reached at [email protected]
KOSICE, SLOVAKIA – 30-year-old Ethiopian Dejene Yirdawe dominated the 85th International Peace Marathon in Kosice, East Slovakia. The oldest Marathon in Europe was staged this morning in cold conditions (8-10 degrees) and in strong winds (partly up to 8 metres/second), but there was no rain as on Saturday.
Dejene Yirdawe takes the Kosice Marathon with a PB
2:10:51 (MMM Kosice)
Yirdawe increased the pace after the 24th kilometre, leaving even pacemaker David Makori behind when the tempo became faster than the required 3:05 per kilometre. Yirdawe ended his solo successfully in 2:10:51, a personal best and the second best ever in the history of the event after last year’s course record 2:09:53 by Kenyan William Biama.
The Ethiopian was competing in his third Marathon (2:11:08 last year in Dublin and 2:14:11 this year in Tempe) and became the third Ethiopian male to win in Kosice after such legends as Abebe Bikila (1961) and Demissie Wolde (1969).
In a close battle for second three Kenyans finished within eight seconds of each other. Second place went to Jonathan Kibet who clocked his second best ever 2:12:23, beating Joseph Mutiso to third (2:12:25) and Sammy Rotich to fourth (2:12:31), who missed his PB by only 26 seconds). The winner won 12,000 Euro.
“It was great race for me, without the wind I think I would be able to run under 2:09,” Yirdawe said. The top four times were included into top-6 of all-time in Kosice.
The city course (2 laps) proved to be fast, the first sign of which came back in 1997 at IAAF World Half Marathon Championships when for the first time the one hour barrier was broken at this event.
Top three women registered new personal bests. Winner Selina Chelimo of Kenya in her fifth Marathon achieved 2:34:23, the third fastest in the history of the event. It was also first Kenyan female victory here. A pari of Ethiopians, finishing second and third, debuted well in difficult windy conditions. Firehiwot Dado clocked 2:37:34 and junior Radiya Adlo (born 1989) 2:39:21. Kenyan Eunice Korir, who was fourth, achieved 2:42:34, but she hoped for her first sub-2:40. For the female winner the prize money was 6000 Euro.
The Slovak national champions were Imrich Pastor (he was also best European) who defended his title in ninth (2:26:05), and surprisingly Ingrid Petnuchova (6th) who improved to 2:48:23, to become the sixth best Slovak woman of all-time. In total more than 4000 runners from 34 countries competed in all races and categories.
Alfons Juck for the IAAF
Leading Results:
Men –
1. Dejene Yirdawe, ETH 2:10:51 PB (12,000 E)
2. Jonathan Kibet, KEN 2:12:23 (5000)
3. Joseph Mutiso, KEN 2:12:25 (3000)
4. Sammy Rotich, KEN 2:12:31 (2000)
5. Benson Cheruiyot, KEN 2:15:56 (1000)
6. Hussan Adelo, ETH 2:16:21 (600)
7. Joseph Lagat, KEN 2:16:46 (500)
8. Philip Bandawe, ZIM 2:24:13 (200)
9. Imrich Pastor, SVK 2:26:05 nat. champion (150)
10. William Kiptoo, KEN 2:26:09 (100)
Women –
1. Selina Chelimo, KEN 2:34:23 PB (6000)
2. Firehiwot Dado, ETH 2:37:34 PB (debut, 2500)
3. Radiya Adlo, ETH 2:39:21 PB (debut, junior, 1500)
4. Eunice Korir, KEN 2:42:34 (1000)
5. Mariya Butakova, BLR 2:46:15 (500)
6. Ingrid Petnuchova, SVK 2:48:23 PB, nat. champion (300)
7. Ivana Martincova, CZE 2:49:24
8. Nataliya Lehonkova, UKR 2:53:06
9. Valentina Delion, MDA 2:53:46
– (no others sub-3:00)
