(BBC) A joint undercover investigation by BBC Newsnight and the Bureau of Investigative Journalism has uncovered evidence that the Ethiopian government is using billions of dollars of development aid as a tool for political oppression.
Posing as tourists the team of journalists travelled to the southern region of Ethiopia.
There they found villages where whole communities are starving, having allegedly been denied basic food, seed and fertiliser for failing to support Prime Minister Meles Zenawi.
The investigation has also gathered evidence of mass detentions, the widespread use of torture and extra-judicial killings by Ethiopian government forces.
Yet Western donors including Britain – which is the third largest donor to Ethiopia – stand accused of turning a blind eye by continuing to provide aid money despite being warned about the abuses.
The aid in question is long-term development aid, not the emergency aid provided in response to the current drought in Ethiopia and its neighbours in the Horn of Africa.
Government response
Ambassador Abdirashid Dulane, the Deputy Head of Ethiopia’s UK Mission, has rejected the allegations saying that the Newsnight/Bureau report “lacked objectivity, even-handedness”.
“The sole source of the story was opponents of Ethiopia who have been rejected by the electorate, and time and again it has been shown that their allegations are unfounded”.
Our reporters visited one village in southern Ethiopia with a population of about 1,700 adults.
Despite being surrounded by other communities which are well fed and prosperous, this village, which cannot be named for fear of reprisals, is starving. We were told that in the two weeks prior to our team’s arrival five adults and 10 children had died.
Lying on the floor, too exhausted to stand, and flanked by her three-year-old son whose stomach is bloated by malnutrition, one woman described how her family had not eaten for four days.
“We are living day to day on the grace of God,” she said.
Another three-year-old boy lay in his grandmother’s lap, listless and barely moving as he stared into space.
“We are just waiting on the crop, if we have one meal a day we will survive until the harvest, beyond that there is no hope for us,” the grandmother said.
‘Abandoned’
In another village 30 km (19 miles) away it was a similar story.
There our team met Yenee, a widow who along with her seven children is surviving by begging, eating leaves and scavenging scraps from the bins in the nearest town.
“The situation is desperate,” she said. “We have been abandoned… It is a matter of chance if we live or die.”
The two villages sit just 15km (9 miles) either side of a major town, surrounded by other communities where the populations are well fed and healthy. They are in desperate need, but no-one is helping.
According to local opposition members they are being punished for failing to vote for the ruling party, the Ethiopian Peoples’ Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), which Mr Meles leads.
Further north a group of farmers alienated by Mr Meles’ government met the BBC/Bureau team at a secret location on the edge of a remote village.
One farmer described how he had been ostracised for failing to support EPRDF: “Because of our political views we face great intimidation. We are denied the right to fertiliser and seeds because of political ideology,” he said.
‘Buying support’
The Ethiopian federal and regional governments control the distribution of aid in Ethiopia.
Professor Beyene Petros, the current vice-chairman of the Ethiopian Federal Democratic Forum, an alliance of eight opposition parties known as Medrek, told our reporters that aid is not distributed according to need, but according to support for the EPRDF:
“Almost all of the aid goes through the government channels… in terms of relief food supply and some of the safety net provisions, they simply don’t get to the needy of an equitably basis.
“There is a great deal of political differentiation. People who support the ruling party, the EPRDF, and our members are treated differently. The motivation is buying support, that is how they recruit support, holding the population hostage,” he said.
Mr Beyene said that the international community, including the British government, is well aware of the problem and that he has personally presented them with evidence:
“The position of the donor communities is dismissive… they always want to dismiss it as an isolated incident when we present them with some proof. And we challenge them to go down and check it out for themselves, but they don’t do it.”
Accountability
The UK International Development Minister Stephen O’Brien issued a statement in response to the allegations raised by the investigation, saying:
“We take all allegations of human rights abuses extremely seriously and raise them immediately with the relevant authorities including the Ethiopian Government, with whom we have a candid relationship. Where there is evidence, we take firm and decisive action.
“The British aid programme helps the people of Ethiopia, 30 million of whom live in extreme poverty. We demand full accountability and maximum impact on the ground for support from the British taxpayer.”
The Bureau of Investigative Journalism and Newsnight also gathered evidence of a crackdown and human rights abuses in Ethiopia’s Somali region, the area bordering Somalia and Kenya, also know as the Ogaden region.
Ethnic Somali rebels from the outlawed Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) and Ethiopian government forces have been fighting for control of Ogaden since the 1970s.
The media and most aid agencies are banned from the region.
Ethiopia, one of the poorest countries of the world, is currently suffering from horrific drought.
Many of those fleeing the ensuing humanitarian crisis have headed to Dadaab refugee camp in northern Kenya.
It is the largest refugee camp in the world, and the vast majority of the 400,000 people there are from Somalia, but among them are an increasing number of Ethiopians from the Ogaden.
‘Revenge killings’
Abdifatah Arab Olad, an Ogaden community leader, told our reporters that up to 100 refugees are arriving every month with tales of killings and the burning of villages by government troops.
“Whenever fighting has taken place between the rebels and the army, for each army member that is killed, the military go to the nearest town and they start killing people,” he said. “For each army member killed it equals to 10 civilians losses.”
In the corner of a makeshift shack in the camp, an old woman who had arrived from Ogaden three weeks earlier described being arrested along with 100 others in her village.
She said they were taken to a jail where they were locked up in a shipping container, and picked out on a nightly basis to be tortured:
“They beat me then started to rape me; I screamed and fought with them… I tried to bite them… they tied me this way,” she said, gesturing to her legs.
“They raped me in a room, one of them was standing on my mouth, and one tied my hand, they were taking turns, I fainted during this… I can’t say how many, but they were many in the army,” she said.
‘Assaulted when pregnant’
Other women in the camp also said they had been arrested and accused of being members of the OLNF.
They included one who said that she was eight months pregnant when she was detained and raped by eight soldiers:
“They were beating me while I was being raped, I was bleeding,” she said, describing how one soldier stamped on her stomach and beat her with the stock of his rifle:
“I fell unconscious when I saw my baby… a man jumping on your stomach, you can imagine what happened to the child, very big kicks blows with the back of a gun. As a consequence of that the child died.”
We cannot substantiate these individual allegations. But other credible sources have reported similar stories of the widespread use of rape by Ethiopian security forces against women in the Ogaden.
Speaking on Newsnight, Ethiopia’s Ambassador Abdirashid Dulane said that the claims of rape and torture were a “rehash” of old allegations that the Ethiopian government had answered time and again.
“The Ethiopian government is governed by the rule of law, and human rights and democratic rights are enshrined in the Ethiopian constitution,” he said.
There are a lot of Ethiopians outside of their homeland. I have not seen a reliable statistics to tell us the real number, but there is no hiding from the fact that we have become a Nation that looks to outside to solve many of our pressing needs. Coffee, hides and lately cereals have been touted as the main export of our country since time {www:immemorial}. I have a feeling that is not correct anymore. Today human beings are the chief export of our country.
Like any {www:commodity} there are several ways people are exported. Coffee is exported raw or washed, classified into different grades or packaged various ways. It is the same with people. Some have higher education while a few are illiterate. The fortunate fly out while others walk or swim. Then there are those young so-called orphans sold out to the highest bidder.
Is the export of people good or bad? At first glance the natural reaction is to say there is nothing good about uprooting people from their natural habitat. It robs society of its precious resources. Missing the young and energetic is not a small matter to society. They are the future building blocks. There is also the problem of ‘brain drain’. Those that are blessed with that illusive and much wanted ‘fertile brain’ are always the first plucked by the rich West.
When it comes to our country export of people is a double-edged sword. It robs us of the services of our educated experts while at the same time the income they generate outside is returned back as remittances. The Diaspora has become the premier generator of wealth. Without remittances from the Diaspora our country would be more destitute if such thing is at all possible.
Why is the Diaspora so resourceful and so committed to helping its homeland is a good question? That is what I want to explore in this piece. That we are a special people is not an idle question. It is true and verifiable. Go to any big city all over the planet and you will see what I mean. There is an Ethiopian enclave wherever you go. We create a country inside a country. That is due to factors rooted in our history. We are suspicious of outsiders and it has been inoculated in us that we are the best. Whether true or not is not the issue. That we believe it is a fact is reflected in our behavior. We make sure we live in close proximity; we dine on Injera and wot day in and day out while pretending we can’t stand each other is part of our psychological makeup.
We are new at this game of outside migration. Before the fall of the Emperor the number of Ethiopians outside of their homeland was not significant at all. Higher education was the main reason for leaving the homeland. The vast majority returned home. The emergence of the Derg opened the floodgates. The TPLF minority junta made it into a business. It does not show any sign of slowing down. My question is it possible to make the Diaspora experience into a teachable experience?
I believe so. The Diaspora experience is a rich lesson that can be transferred into a positive asset to help our country and people. The vast majority leave their country empty handed with a one-way ticket out. It is definitely a frightening experience not knowing what lies ahead around the corner. Our lesson in independent living starts the first day away from home. By now it is clear that we are resourceful people and no amount of hurdle is a hindrance to the Abesha spirit residing in our DNA.
Do you ever wonder why we are so successful as immigrants but can qualify as a poster child for dysfunctional behavior when at home? I am not hating but it is difficult to escape that fact of life. We shine like a neon light as a Diaspora anywhere on planet Earth. No question about that.
The most crucial thing we learn is how to prioritize our needs. The first thing we secure is food and shelter. Be it a refugee center, a Red Cross-camp or the bare floor of a cousins apartment any place is acceptable until the next day. It usually takes a few days to get our orientation back and absorb knowledge from the early settlers. Then, we are up and running.
Our existence as the Diaspora is a varied as our Ethiopia. There is no profession we are not familiar with. It all depends on age, level of education, sex, and pure whim. One thing for sure is that we learn fast to be masters of our universe. As I said we choose many roads but we maintain certain things in common. We learn to value privacy. We learn fast that Independent living is not free. Some work, a few work and go to school while others concentrate on education. There is nothing like free choice.
We find out about budgeting and what it means to live within your means. The rent or mortgage has to be paid, utility cannot be skipped, insurance is a must and grocery is not an option. We learn how to plan to buy a house, a car or take a vacation. It is hard work but the reward is beyond imagination. There is nothing like standing on your own. We don’t stop there. The moment we feel secure we move heaven and earth to help each other. Brothers, sisters long lost relatives and even neighbors line up asking for a hand. Abeshas are generous people.
Do you see my problem here? How come the same resourceful people that roam the planet and succeed beyond expectations stink to high heaven in that real estate called Ethiopia? Is it possible those thousands of years of isolated living high up on our mountains have fortified our individualism? Do we function better alone rather than in-group setting? Is that why we are good at distance running but never succeed in soccer? Individually we excel whether in education, sports or business but put us in a venture that requires cooperation and working together and you know we are inviting trouble.
The life as a Diaspora is proof that we are up to the task when challenged and survival depends on ingenuity, clear-cut goals and personal rewards for job well done. That is what we can teach our people. As a Diaspora we have learned dreams and reality are two different animals. We deal with facts. Here are the lessons that I think we can share with our people.
· Life is about setting priority.
· We secure food and shelter first.
· We learn how to live within our means.
· We decide between education, work or both and don’t look back.
· We learn respect for others so they respect us back.
· We celebrate diversity and learn how to coexist with others.
· We learn not to shift responsibility or play the blame game.
· We discover how being an Ethiopian is a big deal and observe how much it is ingrained into us.
· We learn not to insult, demean or hate others.
· We learn the value of success and the meaning of sharing.
Don’t they all look so simple and easy? Apparently that is not the case. Our country is a perfect example of how to learn from negative experience. Don’t you wish our leaders had gone thru this growing process? They will learn to secure food and shelter first. They will not rent a house for five hundred dollars and install a thousand dollars security system. They will not buy an SUV while a little Toyota is what their budget allows. They will not marginalize a section of their population instead of inviting all to live under one big tent. They will learn how to save for a rainy day instead of scrambling to plug the leak as it pours. Most important of all they will learn not to look down at others because of some perceived inadequacy. They will learn to value and respect others not based their lineage, education, wealth or power but simply because they are human beings like us. When we start from that premise everything fits in place.
At a time when millions of our Somali brothers and sisters are facing hell on earth, millions of Ethiopians are surviving with less than one hundred calories a day don’t you think it is about time we reevaluate our current dysfunctional behavior? There is nothing wrong at reassessing our philosophy and outlook on life. It is never too late to change. We can start by being nice to each other, by listening to each other and looking at situations in a positive manner. This game of cultivating hate and magnifying differences is a dead end street. The lessons we are learning as a Diaspora has made us a better Ethiopian and decent human being. We never choose to settle away from our precious home but the experience has only enriched us and made us into a more tolerant and well-rounded person. Although we miss our home and people we have managed to contribute the lions share of helping our country.
Now if only those in charge will use the billions we send home to prioritize and spend the bounty in a meaningful manner. Now if only they will allocate resources to feed, shelter and educate our people in a rational manner. Now if only they spend our remittances on agriculture, technology and sustainable development. Now if only they will learn to respect us, bring us together and involve us in our affairs. The bottom line is we are not responsible for the behaviors of others but surely we can start by changing our selves and showing others how much cooperation is much superior than celebrating conflict. Remember Ezana, Tewodros, Abba Jifar, Tona, Ali Mirah, Worawo, Ginocho and other honorable ancestors are looking down at us, what do we tell them?
BRUSSELS (The Telegraph) — An investigation by the Bureau of Investigative Journalism and BBC Newsnight has found that as Ethiopia is hit by drought and famine, communities are being denied basic food, seed and fertiliser for failing to support Meles Zenawi, the country’s authoritarian leader.
Senior Brussels officials ignored 61 email warnings from its EU ambassador in Ethiopia about human rights abuses, evidence that European governments, including Britain, were prepared to turn a blind eye to repression in order to woo a key African ally.
The Bureau of Investigative Journalism investigation has also gathered evidence of continuing ethnic cleansing, mass detentions, the widespread use of torture and extra-judicial killings by Ethiopian government forces.
The Daily Telegraph understands that last summer the EU failed to condemn crack downs on opposition politicians and journalists in return for Ethiopian support in critical climate change negotiations in December 2009.
Ethiopia receives £1.8 billion in development aid every year, with Britain the second largest donor after the US.
This year the UK will hand out £290 million, not including the £48m in emergency aid announced last month, a 24-fold increase over the past decade. The EU provided a further £152m last year.
Leaked emails reveal that both the EU and Britain failed to act on confidential daily diplomatic telegrams from Timothy Clarke, the EU’s former ambassador in Ethiopia.
The emails were sent over three months in the days after elections in 2005 and express increasing concern about reports of murders and arrests of thousands of civilians by government forces.
“Basic human rights abuses are being committed by the government on a daily basis – the EU must respond firmly and resolutely,” he wrote on June 12 2005.
Despite the warnings, Brussels commended Ethiopian conduct of the elections a pattern that was mirrored in 2010 when the EU welcomed as “an important moment in the democratic process” a result that saw Zenawi’s regime won 99.6 per cent of the vote amid reports of widespread human rights abuses.
Ana Gomes, a Portuguese MEP who was the chief election observer for the EU during the 2005 Ethiopian elections, has accused European officials of “watering down all the most difficult passages” which detailed repression.
“There is this industry of aid not only in the European Commission but in the different member countries, namely those who are the biggest aid donors to Ethiopia, like Britain, like Germany who want the business to continue as usual because they have their own interests at stake,” she said.
A spokesman for the EU diplomatic service said: “Protection of human rights is a priority for the EU and it features prominently in our dialogue with all external partners. This also applies to the EU dialogue with Ethiopia, where we raise human rights issues regularly.”
According to a reliable source, Saudi billionaire Mohammed al-Amoudi is wanted for questioning by the United States authorities to investigate about possible links with questionable groups. It appears that al-Amoudi has not visited the United States in years. Ethiopian Review is looking into the veracity of this information. We encourage our readers with information to contact us on- or off-line.
Nongovernmental Organizations, NGOs, that can function outside direct control and supervision of the government is a potential asset to a democracy movement… [read more]
VOA is the Voice of America. It is emphatically not the VOZ (Voice of Zenawi) or anyone else. Thus spoke VOA Acting Director Steve Redisch responding to the firestorm of controversy surrounding revelations of a blacklist of critics drawn up by the über-dictator Meles Zenawi and presented to a delegation of the Governing Board of the VOA vitisitng Ethiopia:
We are the Voice of America and will continue to provide news and information that meet our highest standards… We’re not the voice of the opposition or the Diaspora or the government… Voice of America’s Horn of Africa service will not be shying away from reporting on Ethiopian politics… VOA will provide an array of voices and opinions to allow Ethiopians to make their own decisions about what to believe and who to trust. That is our job and the job of a free media….
This past June, Zenawi had secretly and stealthily attempted to both sweet-talk and arm-twist the VOA to do his dirty job of muzzling, silencing and censoring his critics by having them permanently banned from appearing on any VOA broadcasts. In a 41-page “complaint” (English translation) spanning the first five months of 2011, Zenawi catalogued a bizarre, incoherent and comical set of allegations which he believes represent a pattern and practice of VOA reporting that showed bias, distortions, lies, misrepresentation, intolerance, one-sidedness, unfairness, partiality, unethical and unprofessional journalism and whatever else. But Zenawi’s allegations, as demonstrated below, are wild, preposterous and unsupported by the very “evidence” he proffers. They could only be described as the figments of a paranoid imagination.
Examination of the “Evidence” in Zenawi’s “Complaint” to the VOA
Zenawi’s “complaint” is specifically directed at VOA’s Amharic program and clusters around three sets of issues.
The first set focuses on VOA interviews of various academics, human rights activists, opposition party leaders and other critics of Zenawi. Here is a sampling: Zenawi argues that former President and opposition leader Dr. Negasso Gidada should have been censored by the VOA for stating: “The method EPDRF is pursuing is the one used in the Soviet Union.” Opposition leader Dr. Hailu Araya should not have been interviewed because he said, “In an environment where political repression prevails, participating elections would be meaningless.” VOA should have banned opposition leader Dr. Berhanu Nega because he said, “So, what happened in North Africa would gradually but inevitably happen in other African countries because freedom is a basic need of all humans…” Opposition leader Seeye Abraha’s statement should not have been aired because he stated, “Regimes are being shaken through peaceful popular movements.” Opposition leader Dr. Merara Gudina’s interview should not have been broadcast because he said, “I made the point that clearing the parliament from oppositions is a step backward for democracy, which benefits no one.” Dr. Beyana Soba should not have been interviewed because he believes the “Oromo Liberation Front does not involve in any terrorist activity. We do not use this [terror] as a strategy in our struggle.”
Zenawi also wants a number of well-known Ethiopian academics blacklisted. Zenawi complains against professor Getachew Metaferia because he described the Egyptian uprising as a “manifestation of accumulated grievances” for “20 years of bad governance, absence of democracy, unemployment, high cost of living.” Prof. Getachew Haile should have been muzzled by the VOA because he believes “The driving force that motivates the people to seek change is the hunger prevailing in the country.” Prof. Ahmad Mowen should not have appeared on a VOA broadcast because he subscribes to the view that “All people are freedom lovers. Rulers must go in tune with peoples’ aspirations.”
Zenawi further wants the VOA to blackball certain Ethiopian journalists and human rights activities. The VOA should have avoided interviewing Eskinder Nega, the unapologetically patriotic and indomitable Ethiopian journalist, because Eskinder publicly stated that the “Deputy Federal Police Commissioner” had warned him: “We are tired of throwing you in prison; we won’t put you in jail any more. We will take our own measure.” Human rights activist Neamin Zeleke should have been banished from VOA microphones for saying: “The situation (Ethiopians are in) is even worse than the situation in which the people of Tunisia, Egypt and Libya are in.” Juhar Mohammed Juhar should have been censored because he said: “In Ethiopia dictator survived for 20 years now. Even German lawmaker Thilo Hoppe was not spared Zenawi’s censorship-mania. Hoppe should have been denied air time because he said, “The situation is bad [in Ethiopia]. It is also shocking. There must be a new round of talks on development cooperation between German and Ethiopia.”
Zenawi’s second set of complaints focus on what are alleged to be biased editorial comments or questions used by VOA reporters in interviewing various guests. Zenawi proffers as evidence of VOA distortion and bias a statement in one broadcast in which a reporter allegedly questioned, “And today the people of Jordan took to the streets, like the people of Egypt and Tunisia, demanding a change in government… Could it possibly inspire similar situation against other authoritarian regimes in Africa?” Another reporter is cited for distortion for allegedly stating, “Medrek has condemned what is said ‘a conspiracy’ carried out against its member organization Arena Tigray for Democracy and Sovereign Party.” Another reporter should have been sanctioned for stating, “The [Egyptian] Army has done a good job with the people in minimizing casualties among the people, preventing vandalism, and in maintaining the legality of the protests.” Zenawi alleges bias in an editorial comment which purportedly stated: “The prime minister has severely accused the Eritrean government… The prime minister has called for the spirit of cooperation to exist between the governments of the two countries.” A VOA reporter is blamed for observing: “The meeting that the Ethiopian government held last Saturday with Ethiopians and foreign citizens of Ethiopian origin in several U.S. states and two Canadian cities cannot be said successful.”
The third set of complaints is directed at VOA’s airing of listener comments. Among the targets of Zenawi’s complaint is an opinion by listener “Dibabu” from Texas who said, “the incumbent government in Ethiopia is as brutal and murderer as the Derg…” A comment by a listener from Ethiopia should have been censored because it stated, “It has become common knowledge that whenever the Ethiopian government, whenever it fails to meet challenges of the internal crises, it strives to divert he peoples’ attention by engaging in undue war of words with its immediate neighbors.”
No reasonable person would find any of the statements in the “complaint” legitimate subject matter of government censorship. The statements are typical of opinions and views expressed by individuals opposed to a particular regime or government. But there are a number of things that should be pointed out in regards to the content of the 41-page “complaint”. First, none of the allegations challenge the accuracy, truthfulness or veracity of the statements. Second, the “complaint” is directed at suppressing certain viewpoints and dissenting voices, particularly those who are critical of Zenawi’s policies and actions. Third, all of the statements complained of are expressions of opinion on the lack of oficial accountability and transparency in Ethiopia, disregard for the rule of law and abuse of power, violations of human rights and denial democratic rights to Ethiopian citizens. Fourth, the “complaint” is a thinly-veiled attempt to pressure the VOA into muzzling and blacklisting Zenawi’s critics in the U.S. The “complaint” could be viewed as an illegal attempt at a quid pro quo arrangement in the nature of an extortion, that is in exchange for VOA blackballing Zenawi’s critics, Zenawi will unjam VOA broadcasts in Ethiopia. Is it an attempted shakedown of an American government agency? Subjected to legal scrutiny under American law, the issues in the “complaint” raise significant questions and issues of criminal law since they are manifestly intended to interfere with the constitutional rights of American citizens and inhabitants. Fifth, all of the statements cited in the complaint are fully protected speech under American law, international human rights conventions and even the Ethiopian Constitution. Sixth, the “complaint” on its face, or by any other rational means shows nor proves a pattern or practice by the VOA to engage in biased, distorted or otherwise improper reporting on Zenawi or his regime. Seventh, the “complaint” is inane, irrational and nonsensical.
The “compliant” is itself evidence of Zenawi’s desperation and manifest exhaustion in the face of relentless and unremitting criticism by those who disagree with him. But cloistered in his bubble, he does not seem to understand why he is the object of sharp and universal criticism and condemnation. He has succeeded in totally decimating the independent press inside the country. Individual journalists who have the courage to speak their minds and tell the truth are nabbed in the street threatened, jailed and placed in solitary confinement. Just a couple of weeks ago, two young journalists, Woubshet Taye and Reeyot Alemu were imprisoned in violation of their human and constitutional rights. Zenawi steals elections. He trashes human rights and tramples on the rule of law. Zenawi may believe he is criticized and condemned because his critics and opponents bear him personal ill-will. That would be a grossly mistaken view. Reasonable, responsible, ethical and patriotic Ethiopians subscribe to the principle that “one should hate the sin and not the sinner.”
If You Can’t Stand the Heat, Get Out of the Kitchen
There are many valuable lessons to be learned from this sordid “complaint” affair. The VOA should learn that removing online programs, suspending employees for telling the truth, directing reporters not to take notes during meetings, delaying response until issues become critical and taking other acts that appear to be heavy-handed and create a climate of self-censorship are things that should not be repeated because they cast considerable doubt over the integrity and professionalism of the institution. For the VOA to come out and assert its independence and professional and institutional integrity and declare that it will perform its duties according to its legal mandates and ethical standards and is not beholden to any external entity or group is a very good thing as it inspires public confidence and trust.
For Ethiopians in the U.S., the principal lesson is that they have the legal mechanisms to hold the VOA accountable. Abebe Gelaw, the young Ethiopian journalist, was instrumental in exposing a number of things in this controversy including revelation of the 41-page “complaint.” Abebe is an example of what young Ethiopian journalists in Ethiopia could do as government watchdogs if they had press freedoms. He deserves high commendations. We all must learn that the VOA operates within a strict legal and professional environment. It is accountable to its statutory obligations and journalistic standards. We can play a positive role by making sure the VOA performs its mission and duties by the book.
The most important lesson is left for Zenawi: One can muzzle those with ideas by throwing them in jail, but not their ideas. The people who spoke their minds on the VOA broadcasts are vendors in the global marketplace of ideas. If their ideas are bought by the people of Ethiopia, there is no power in the universe that can stop them. Victor Hugo said, “Greater than the tread of mighty armies is an idea whose time has come.” The time for democracy in Ethiopia is now. Dictatorship is an idea that has no time or place in Ethiopia, Africa or the the modern world.
In 21st Century democratic politics, criticism, skepticism, denunciation, condemnation, denigration, vilification and disapprobation of politicians and self-appointed leaders are accepted facts of political life. This reality is incomprehensible only to those unwilling to face the naked truth about their evil ways.
Perhaps Zenawi craves praise, appreciation and adulation. He can easily get it, but he must do the right thing: Abide by the rule of law. The fact of the matter is that politics is a thankless job and those engaged in it should reasonably expect to get a whole lot more criticism and precious little appreciation and gratitude. President Obama, the “leader of the free world” is the target of withering daily criticism by those opposed to his policies and even challenge his citizenship and place of birth. Should the leader of the unfree world expect any less? You can’t stop criticism by information blackouts or by blacklisitng and blackballing critics. Criticism comes with the territory. Deal with it! If you can’t stand the heat, get out of the kitchen!
Previous commentaries by the author are available at: www.huffingtonpost.com/alemayehu-g-mariam/ and http://open.salon.com/blog/almariam/
