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Ethiopia

U.S. encourages Ethiopia to stay out of Somalia

NAIROBI, July 4 (Reuters) – The United States will encourage [the Woyanne tribal junta in] Ethiopia not to return to Somalia as it would be against the interests of both Horn of African nations, Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs Johnnie Carson said on Saturday.

Ethiopia Woyanne invaded Somalia in late 2006 to topple an Islamist movement in the capital Mogadishu. The intervention sparked an Islamist insurgency which is still raging despite the fact Ethiopian troops pulled out in January.

“The Ethiopian government continues to look very closely at developments in Somalia,” Carson told Reuters in Kenya ahead of a visit to Ethiopia on Monday.

“Given the long-standing enmity between Somalis and Ethiopians Woyannes I will encourage the Ethiopians not to re-engage in Somalia. It is not in their interest to do so and their efforts might in fact prove counterproductive to the government,” he said in an interview.

Neighbours and Western governments fear that if the Somali administration is overthrown, the lawless nation will become a safe haven for al Qaeda to train militants to destabilise the region and attack developed nations.

Residents in several regions of Somalia have reported seeing Ethiopian Woyanne soldiers in the past two months. Addis Ababa initially denied this but later acknowledged it had made “reconnaissance” missions. It still insists no combat troops are in Somalia.

“Ethiopia has a right to defend its borders, should do so vigorously if individuals cross into their territory, and their efforts should be directed at defense of their territory and not necessarily involvement inside of Somalia,” Carson said.

NO DECISION ON TOUGHER MANDATE

Carson held talks with senior officials from all Horn of Africa countries, including the Eritrean foreign minister, during an African Union summit in Libya this week.

Washington has accused Eritrea of supporting the hardline al Shabaab insurgents who are fighting to oust Somali President Sheikh Sharif Ahmed. It says Eritrea has aided the movement of weapons and foreign fighters into Somalia.

Carson said Eritrea strongly denied the accusations.

The rebels, who have links to al Qaeda and want to impose their own harsh version of sharia law throughout the country, control much of southern Somalia and parts of the capital Mogadishu close to the president’s palace.

A 4,300-strong African Union peacekeeping force (AMISOM) from Uganda and Burundi is protecting key sites in Mogadishu but appeals for more troops and a stronger mandate allowing them to go on the offensive have yet to bear fruit.

Carson said a battalion of soldiers from Burundi, about 800 troops, was ready to deploy as soon as an airlift is provided and that Djibouti had pledged to help with military force.

“They are a small country with a small military but they have indicated that they believe the situation is serious enough to warrant their support,” Carson told Reuters.

“They believe that it is important to support Sheikh Sharif and to prevent his government from falling and they are prepared to provide more support than they have in the past, including manpower,” he said.

Carson said Washington had yet to decide whether the AMISOM mandate should be beefed up. There had been hopes African leaders would agree to this in Libya but wording to that effect in a draft resolution was dropped.

“We will study it closely in Washington and make a determination as to whether it is in our interests to encourage an expanded mandate as this goes forward,” he said.

Washington helps fund the AMISOM force and has sent weapons to the Somali government to support its fight against the rebels. Carson told reporters it would send more.

“The United States will continue to look for ways to provide support,” he said. “This will include military support in terms of arms and munitions and material resources, but not manpower.”

Ambassador Johnnie Carson speaks on U.S.-Eritrea relation

PRESS CONFERENCE: Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs and former US Ambassador to Kenya Johnnie Carson

Mr Carson: We have actively sought to engage the Eritreans to encourage them not to support al-Shabaab, not to send money or ammunition to al-Shabaab, not to allow their country to be a conduit for resources to al-Shabaab. We have encouraged them not to allow foreign fighters to pass through their country. All of these things are on the diplomatic side. We have provided arms and munitions to allow the TFG to push back al-Shabaab in order to gain the stability which is absolutely essential for that country to be able to begin to deliver services to people. I would love nothing better than to be able to say to you that the situation on the ground in southern Somalia is such that we have been able to put money into schools, into educational material, into the re-establishment of clinics and hospitals and to the training of nurses and to the re-establishment of electricity and water services. This is what the goal is. Our goal is to find a way to stabilize the situation and then encourage the TFG to begin that process of state building and delivery of services to its population.

Q: Corruption is an issue closely tied to the effectiveness of development assistance. What can the United States do to help eradicate corruption and promote transparency?

A: Corruption undermines the ability of governments to deliver services, and it siphons off resources into private pockets. We have to make it a topic of conversation with government officials. We have to work with civil society to give them the courage to speak out about it. We have to work with the local media so that they will expose it. We have to work with prosecutors so that they have the courage to prosecute and with judges to have the conviction to convict.

And if we see mega-corruption going on and individuals who are profiting from it, and we have evidence that they are not being prosecuted, we should look at new methods to identify and to stigmatise and to punish, to the extent that we can, those individuals who are engaged in corruption.

Q: Where do you see governments tackling corruption in a serious way?

I think that there are some countries that are exemplars and will remain exemplars. The government of Botswana does an excellent job. Mauritius does an excellent job. The Tanzania government does an excellent job. I recall that within the last year, a senior government official in Tanzania was removed from office because of serious allegations of corruption.

Q: Let’s talk about Somalia. Why has the administration decided to engage in a new way with the Transitional Federal Government, including the supply of arms and ammunition?

A: The instability that has prevailed in Somalia for the last 20 years has become a cancer. We now have a war-torn society where probably 60 to 70 per cent of the people are dependent upon food aid from the outside. We see the population of Mogadishu having declined by some two-thirds as a result of the fighting in and around the city, and we see unemployment among youth at astronomical levels. Southern Somalia is a humanitarian problem of enormous proportions.

But it’s not just Somalia itself. The cancer has started to metastasise, spreading across the border into Kenya. Today the Dadaab refugee camp in northern Kenya has some 270,000 refugees. That camp, which was established about a decade and a half ago, was built to handle 90,000.

It is estimated by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees that some six to seven thousand Somalis are crossing the border into northeast Kenya every day. Eastleigh, a suburb in the northern part of Nairobi, [has become] the largest Somali city. There is enormous pressure on the Kenyan government to handle the refugees and provide the infrastructure needed to cater to them.

Moreover, the problem of Somalia has contributed to the tensions between Ethiopia and Eritrea. It is clear that the Eritrean government is supporting the al-Shabaab militia. It is not because they are in support of Islamist or extremist [elements]. They are doing this largely as a way to undermine and to pressure the Ethiopian government.

Q: How effective are arms going to be in addressing that issue? Why military as opposed to development aid?

A: We have tried to make it very, very clear that diplomacy is primary and that support for stability inside of Somalia is what we are doing. We support the ‘Djibouti process’, which helped to create the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) and we support the TFG, the government of Sheikh Sharif. The Djibouti process has been endorsed by Kenya, and by the AU.

We have actively sought to engage the Eritreans to encourage them not to support al-Shabaab, not to send money or ammunition to al-Shabaab, not to allow their country to be a conduit for resources to al-Shabaab. We have encouraged them not to allow foreign fighters to pass through their country. All of these things are on the diplomatic side.

We have provided arms and munitions to allow the TFG to push back al-Shabaab in order to gain the stability which is absolutely essential for that country to be able to begin to deliver services to people. I would love nothing better than to be able to say to you that the situation on the ground in southern Somalia is such that we have been able to put money into schools, into educational material, into the re-establishment of clinics and hospitals and to the training of nurses and to the re-establishment of electricity and water services. This is what the goal is. Our goal is to find a way to stabilise the situation and then encourage the TFG to begin that process of state building and delivery of services to its population.

Q: You have said that you are willing to engage Eritrea in a dialogue. Is that happening?

A: Absolutely. After I took over as the assistant secretary, the Eritrean ambassador came to my office and indicated to me that it was the first time he had been into the office of the Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs since he had come to Washington.

I told him that the United States clearly wanted to see if we could return to a more normal relationship and that I was prepared to go out to speak with [Eritrean] President Isaias to begin such a dialogue. But I also made it very clear that, in order to move forward, there would have to be some understanding and some cooperation on key issues that affect the Horn of Africa today.

Q: On Sudan, following the multi-party talks in Washington, convened by President Obama’s special envoy for Sudan, Scott Gration, how has the administration decided to engage with the government headed by President Omar al-Bashir, who faces an arrest warrant from the International Criminal Court (ICC) – but also is key to resolving the crisis in Darfur and the north-south conflict?

A: I look at it as engaging with the government broadly to achieve important objectives that we share with many in Sudan, both north and south, and with many across Africa and the international community. We think that it is absolutely critical that the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), signed in January 2005, be fully implemented, and that the people of southern Sudan have a right, in 2011, to hold a referendum which will determine their future.

We think it is also important that the issues of the boundary between the north and south be resolved. One of the more positive things to come out of this very successful conference is a commitment on both sides to accept the arbitration ruling on the border of Abyei.

Gen. Gration has been trying to stop the humanitarian nightmare that has existed in Darfur for far too long and to help to bring about a long-term political settlement in the Darfur crisis. We should use our diplomatic power as effectively as we can to help bring a solution to each of these problems.

Notwithstanding all of this, an arrest warrant has been issued for Bashir by the ICC for war crimes in Darfur. He should do the right thing and face those charges.

Daily Nation

African ‘Union’ thieves vote not to back al-Bashir’s indictment

IRTE, Libya (Reuters) – African Union heads of state voted yesterday not to cooperate with the International Criminal Court in its indictment of Sudanese President Omar Hassan al-Bashir.

“(The African Union) decides that in view of the fact that a request of the African Union (to defer al Bashir’s indictment) has never been acted upon, the AU member states shall not cooperate pursuant to the provisions of Article 98 of the Rome Statute of the ICC relating to … the arrest and surrender of Sudanese President Omar al Bashir to the ICC,” a text of the resolution obtained by Reuters said.

Two delegates told Reuters the resolution had been adopted by the AU heads of state summit.

War crimes

The 53-member organisation wants a deferment of the indictment over war crimes carried out during fighting in Sudan’s Darfur region, saying the warrant for Bashir’s arrest compromises peace efforts in Darfur.

Reed Brody, legal counsel for New-York based Human Rights Watch, told reporters at the summit: “This is going to give … comfort to a man who is accused of some of the worst crimes of our time.

However, he said it was not clear what practical effect the resolution would have because 30 African countries have signed up to the ICC and remain legally obliged to arrest Bashir if he visits.

Sudan said today its president was now free to travel across Africa.

“The president is free to travel anywhere in Africa, including those countries that have ratified the ICC’s Rome statute,” said Sudan’s foreign ministry spokesman Ali al-Sadig.

Bashir did not attend the inauguration of South African President Jacob Zuma in May, amid reports Pretoria had warned Khartoum that the Sudanese leader could be arrested.

The spokesman said he thought the African Union’s decisions were immediately binding on members, so Bashir would not have to wait for further approval from the parliaments of each state.

Rights group Amnesty International criticised the AU vote, saying it undermined the credibility of the 53-member body.

“This decision by the African Union member states shows a disdain for those in Darfur who suffered gross human rights violation and makes a mockery of the AU as an international body,” said Amnesty Africa director Erwin van der Borght.

UK Parliamentarians’ Advice Regarding Ethiopia

Posted on

By Obang MethoOn June 16, 2009 something significant happened. For the first time, the Parliament of the United Kingdom opened up the doors to the House of Commons and gave the stage to Ethiopians in order to learn more from them about the grave human rights violations, including genocide, the pervasive injustice and the rampant corruption going on in Ethiopia under the government of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi.

This is a sign of progress for which we can be thankful. In the past, Ethiopians have rallied in front of the U.K Parliament building; delivering letters to public officials who may or may not have responded, but this time, Ethiopians themselves have been given the opportunity to give details about what is going on back home.

Thanks to Third World Solidarity, an organization made up of parliamentary members interested in issues affecting the Third World, we were given this opportunity. A special thanks to Mr. Mushtaq Lasharie, Honorable David Anderson and   for being “fighters for justice” whose focus goes beyond their borders to those who have little political clout in this increasingly complex, and sometimes exploitive, world.

I give much appreciation to my fellow Ethiopians in the UK who organized this event, preparing far in advance by making the strategic contacts that made this event possible. Many worked very hard to make this as successful as it turned out to be. I thank those Ethiopians who invited me, those of you who attended the event and those Ethiopians who did their share by contributing money for most of my air ticket—friends in Canada, Denmark, Norway, England and the US—making it possible to participate in this strategic opportunity.

It had an impact which can be seen from the quick reaction from the EPRDF government’s Ethiopian Ambassador to Britain who was heard on Voice of America denying that any such meeting took place; later explaining that it was simply a fundraising banquet with no parliament members present; and still later, admitting that there were some members present. However, I am not worried about what the ambassador says as such disclaimers are predictable from a government grounded on lies and immorality.

The main highlights of the meeting

Let me quickly summarize some of the main highlights of the meeting followed later by personal comments from elected officials in the UK, Canada and the US. The meeting was opened by Chairman of the Third World Solidarity, MP David Anderson, who greeted the people with graciousness and warmth.
He said he hoped that by the end of the meeting, we all could come up with a concrete plan to ease the suffering of the Ethiopian people. For me, as he spoke in his deep voice about his passion for the common good and justice, it fed my hope that Ethiopians are not alone.

After he finished his talk, Third World Solidarity Councilor Mr. Lasharie, explained their mission and the role they might take in working with Ethiopians. He said that their organization was formed to work on these kinds of issues—like human rights, injustice, equality, democracy and fair elections—and that this House of Commons was now being opened to Ethiopians in order for to tell the Parliament what was going on in their country. He finished his talk with the same warm appeal to Ethiopians. He addressed Ethiopians, “We are here to work with you and don’t think this is the end. It is just the beginning!”

He was followed up by Mr. Satterlee, the same person who had produced a documentary on the Ethiopian drought of 1984. Mr. Satterlee’s main point emphasized that many of the problems facing Ethiopians would be corrected were there good government in the country. He stated, “The Ethiopia of today is the same place it was in 1980, but with good governance, the very hardworking and capable people of Ethiopia could feed themselves. The lack of good leaders and government today is the reason why Ethiopians are still starving today.”

Mr. Kefale Alemu, an Ethiopian and a member of Third World Solidarity, spoke next. He gave an eloquent introduction to the presentation from Ethiopians, sharing the purpose of the meeting and explaining that the things people take for granted in the UK, do not exist in Ethiopia—like good government, equality under the rule of law, the opportunity to vote and the most basic of civil rights such as freedom to express oneself. He said he hoped that the meeting would expose the kinds of oppressive conditions under which Ethiopians are currently living.

I spoke next on the agenda and then showed the video that provided documentation of the genocide and other gross human rights crimes going on in Ethiopia that is now available online.

After me, a wonderful Ethiopian man presented, Mr. Zelalem Tessema. This is my first time meeting with him, but as he spoke, his sense of humor and the way he expressed himself, grabbed everyone’s attention.  He spoke of the lack of democratic rights, giving specific examples from the past Ethiopian National Election of 2005 and documentation of the efforts being made by the current regime to close off any political space before the next election in May of 2010.

He utilized an illustration of a child’s game where “the elephant always won” because he kept changing the rules to fit his interests. This man really exposed the regime, citing many examples of its aggressive attacks against democracy. I was so proud of him. He spoke about why the previous election did not work and why the next one will not work either. Despite all of these negative things, he ended up giving a message of hope by saying, “If Ethiopians can really stand and work together and if the UK and other donor countries can stand on the side of the people, things can be changed.”

He was inspiring as he gave hope to all of us that if we could work together, Ethiopia could be lifted up to become a more prosperous nation. I learned that he has multiple language, speaking Oromo, Amharic and English. He is also a humble man who during the middle of the rally in the UK, called on the people to pray to God for divine help. He told them that God would not forget them. He is a true Ethiopian.

Mr. Wondmu Mekonnen spoke next about the misuse of aid money to Ethiopia and about the rampant corruption going on in the country under this regime. I already knew Wondmu. He is one of the wonderful people I have met through working on this struggle and I count him as an example of one of the many Ethiopians who has enriched my life. To me, he is a brother, a mentor, a friend and a fellow countryman. People like brother Wondmu are the reason why I strongly believe that a new Ethiopia is not only probable, but very possible.

People like him have the intellect, the compassion for others, the generosity and the love of their country that is necessary for Ethiopia to be transformed from a country of pain to one of peace and from one of misery to one of prosperity.

Mr. Wondmu has worked with the SMNE from the very beginning and he has become one of the key leaders of the SMNE in London.  He does not belong to any one group, but to the whole of Ethiopia. His love for his people and his country is something you can see through his talk, his voice, his smile and his body language. He used to be a professor of economics at Addis Ababa University and now that he is in London, he is a professor at the University of Birmingham—as he says, going from “A” to “B.” Yet, he said that were peace to come to Ethiopia peace, he would be in Ethiopia because there is much greater need there, but that the lack of security, hope and good government is the reason he is in London.

He knew his material, exposing the corruption in Ethiopia from the inside out. Using projectors and documentation uncovered in extensive research, he showed extensive financial information regarding aid and what happened to it. He visually showed in detail how this regime “is sucking the resources and depleting the country.” Mr. Wondmu ended up encouraging both Ethiopians and non-Ethiopians to never turn their backs on this country and to not lose hope. As a good professor always does, he had control of the room and some of the parliamentarians later commented on the impact of his presentation.

The last person to speak was Ms. Sabra Mohammed. Her topic was human rights violations against women and children. She is not Ethiopian born, but was born in Russia; however, when she had gone to Ethiopia many years ago as a music teacher, she was so won over by the hospitality of the Ethiopian people, that she fell in love not only with the people but also the country. She now calls herself a proud Ethiopian. Her love of Ethiopia was the reason she was deported out of Ethiopia not one time, but five times.

In her presentation, she described in detail how horribly the TPLF had treated her; dehumanizing her and separating her from her children and family and treating her like a criminal despite not being guilty of anything except loving Ethiopia. She said the TPLF government has violated many women’s rights; an recent example being that of imprisoned opposition leader, Birtukan Mideksa. She ended her presentation by fervently calling all Ethiopian people to join together, regardless of ethnicity, skin color or religion, to fight this “terrorist regime” and “to free the Ethiopian people from the prison they are now in.”

She called on the British parliament to stand together with the Ethiopian people and to stop funding the regime that was acting in opposite ways to all those principles on which Britain had been founded. She affirmed that she would always be wherever Ethiopians were fighting for justice and she hoped that Ethiopians would know that they could always count on her to be with them.

We Ethiopians are more than capable—with God’s help—of transforming Ethiopia from being a “beggar nation” to a “better nation.”

I was so proud of the Ethiopian presenters who delivered their message with such articulation and professionalism; giving me reason for believing that we Ethiopians are more than capable—with God’s help—of transforming Ethiopia from being a “beggar nation” to a “better nation.” If these kinds of people would be in Ethiopia, running the country, instead of in exile throughout the world, most of us would go back home and those in Ethiopia, would not be searching for ways to leave.

The room was packed with Ethiopians who came, showing their concern and support. All these things are sources of hope. Beyond that, a brother from the Ogaden stood up during the question and answer period and said, “We are all being killed the same; we need each other and we must united and stand together against this regime!” This audience gave him a standing ovation and enthusiastically applauded the acknowledgement that we Ethiopians have more in common with each other than what separates us.

This is a beautiful vision of what a “New Ethiopia” might be like; that is, if increasingly more Ethiopians decide to value “humanity before ethnicity!” This part is up to us, but there is more we need to do as well. Outsiders can help us, but they will not and should not be expected “to do it for us.” In other words, we cannot sit back and wait for someone else to free us. Too many Africans go to free countries and plead, “…please free us,” but fail to recognize their own responsibility. Let us not make that same mistake!

UK MP George Bruce ended the meeting by saying, “Africa is a wonderful place but failed to produce good leaders who were cared for the people.  The root cause could be blamed on the colonizers, but in the case of Ethiopia, you were not colonized so you cannot blame the British, like others who were colonized in Africa can do.  I know that Ethiopians are good people and from what I learned today, I can see that you are ready to create a good government and to determine your own destiny. I will advocate for you. This means I will go to all of the elected parliament members I know to educate them to be on the side of the Ethiopian people.”

This ended a highly successful meeting, marking the beginning of a shared effort between these elected officials, representatives from Third World Solidarity and the people of Ethiopia. In a companion article, Part Two, I will share what I learned in my follow-up with some of these MP’s, as well as with other elected officials and key people in Canada and the US.  They have some very good advice for us to further our partnership and our effectiveness.

May God bring new partners together in effective ways!

(The author, Obang Metho, Executive Director of the Solidarity Movement for a New Ethiopia, can be reached at  [email protected])

Obama's Africa visit prompts disappointments in Nigeria, Kenya

By Nick Tattersall

LAGOS (Reuters) — U.S. President Barack Obama’s choice of Ghana for his first official trip to Africa next week has triggered a bout of self-questioning in Nigeria and Kenya, where many see his itinerary as a deliberate snub.

The first black U.S. president is keen to hold Ghana up as a democratic model for Africa, where polls are too often marred by vote-rigging and violence, denting the pride of states which consider themselves equally important and worthy of a visit.

“Part of the reason is because Ghana has now undergone a couple of successful elections in which power was transferred peacefully,” Obama told the AllAfrica news website, when asked why he had chosen to visit Ghana (allafrica.com).

“Countries that are governed well, that are stable, where leadership recognizes that they are accountable to the people and that institutions are stronger than any one person, have a track record of producing results for the people. And we want to highlight that,” he said.

Nigeria, Africa’s most populous nation and a major supplier of oil to the United States, was already sensitive to the growing clout of its regional rival, particularly since Ghana is itself due to become an oil producer by the end of next year.

Endemic corruption, shambolic infrastructure and weak regulation in the so-called “Giant of Africa” — or “Sleeping Giant” as some weary Nigerians call it — have already pushed some international companies to relocate.

In contrast to Ghana, which in January held a closely contested election that brought former opposition leader John Atta Mills peacefully to power, Nigeria has an appalling record on organizing transparent polls.

The April 2007 vote which brought President Umaru Yar’Adua to power was so marred by ballot-stuffing and intimidation that local and foreign observers said it was not credible.

Critics of Yar’Adua — who have dubbed him “Baba Go-Slow” for lack of progress on everything from the fight against corruption to providing reliable power supply — say Obama’s snub should make his administration sit up and think.

“If Obama decides to grace Nigeria with his presence, I will stone him,” Nigerian Nobel prize-winning writer Wole Soyinka was quoted by Nigerian newspapers as saying.

“The message he is sending by going to Ghana is so obvious, is so brilliant, that he must not render it flawed by coming to Nigeria any time soon,” he said.

BACKSLIDING

In Kenya, those trying to put a positive spin on the planned itinerary said it would have been seen as favoritism for Obama, whose father was born in Kenya, to visit his ancestral homeland.

But it is seen as a deliberate snub by others, especially critics of President Mwai Kibaki’s coalition government, formed after deadly post-election violence in 2008. They see it as a sign of U.S. disapproval of nepotism in Kenya’s political elite.

“We have seen progress over the last several years in some cases, though we’re also seeing some backsliding,” Obama said in the AllAfrica interview, broadcast on YouTube.

“In my father’s own country of Kenya, I’m concerned about how the political parties do not seem to be moving into a permanent reconciliation,” he said.

The coalition government, formed after mediation by former U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan, has failed to make much progress on political reforms. Kenya still ranks as the most corrupt country in east Africa, according to watchdog Transparency International.

Renowned cartoonist Gado, of the Daily Nation newspaper, depicted Air Force One jetting over Kibaki and Prime Minister Raila Odinga with a note spiraling down from the plane:

“Get your act together -B. Obama,” it said.

Odinga, who comes from the Luo ethnic group like Obama’s father, said it was wrong to read too much into the president’s itinerary, pointing out that he was also not visiting influential nations such as South Africa and Nigeria.

“Ghana is symbolic. It was the first African country to gain independence from Britain in 1957. Ghana is very advanced in its transition to democratic form of governance. So it’s perfectly logical,” he told Reuters.

Not all see it the same way.

“It’s like him visiting (the Welsh capital) Cardiff but not London,” said one disgruntled Nigerian resident.

The Ethiopia-Tucson-Boise Love Triangle

By Rachael Daigle | Boise Weekly

Tucson, Arizona — Ethiopian. That’s my new restaurant request to all you potential restaurateurs out there. Don’t worry, I’m not holding my breath.

Six years ago, former BW staffer Cynthia Sewell, who’s now a reporter for the Idaho Statesman, handed me a list of things to do while I was in Tucson, Ariz., for a weekend. On the list was a recommendation for an Ethiopian restaurant. I never made it on that trip, but for six years, I’ve managed to remember that there’s a fabulous Ethiopian restaurant somewhere in Tucson.

Last week, BW Publisher Sally Freeman, Art Director Leila Ramella-Rader, News Editor Nathaniel Hoffman and I were in Tucson for our trade association’s annual convention, and from deep within the recesses of my memory, I pulled out Sewell’s Ethiopian suggestion. I didn’t remember the name, but a quick search–thanks to the wonders of Google and iPhone–led us to Zemam’s Ethiopian Cuisine.

I’ll be honest. From the outside, Zemam’s ain’t much of a looker. Housed in one of those stucco boxes that passes for a building throughout the southwest, Zemam’s doesn’t have much curb appeal. But, as most foodies know, some of the best restaurants are those that aren’t going to win any architectural awards.

We each ordered a three-dish combo, all of which came served on one giant metal platter with 12 modest piles of food and sheets of spongy injera not only between the platter and the food, but also on the side. Silverware is not part of the Ethiopian table setting, and the family style meal is not for those afraid of finger food or their tablemates’ germs. If you can get over your American predisposition to flatware and antibacterial hand sanitizer, you’ll be glad you did.

Without an Ethiopian option in Boise, why am I telling you about it? Because believe it or not, there’s an Idaho connection. Owner Amanuel Gebremariam lived in Moscow before moving to the Sonoran Desert, but more importantly, the teff Gebremariam uses to make Zemam’s injera is Idaho-grown by the Teff Company in Caldwell.

I called them first thing Monday morning to ask a couple of questions, but as of press time, I hadn’t heard back. According to the company’s Web site, the Teff Company “has been supplying the Ethiopian and Eritrean communities for nearly 20 years with American-grown Maskal Teff.”

Hell, you just never know what’s growing in Idaho and for that matter, just where in the world you’ll find yourself eating a little closer to home than you expected.

Family Wine and Dine of the Week

Rather than get all dolled up for an expensive night of wining and dining, keep it low key with the kids this holiday weekend.

Zoo Boise hosts its second Zoofari event of the summer with dinner for the family in addition to zoo wandering, storytelling and animal feedings. Cost includes admission to the zoo as well as a hot dog, chips, a drink and an ice cream treat.